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Showing papers on "Emancipation published in 2015"


MonographDOI
30 Nov 2015
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors discuss psychology at work: Observation and regulation of alienated activity; Pathologising dissent: Exploitation isolated and ratified; Material interests: The manufacture of distress; Spiritless conditions: Regulating therapeutic alternatives; Professional empowerment: Good citizens; Historical, personal and political: Psychology and revolution; Commonsense: Psychological culture on the left.
Abstract: AcknowledgementsIntroduction 1 What is psychology? Meet the family 2 Psychology as ideology: Individualism explained 3 Psychology at work: Observation and regulation of alienated activity 4 Pathologising dissent: Exploitation isolated and ratified 5 Material interests: The manufacture of distress 6 Spiritless conditions: Regulating therapeutic alternatives 7 Professional empowerment: Good citizens 8 Historical, personal and political: Psychology and revolution 9 Commonsense: Psychological culture on the left10 Elements of opposition: Psychological struggles now11 Transitional demands: Taking on psychology 12 What next? Reading and resources Notes References Index

153 citations


Book
19 Jan 2015
TL;DR: The authors consider decolonization from the perspectives of Aime Cesaire (Martinique) and Leopold Sedar Senghor (Senegal) who, beginning in 1945, promoted self-determination without state sovereignty.
Abstract: Freedom Time reconsiders decolonization from the perspectives of Aime Cesaire (Martinique) and Leopold Sedar Senghor (Senegal) who, beginning in 1945, promoted self-determination without state sovereignty. As politicians, public intellectuals, and poets they struggled to transform imperial France into a democratic federation, with former colonies as autonomous members of a transcontinental polity. In so doing, they revitalized past but unrealized political projects and anticipated impossible futures by acting as if they had already arrived. Refusing to reduce colonial emancipation to national independence, they regarded decolonization as an opportunity to remake the world, reconcile peoples, and realize humanity’s potential. Emphasizing the link between politics and aesthetics, Gary Wilder reads Cesaire and Senghor as pragmatic utopians, situated humanists, and concrete cosmopolitans whose postwar insights can illuminate current debates about self-management, postnational politics, and planetary solidarity. Freedom Time invites scholars to decolonize intellectual history and globalize critical theory, to analyze the temporal dimensions of political life, and to question the territorialist assumptions of contemporary historiography.

121 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors explore the links between entrepreneurship, emancipation and gender within the international development arena through a longitudinal analysis of a microenterprise development project in which intermediary organizations contract traditional handicrafts from female home-based producers.
Abstract: This paper explores the links between entrepreneurship, emancipation and gender within the international development arena. Through a longitudinal analysis of a micro‐enterprise development project in which intermediary organizations contract traditional handicrafts from female home‐based producers, we focus on the impact of contracting policies on the ability of the desperately poor to improve their disadvantaged position. Our critical analysis reveals how intermediaries who impose exclusive contracting conditions, supposedly to protect the women's interests, actually constrain the emancipatory potential of the women's entrepreneurial activities. However, such contractual limitations generate collaborative networks enabling the women to challenge these constraints in an effort to assert control over their activities. Accordingly, this paper contributes to contemporary debates concerning the emancipatory potential of entrepreneurship within the context of development. We advance this analysis through a gendered evaluation of the role of intermediary organizations on entrepreneurial emancipation and related empowerment.

106 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The relationship between accounting, democracy and emancipation has been discussed in the literature as discussed by the authors, where the authors argue that accounting is a differentiated universal and emphasise the significance of an appreciation of accounting as contextually situated.
Abstract: Purpose – The purpose of this paper is to add to efforts to treat the relationship between accounting, democracy and emancipation more seriously, giving recognition to difference in this context. To open up space for emancipatory praxis vis-a-vis accounting, the authors articulate a delineation of accounting as a differentiated universal and emphasise the significance of an appreciation of accounting as contextually situated. The authors outline implications of a reading of new pragmatism for emancipatory praxis in relation to accounting that takes democracy and difference seriously. Design/methodology/approach – Critical and analytical argument reflecting upon previous literature in the humanities and social sciences (e.g. Laclau and Mouffe, 2001) and in accounting (e.g. Gallhofer and Haslam, 2003; Bebbington et al., 2007; Brown, 2009, 2010; Blackburn et al., 2014; Brown and Dillard, 2013a, b; Dillard and Yuthas, 2013) to consider further accounting’s alignment to an emancipatory praxis taking democracy ...

89 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: A response to a symposium in Dialectical Anthropology as mentioned in this paper on Marx at the Margins: Nationalism, Ethnicity, and Non-Western Societies is the most relevant to our work.
Abstract: Marx at the Margins: Response to Reviewers -- by Kevin Anderson [Author's last version of my response to a symposium in Dialectical Anthropology (published online spring 2015) on Marx at the Margins: Nationalism, Ethnicity, and Non- Western Societies. The symposium featured these essays: Aijaz Ahmad (India), Karl Marx, Global Theorist, David Norman Smith (USA), Prometheus Unchained, Marx's Abolitionism, Michal Buchowski (Poland), Marx for Poles, and Eamonn Slater (Ireland), Marx on Ireland and Its Dialectical Moments. In keeping with University of California's open access policy, I am putting this online now. The other essays may not yet be accessible by open access, but they have appeared in the online version of the journal are available through some libraries.] It is extremely gratifying to read four reviews of Marx at the Margins by noted Marx scholars who are also specialists in several of the major geographic areas taken up in the book, from India, to Ireland, to Poland and Russia, and lastly, to the U.S. Let me begin with David Norman Smith’s response, which links in a new way Marx’s conceptualization of the struggle against slavery and racism to that for the abolition of the wage system, and therefore of capitalism. As Smith writes, Marx was “an abolitionist in a dual sense. He called equally for the abolition of slavery and capitalism -- and in nearly identical terms.” From today’s vantage point, the first form of abolition sounds almost like a given and the second one visionary in the extreme. As Smith reminds us, however, in the nineteenth century, the abolition of slavery was also a deeply radical position. Both of these forms of abolition or emancipation seemed utopian in 1861, as the Civil War in the U.S. began around narrow questions of preserving or shattering the Union, and whether slavery would be maintained as is or allowed to expand into new territories that would become states. But as Marx argued as early as 1861, and Smith notes, the total abolition of slavery would be pushed to the forefront by the logic of events. It certainly was, as was the incorporation of Black volunteers into the armies of the North, and the granting of full citizenship rights to the former slaves. To be sure, the abolition of slavery in early 1865 without compensation to the slaveowners constituted a vast expropriation of capitalist private property, here in contrast to the British emancipation, which richly compensated the slaveowning class at public expense. But an equally momentous change at the economic level was only posed rather than enacted, one that would have gone much further, the breakup of the old slave plantations and the ceding of substantial plots of land (forty acres and a mule) to the newly emancipated and enfranchised former slaves. As Smith also shows, the very language of abolition also permeated the way in which Marx formulated the ultimate goal of the workers’ movement, whether as abolition of class rule, of the wage system, or of the rule of capital itself. Similarly to the struggle against slavery, the workers’ struggle for a better life would, as Marx saw it, be forced by the logic of events not to stop at the raising of wages or the shortening of the workweek, and to move on to the abolition of class rule, of the wage system, and of capitalism itself. Thus, as Smith notes, Marx’s 1871 pamphlet about the Paris Commune, written in English, alludes to the U.S. Civil War in its very title, “The Civil War in France.” There, Marx intoned that the Paris Commune, with its decentralized form of government and with its abolition – that word again – of the standing army and the police in favor of an armed and self-organized citizenry, had approached the horizon of communism. It was nothing short of – again that word “emancipation” – “the political form at last discovered under which to work out the economical emancipation of Labour” ([1871] 1986, p. 334). Michal Buchowski’s response treats of another type of emancipation, national emancipation. Opposition to nationalism has come to the fore of late within progressive and critical thought, whether as opposition to U.S. or other imperialist forms of

68 citations


BookDOI
22 Dec 2015
TL;DR: The Breasts of Columbus: A Political Anatomy of Postcolonialism and Feminist Religious Discourse, Laura E Donaldson Unbinding Our Feet: Saving Brown Women and Feminist religious Discourse as discussed by the authors, Kwok Pui-lan Sartorial Fabrications: Enlightenment and Western Feminism.
Abstract: Acknowledgements List of Contributors Introduction Part One Challenging Feminist Religious Discourse The Breasts of Columbus: A Political Anatomy of Postcolonialism and Feminist Religious Discourse, Laura E Donaldson Unbinding Our Feet: Saving Brown Women and Feminist Religious Discourse, Kwok Pui-lan Sartorial Fabrications: Enlightenment and Western Feminism, Meyda Yeyenoylu Postcoloniality, Feminist Spaces, and Religion, Musa W. Dube Part Two: Rethinking Texts and Translations The Prostitutes Gold: Women, Religion, and Sanskrit in One Corner of India, Laurie L. Patton Multiple Critique: Islamic Feminist Rhetorical Strategies, Miriam Cooke Letting Go of Liberalism: Feminism and the Emancipation of the Jews, Laura Levitt Body, Representation, and Blck Religious Discourse, M.Shawn Copeland Selected Biblography

55 citations


Book
21 May 2015
TL;DR: In this paper, Aisha Finch showed how organized slave resistance became critical to the unraveling not only of slavery but also of colonial systems of power during the nineteenth century, while acknowledging the role of foreign abolitionists and white creoles in broader history of emancipation.
Abstract: Envisioning La Escalera--an underground rebel movement largely composed of Africans living on farms and plantations in rural western Cuba--in the larger context of the long emancipation struggle in Cuba, Aisha Finch demonstrates how organized slave resistance became critical to the unraveling not only of slavery but also of colonial systems of power during the nineteenth century. While the discovery of La Escalera unleashed a reign of terror by the Spanish colonial powers in which hundreds of enslaved people were tortured, tried, and executed, Finch revises historiographical conceptions of the movement as a fiction conveniently invented by the Spanish government in order to target anticolonial activities. Connecting the political agitation stirred up by free people of color in the urban centers to the slave rebellions that rocked the countryside, Finch shows how the rural plantation was connected to a much larger conspiratorial world outside the agrarian sector. While acknowledging the role of foreign abolitionists and white creoles in the broader history of emancipation, Finch teases apart the organization, leadership, and effectiveness of the black insurgents in midcentury dissident mobilizations that emerged across western Cuba, presenting compelling evidence that black women played a particularly critical role.

49 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, a deconstruction of theories and practices built on the foundations of scientific, economic, technological and political modern rationality, inscribed in national and international institutions of the globalized world and rooted in the life-worlds of the people, to establish new socio-environmental relations.
Abstract: Political ecology is the disciplinary and political field regarding the encountering of different rationalities for the social appropriation of nature and the construction of a sustainable future. This historical purpose demands the deconstruction of theories and practices built on the foundations of scientific, economic, technological and political modern rationality, inscribed in national and international institutions of the globalized world and rooted in the life-worlds of the people, to establish new socio-environmental relations. Political ecology operates this deconstruction not only in theory, but through emancipation practices of those people engaged in struggles for the reinvention of their identities and the re-appropriation of their bio-cultural territories. Environmental rationality deconstructs the economic rationality by constructing an eco-technological-cultural paradigm of production founded on the principle of negentropic productivity . The conditions of life of diverse cultures, registered on people’s imaginaries and practices, reemerge today in the re-signification and re-affirmation of cultural identities in their struggles for the re-appropriation of nature and re-territorialization of their life-worlds.

47 citations


MonographDOI
01 Jan 2015
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors discuss the political limits of desecuritization of security, arms trade, and the EU's economic target in a post-Mao China context.
Abstract: Preface 1. Legitimacy and the "Logic" of Security, Thierry Balzacq Part I: Resistance Editor's Introduction 2. Security and Surveillance Contests: Resistance and Counter-Resistance, Gary T. Marx 3. Contesting and Resisting Security in Post-Mao China, Juha A. Vuori 4. Poking Holes and Spreading Cracks in the Wall: Resistance to National Security Policies Under Bush, Florent Blanc Part II: Desecuritization Editor's Introduction 6. Security as Universality? The Roma Contesting Security in Europe, Claudia Aradau 7. The Political Limits of Desecuritization: Security, Arms Trade, and the EU's Economic Target, Thierry Balzacq, Sara Depauw and Sarah Leonard 8. Just and Unjust Desecuritizations, Rita Floyd Part III: Emancipation Editor's Introduction 9.Emancipation and the Reality of Security: A Reconstructive Agenda, Joao Nunes 10. Contesting Border Security: Emancipation and Asylum in the Australian Context, Matt McDonald Part IV: Resilience Editor's Introduction 11. Resiliencism and Security Studies: Initiating a Dialogue, Philippe Bourbeau 12. Resilience as Standard: Risks, Hazards and Threats, Peter Rogers 13. Pandemics as Staging Grounds for Resilient World Order: SARS, Avian Flu, and the Evolving Forms of Secure Political Solidarity, Mika Aaltola Conclusion, Lene Hansen

44 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, a non-identitarian, non-ichotomous, and emancipatory theory of affective politics is proposed, based on Ranciere's theory of the political.
Abstract: Currently, affect and emotions are a widely discussed political topic. At least since the early 1990s, different disciplines—from the social sciences and humanities to science and technoscience—have increasingly engaged in studying and conceptualizing affect, emotion, feeling, and sensation, evoking yet another turn that is frequently framed as the “affective turn.” Within queer feminist affect theory, two positions have emerged: following Eve Kosofsky Sedgwick's well‐known critique, there are either more “paranoid” or more “reparative” approaches toward affect. Whereas the latter emphasize the potentialities of affect, the former argue that one should question the mere idea of affect as liberation and promise. Here, I suggest moving beyond a critique or celebration of affect by embracing the political ambivalence of affect. For this queer feminist theorizing of affective politics, I adapt Jacques Ranciere's theory of the political and particularly his understanding of emancipation. Ranciere takes emancipation into account without, however, uncritically endorsing or celebrating a politics of liberation. I draw on his famous idea of the “distribution of the sensible” and reframe it as the “distribution of emotions,” by which I develop a multilayered approach toward a nonidentitarian, nondichotomous, and emancipatory queer feminist theory of affective politics.

44 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, a debate between two theorists who work with the concept of post-liberalism is presented, where the authors stake out their very different claims as to whether or not postliberal approaches challenge neoliberal understandings sufficiently to create new conditions for emancipa- tion or merely maintain governmentality.
Abstract: This article takes the form of a debate between two theorists who work with the concept of postliberalism. Following an introduction reflecting upon what is at stake in this debate, each contribution is organised in three sections. Firstly, as an opening gambit, both authors outline their basic understanding of the concept of postliberalism. Secondly, the authors stake out their very different claims as to whether or not postliberal approaches challenge neoliberal understandings sufficiently to create new conditions for emancipa- tion or merely maintain governmentality. In the respective final sections of their con- tributions, the authors clarify the workings of postliberal approaches in policy practice.


Book
04 Jan 2015
TL;DR: Melber et al. as mentioned in this paper analyzed the transformation of Namibian society since independence and compared the narrative of a post-colonial patriotic history with the socioeconomic and political realities of the nation-building project.
Abstract: Since independence in 1990, Namibia has witnessed only one generation with no memory of colonialism - the 'born frees', who voted in the 2009 elections. The anti-colonial liberation movement, SWAPO, dominates the political scene, effectively making Namibia a de facto one-party state dominated by the first 'struggle generation'. While those in power declare their support for a free, fair, and just society, the limits to liberation are such that emancipation from foreign rule has only been partially achieved. Despite its natural resources Namibia is among the world's most unequal societies and indicators of wellbeing have not markedly improved for many among the former colonised majority, despite a constitution enshrining human rights, social equality, and individual liberty. This book analyses the transformation of Namibian society since independence. Melber explores the achievements and failures and contrasts the narrative of a post-colonial patriotic history with the socio-economic and political realities of the nation-building project.He also investigates whether, notwithstanding the relative stability prevailing to date, the negotiation of controlled change during Namibia's decolonisation could have achieved more than simply a change of those in control.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The authors explored the impact of reform on rebellion with a new data set on peasant disturbances in 19th-century Russia using a difference-in-differences design that exploits the timing of various peasant reforms and found that reform-related disturbances were most pronounced in provinces where commune organization facilitated collective action and fertile soil provoked contestation over land.
Abstract: Contemporary models of political economy suggest that reforms intended to reduce grievances should curtail unrest, a perspective at odds with many traditional accounts of reform and rebellion. We explore the impact of reform on rebellion with a new data set on peasant disturbances in 19th-century Russia. Using a difference-in-differences design that exploits the timing of various peasant reforms, we document a large increase in disturbances among former serfs following the Emancipation Reform of 1861, a development counter to reformers’ intent. Our analysis suggests that this outcome was driven by peasants’ disappointment with the reform’s design and implementation—the consequence of elite capture in the context of a generally weak state—and heightened expectations of what could be achieved through coordinated action. Reform-related disturbances were most pronounced in provinces where commune organization facilitated collective action and where fertile soil provoked contestation over land.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: Prewitt et al. as mentioned in this paper conducted an interdisciplinary community-based historic archeological study of the Ransom Williams farmstead from 2005 through 2011 and recovered more than 26,000 artifacts.
Abstract: In conjunction with the proposed construction of the southwest segment of State Highway 45 in southern Travis County, the Texas Department of Transportation sponsored archeological testing and data recovery efforts at the Ransom Williams farmstead. Prewitt and Associates, Inc., conducted an interdisciplinary community-based historic archeological study of the farmstead from 2005 through 2011. Extensive archival research reveals that the 45-acre farm was owned and occupied by Ransom Williams and his wife Sarah, both former slaves, from about 1871 to ca. 1905. The Williams family lived in the predominantly white rural community of Bear Creek, but they had connections to the nearby freedmen communities of Antioch Colony in northern Hays County and Manchaca in southern Travis County. The stories of the Ransom Williams family and their connections to these communities are enhanced by extensive oral history research, with over 46 hours of taped and transcribed interviews with 27 descendant community members. Data recovery investigations focused on a landscape archeological study to define the layout and design of the entire farmstead, including a stock pond and a network of dry-laid rock walls that facilitated water drainage, demarcated property boundaries, and formed livestock pens. Intensive hand excavations were used to examine features associated with the Williams house, outbuildings and activity areas, and a large trash midden. This work recovered more than 26,000 artifacts. They constitute an impressive material culture assemblage that is associated, with few exceptions, with the Williams family tenure on the land. The combined archival data, oral history interviews, and archeological evidence tell the fascinating story of how one African American farm family lived and thrived in central Texas during Reconstruction and into the Jim Crow era.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The authors argue that a negativistic conception of emancipation offers the best way for feminist critical theory to transform the paradox of power and emancipation into a productive tension that can fuel critique.
Abstract: Feminist theory needs both explanatory‐diagnostic and anticipatory‐utopian moments in order to be truly critical and truly feminist. However, the explanatory‐diagnostic task of analyzing the workings of gendered power relations in all of their depth and complexity seems to undercut the very possibility of emancipation on which the anticipatory‐utopian task relies. In this paper, I take this looming paradox as an invitation to rethink our understanding of emancipation and its relation to the anticipatory‐utopian dimensions of critique, asking what conception of emancipation is compatible with a complex explanatory‐diagnostic analysis of contemporary gender domination as it is intertwined and entangled with race, class, sexuality, and empire. I explore this question through an analysis of two specific debates in which the paradoxical relationship between power and emancipation emerges in particularly salient and seemingly intractable forms: debates over subjection and modernity. Drawing on the work of Michel Foucault, I argue that a negativistic conception of emancipation offers the best way for feminist critical theory to transform the paradox of power and emancipation into a productive tension that can fuel critique.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, the authors argue that radical planning, by pursuing a politics of difference, may end up enacting a world in which identities are essentialised and roles forcefully allocated, and they call modes of technification the specific and differentiated strategies by which these collectives become technical entities.
Abstract: This article questions radical planning’s insistence on an ontological distinction between lay and expert knowledge. Drawing on an in-depth analysis of citizen collectives in Santiago, Chile, I explain how citizen organisations, in their quest for political recognition and emancipation, embrace rationalistic, bureaucratic, formal and instrumental knowledge and tactics. Utilising insights from Science and Technology Studies, I call modes of technification the specific and differentiated strategies by which these collectives become technical entities. Three of these modes are described: the organisational, epistemic and generative modes. The larger claim is that radical planning, by pursuing a politics of difference, may end up enacting a world in which identities are essentialised and roles forcefully allocated.

01 Jan 2015
TL;DR: Melish argues that the meaning of gradual emancipation is best seen in terms of two interrelated narratives, one that came to dominate accounts of slavery's end in the North, and another notable for its near total absence.
Abstract: Disowning Slavery: Gradual Emancipation and "Race" in New England, 1780-1860. By Joanne Pope Melish. (Ithaca, N.Y., and London: Cornell University Press, c. 1998. Pp. xx, 296. $35.00, ISBN 0-8014-3413-0.) In this ambitious and often compelling study, Joanne Pope Melish seeks to explore in detail, and then to reconfigure, our sense of the meaning of "gradual" emancipation in New England between 1780 and the Civil War. Working with a wide field of sources--from the mundane private transactions recorded in court records to the splashy come-ons of theatrical broadsides--she portrays the consequences of the end of slavery there as far more pernicious than we have been satisfied to think. Melish aims to show that the New England emancipation of African Americans was not so much the end of slavery as the creation of a deep racialist vision and, concurrently, an elaborate fiction about "free" New England that would fuel sectional debate to 1860. Melish argues in particular that the meaning of gradual emancipation is best seen in terms of two interrelated narratives, one that came to dominate accounts of slavery's end in the North, and another notable for its near total absence. The latter missing story is the story of how deeply embedded African American slavery was in the society and economy of early New England. As legal slavery faded from the social scene in New England in the mid-1820s, southern slavery emerged into a critical glare as never before. This coincidence drove the history of New England slavery out of the national debate, thus also effacing much of the history of New England African Americans, to the point where they themselves did not grasp the importance of their past. The other story, the one told instead, was of a perennially free New England, cradle of American liberty, and fortress against the increasingly evil South. Some of the ground Melish covers is familiar, such as the racial discrimination in political and economic life that constricted African Americans' citizenship. But most of her concerns in this broadly conceived book--the biological construction of African American bodies by white physicians, for example, and the striking images of racial role-reversal in drama, art, and literature--are freshly seen and compellingly interpreted in ways that broaden our understanding of how deep and yet problematic was the bond between racialist ideology and the twin images of free New England and slave South. …

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: Risk communication is an emergent field which arises within the necessity of researching what kind of information requires public opinion in circumstances of danger, crises or catastrophe as mentioned in this paper, which constitutes an unexplored front of social struggle for emancipation for both institutions and organizations as well as for the publics that shape their everyday lives around perceived risk, potential danger, and emotional fears in a growing media-saturated environment.
Abstract: Risk Communication is an emergent field which arises within the necessity of researching what kind of information requires public opinion in circumstances of danger, crises or catastrophe. The formation of spirals of fear constitutes an unexplored front of social struggle for emancipation for both institutions and organizations as well as for the publics that shape their everyday lives around perceived risk, potential danger, and emotional fears in a growing media-saturated environment.


Posted Content
TL;DR: This paper argued that the value ascribed to Jewish nationality is not simply a matter of Jew versus non-Jew, but instead reflects a European order that reproduces and embodies the exclusionary and orientalist tropes that produced anti-Semitism in Europe.
Abstract: This essay seeks to read Whiteness as Property onto contemporary Israel by demonstrating that the value ascribed to Jewish nationality is not simply a matter of Jew versus non-Jew. Instead, Whiteness reflects a European order that reproduces and embodies the exclusionary and orientalist tropes that produced anti-Semitism in Europe. The State continues to apply those tropes to Mizrahim, Jews of Middle Eastern origin. Mizrahim are the objects of Zionism’s modernization project, which necessitates a violent bifurcation of their Arab and Jewish identity on the one hand, and the imposition of a singular European history that effectively marginalizes them on the other. Once consolidated within an ethno-nationality mythology of a European Jewish national, the project of nation building completely excludes the Palestinian who, like the Eastern Jew, is uncivilized, but unlike her, is ineligible for rehabilitation. Instead, the Palestinian must be removed, diminished, and contained geographically, politically, and socially. Law facilitates this process as it dispossess and displaces the Palestinian and simultaneously imbues Jewish nationality with a coveted value, one that mirrors European Enlightenment ideals of civilization and the superiority of Whiteness. Settler-decolonization is necessary for Palestinian self-determination and has the potential to achieve Jewish emancipation beyond the state.

Book
19 Nov 2015
TL;DR: Aland et al. as discussed by the authors described a Landscape that continuously recurring in passing: The Many Worlds of a Small Place 21 2. "Me No B'longs to Dem": Emancipation's Possibilities and Limits in Antigua's 1831 Sunday Market Rebellion 57 3. But Freedom till Better: Labor Struggles after 1834 84 4. An Equality with the Highest in the Land?: The Expansion of Black Private and Public Life 117 5. Sinful Conexions: Christianity, Social Surveillance, and Black Women's Bodies in Distress 142
Abstract: Illustrations ix Acknowledgments xiii Introduction. "Me No B'longs to Dem": Emancipation's Possibilities and Limits in Antigua 1 1. A Landscape That Continually Recurred in Passing: The Many Worlds of a Small Place 21 2. So Them Make Laws for Negro, So Them Make Law for Master: Antigua's 1831 Sunday Market Rebellion 57 3. But Freedom till Better: Labor Struggles after 1834 84 4. An Equality with the Highest in the Land?: The Expansion of Black Private and Public Life 117 5. Sinful Conexions: Christianity, Social Surveillance, and Black Women's Bodies in Distress 142 6. Mashing Ants: Surviving the Economic Crisis after 1846 167 7. Our Side: Antigua's 1858 Uprising and the Contingent Nature of Freedom 195 8. "My Color Broke Me Down": Postslavery Violence and Incomplete Freedom in the British Caribbean 224 Notes 233 Bibliography 287 Index 309


Book
16 Oct 2015
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors explore dialogue and learning in theory, practice and praxis across a spectrum of lifelong education contexts and develop and illustrate the innovative concepts of dialogic space, boundary learning and diacognition.
Abstract: This book explores dialogue and learning in theory, practice and praxis across a spectrum of lifelong education contexts. It develops a philosophical basis by examining the lives, works and dialogic traditions of four key thinkers: Socrates, Martin Buber, Mikhail Bakhtin and Paulo Freire. It then examines dialogue and learning in contexts ranging from early childhood development to adult, community and higher education. In doing so, it develops and illustrates the innovative concepts of dialogic space, boundary learning and diacognition. It has a specific focus on learners and learning in contexts of oppression and marginality, and with a view to personal and social emancipation. It is located in an African context, specifically South Africa, although its resonance is both local and global.

Journal ArticleDOI
Ali Bilgic1
TL;DR: In this article, the authors conceptualize "emancipatory power" and use it to tailor collective power based on trust in a "moment" of emancipation, which is illustrated by references to the protests in Cairo's Tahrir Square.
Abstract: The objective of emancipatory security theory is to examine the insecurities of individuals and social groups that stem from oppressive power processes, relations, and structures. However, the image of power in emancipatory security studies does not correspond to such a normative and analytical motivation. This renders the theory susceptible to substantial criticism on the grounds of inadequate analysis of resisting individuals as agents of security in their own localities. To address this issue, the present article conceptualizes ‘emancipatory power’. In this exercise, Hannah Arendt’s understanding of power, enriched by Judith Butler’s concept of performativity and feminist insights, will be used as the theoretical foundation to tailor collective power based on trust in a ‘moment’ of emancipation. Collective power will be illustrated by references to the protests in Cairo’s Tahrir Square in 2011.


BookDOI
22 May 2015
TL;DR: Little et al. as mentioned in this paper studied the role of age in early America's political culture and found that age and equal citizenship in the United States were two of the most important issues in early American political life.
Abstract: Contents Part I. Age in Early America 1. "Keep Me with You, So That I Might Not Be Damned": Age and Captivity in Colonial Borderlands Warfare 23 Ann M. Little 2. "Beyond the Time of White Children": African American Emancipation, Age, and Ascribed Neoteny in Early National Pennsylvania 47 Sharon Braslaw Sundue Part II. Age in the Long Nineteenth Century 3. "If You Have the Right to Vote at 21 Years, Then I Have": Age and Equal Citizenship in the Nineteenth-Century United States 69 Corinne T. Field 4. A Birthday Like None Other: Turning Twenty-One in the Age of Popular Politics 86 Jon Grinspan 5. Statutory Marriage Ages and the Gendered Construction of Adulthood in the Nineteenth Century 103 Nicholas L. Syrett 6. From Family Bibles to Birth Certificates: Young People, Proof of Age, and American Political Cultures, 1820-1915 124 Shane Landrum 7. "Rendered More Useful": Child Labor and Age Consciousness in the Long Nineteenth Century 148 James D. Schmidt 8. "A Day Too Late": Age, Immigration Quotas, and Racial Exclusion 166

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: Desjardins et al. as discussed by the authors focused on the theme of education and social transformation, a theme which is strongly inter-linked with the big question of What is Learning for? and Learning to Be (theme of issue 2 in volume 50).
Abstract: Education and Social Transformation Richard Desjardins This is the pre-peer reviewed version of the following article: Desjardins, R. (2015). Education and Social Transformation, European Journal of Education, vol. 50, no. 3., pp. 239-244. In keeping with the overall design and concept of our special 50 th anniversary volume, this issue focuses on the theme of Education and Social Transformation – a theme which is strongly inter- linked with the big question of What is Learning for? (theme of issue 1 in volume 50) and Learning to Be (theme of issue 2 in volume 50). It is also a theme that was directly inspired by the Learning to Live Together pillar in the famous 1996 UNESCO report on lifelong learning, produced by a commission headed by Jacques Delors, which included among its members our current chair of this journal’s editorial board (Roberto Carneiro). Educational systems contain both transformative and reproductive elements. The balance and tensions between these has varied extensively over time and continues to vary across countries and the world’s region. Ideally, education would reproduce the “good” and transform the “bad”, but “good” and “bad” are value based and inherently political in nature. Accordingly, the prevailing form of governance and the nature of power relations, as reflected in the dominant socio-cultural and socio-political institutions in a given context, profoundly condition the balance and tensions between these elements. To reiterate from my contribution in the last issue (Desjardins, 2015), there is little doubt that education has played a crucial role in transforming societies. In OECD countries, it has played a central role in the modernisation process – where modernisation is defined as moving from ‘traditional values’ to ‘secular-rational values’, and from ‘survival values’ to ‘self-expression values’, as defined by Inglehart and Welzel (2010). Inglehart and Welzel also point out with evidence from the World Values Survey that ‘secular-rational values’ which correlate with ‘self- expression values’ tend to be observed in countries with large portions of the population who have studied ‘emancipative type’ philosophies as well as empirically-based science at universities, but especially when this has been in countries which also experienced ‘emancipative type’ political developments (e.g. social democracy). It is thus not just education per se, but the socio-cultural and socio-political contexts in which education is delivered that matter for the transformation of society in ways that are consistent with notions of social justice. For example, in Western democratic societies, the emancipation of individuals as well as of collectives is a key aspect undergirding prevailing notions of social justice, both in terms of conscientization (Freire, 2005), and the extent of freedom that people are capable of reaching so as to identify and pursue what it is that matters to them (Sen, 2009). It is easy to see that education has the potential to foster this kind of emancipation, but as social science has consistently revealed over the last 50 years, this is in no way a straightforward or a ‘to be taken for granted’ process (e.g. Bourdieu and Passeron, 1970).

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TL;DR: In this article, the authors offer an alternative reading of the history of feminism in Yugoslavia and its successor states, relying on the concept of citizenship Assuming that one could differentiate between three different citizenship regimes, the first framed by the socialist self-management state, the second by the nation-building processes and violent disintegration of the former state, and the last one by post-socialist, post-conflict transitional circumstances, they explore their impact on an uneven development of gender regimes and feminist activism.
Abstract: Synopsis This paper aims to offer an alternative reading of the history of feminism in Yugoslavia and its successor states, relying on the concept of citizenship Assuming that one could differentiate between three different citizenship regimes – the first framed by the socialist self-management state, the second by the nation-building processes and violent disintegration of the former state, and the last one by post-socialist, post-conflict transitional circumstances – the paper explores their impact on an uneven development of gender regimes and feminist activism Seen as the model instance of activist citizenship, feminist activism is presented through three different phases in order to show how they, as well as the frameworks of their interpretation, change, changing also the meaning of feminism as a political force

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TL;DR: The authors proposes to overcome the narratives of disaggregation by interpreting post-war history as a gradual transformation from the ideals and practices of heavy communities to those of light communities in the domains of politics, civil society and religion.
Abstract: The term "depillarization" ("ontzuiling") emerged in the Netherlands during the 1970s to proclaim the end of a society dominated by "pillarization" ("verzuiling"). In breaking away from the past, a groundbreaking renewal of religious and civic life through secularization and individualization was proclaimed or deplored. As hopes of an emancipation from the past subsided in the face of a considerable continuity, depillarization became a narrative of loss and frustration. This article shows how metaphors of disaggregation such as depillarization have produced an inability to conceptualize contemporary society, accompanied by a distortion of the past as the "other" of the present. It demonstrates how such metaphors may become dominant through their ability to incorporate competing visions of social order and the integration of scholarly and popular discourse. In conclusion, this article proposes to overcome the narratives of disaggregation by interpreting post-war history as a gradual transformation from the ideals and practices of heavy communities to those of light communities in the domains of politics, civil society and religion.