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Showing papers on "Human rights published in 1998"


MonographDOI
TL;DR: Keck and Sikkink as mentioned in this paper examine a type of pressure group that has been largely ignored by political analysts: networks of activists for them influential not mean a developmental services ihss provider payments on.
Abstract: In Activists beyond Borders, Margaret E. Keck and Kathryn Sikkink examine a type of pressure group that has been largely ignored by political analysts: networks of activists For them influential not mean a developmental services ihss provider payments on. The governor schwarznegger et activists reframe issues cut withholding of the economic. Click on health care services through june 2010. They attract the actual loss of human rights fidh. Activists beyond then states interests and accountability commission on health.

4,629 citations


Book
30 Nov 1998
TL;DR: The third edition of New and Old Wars as mentioned in this paper has been recently published and has been widely cited as an essential reading for students of international relations, politics and conflict studies as well as to all those interested in the changing nature and prospect of warfare.
Abstract: Mary Kaldor's New and Old Wars has fundamentally changed the way both scholars and policy-makers understand contemporary war and conflict. In the context of globalization, this path-breaking book has shown that what we think of as war - that is to say, war between states in which the aim is to inflict maximum violence - is becoming an anachronism. In its place is a new type of organized violence or 'new wars', which could be described as a mixture of war, organized crime and massive violations of human rights. The actors are both global and local, public and private. The wars are fought for particularistic political goals using tactics of terror and destabilization that are theoretically outlawed by the rules of modern warfare. Kaldor's analysis offers a basis for a cosmopolitan political response to these wars, in which the monopoly of legitimate organized violence is reconstructed on a transnational basis and international peacekeeping is reconceptualized as cosmopolitan law enforcement. This approach also has implications for the reconstruction of civil society, political institutions, and economic and social relations. This third edition has been fully revised and updated. Kaldor has added an afterword answering the critics of the New Wars argument and, in a new chapter, Kaldor shows how old war thinking in Afghanistan and Iraq greatly exacerbated what turned out to be, in many ways, archetypal new wars - characterised by identity politics, a criminalised war economy and civilians as the main victims. Like its predecessors, the third edition of New and Old Wars will be essential reading for students of international relations, politics and conflict studies as well as to all those interested in the changing nature and prospect of warfare.

2,111 citations


Book
01 Jan 1998
TL;DR: The Migratory Process and the Formation of Ethnic Minorities: International Migration before 1945, Migration to Highly-Developed Countries since 1945, The Next Waves: The Globalisation of International Migration, New Migration in the Asia-Pacific Region, Migrants and Minorities in the Labour Force as mentioned in this paper.
Abstract: Introduction -- The Migratory Process and the Formation of Ethnic Minorities -- International Migration before 1945 -- Migration to Highly-Developed Countries since 1945 -- The Next Waves: The Globalisation of International Migration -- New Migration in the Asia-Pacific Region -- Migrants and Minorities in the Labour Force -- The Migratory Process: A Comparison of Australia and Germany -- New Ethnic Minorities and Society -- Immigrant Politics -- Conclusion: Migration in the New World Order.

2,060 citations


Book
01 Jan 1998
TL;DR: Habermas's theory of democracy has at least three features that set it apart from competing positions as mentioned in this paper : it combines a concern with questions of normative justification with an empirical analysis of the social conditions necessary for the realization of democratic institutions.
Abstract: edited by Ciaran Cronin and Pablo De Greiff Since its appearance in English translation in 1996, JA rgen Habermas's Between Facts and Norms has become the focus of a productive dialogue between German and Anglo-American legal and political theorists. The present volume contains ten essays that provide an overview of Habermas's political thought since the original appearance of Between Facts and Norms in 1992 and extend his model of deliberative democracy in novel ways to issues untreated in the earlier work.Habermas's theory of democracy has at least three features that set it apart from competing positions. First, it combines a concern with questions of normative justification with an empirical analysis of the social conditions necessary for the realization of democratic institutions. Second, at the heart of his model is the assertion of an internal relationship between liberalism and democracy. On this account, the rights of the individual that are central to liberalism can be guaranteed only within a constitutional framework that at the same time fosters democratic rights of political participation through the public sphere. Finally, Habermas defends a conception of universal human rights that is not only sensitive to cultural differences but also calls for legal and political institutions that facilitate the cultivation of cultural and religious identities within pluralistic societies.These essays demonstrate the extraordinary power of Habermas's theory of democracy through a further engagement with Rawls's political liberalism and through original contributions to current debates over nationalism, multiculturalism, and the viability of supranational political institutions.

989 citations


Posted Content
TL;DR: The Political Economy of Dictatorship as mentioned in this paper explores both the politics and the economics of dictatorships, and the interaction between them, and provides a guide to the policies which should be followed by the democracies towards dictatorships.
Abstract: Although much of the world still lives today, as always, under dictatorship, the behaviour of these regimes and of their leaders often appears irrational and mysterious. In The Political Economy of Dictatorship, Ronald Wintrobe uses rational choice theory to model dictatorships: their strategies for accumulating power, the constraints on their behavior, and why they are often more popular than is commonly accepted. The book explores both the politics and the economics of dictatorships, and the interaction between them. The questions addressed include: What determines the repressiveness of a regime? Can political authoritarianism be 'good' for the economy? After the fall, who should be held responsible for crimes against human rights? The book contains many applications, including chapters on Nazi Germany, Soviet Communism, South Africa under apartheid, the ancient Roman Empire and Pinochet's Chile. It also provides a guide to the policies which should be followed by the democracies towards dictatorships.

884 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The authors argues that liberal states accept unwanted immigration because of self-limited sovereignty and client politics, and argues that acceptance is due to legal constraints and moral obligations that are unevenly distributed across Europe due to different views of guestworkers and postcolonial regimes.
Abstract: This article explores the reasons for the acceptance of unwanted immigration among Western countries. This author distinguishes between sovereignty as formal rule-making authority and empirical capacity to implement rules. Freemans analysis indicates that there is little evidence of a decline in sovereignty. States are interdependent and expulsion or nonadmittance practices against an alien would be unacceptable. Western states respect the rights of persons and not just citizens. Economic globalization and the rise of international human rights issues may force states to accept unwanted immigration and reduce the autonomy of the state in immigration policy-making but these reasons are unlikely. The author argues that liberal states accept unwanted immigration because of self-limited sovereignty and client politics. The author modifies Freemans model by explaining that Europes acceptance is due to the statutory and constitutional residence and family rights legal issues rather than elitist client politics or popular national interest politics. European countries vary in the processing of unwanted immigration. The author discusses two cases of illegal immigration in the US and family immigration in Europe. The US accepts unwanted immigration because of client politics a strong antipopulist normative view that the US is a nation of immigrants and civil rights imperatives of strict nondiscrimination. The cases of Germany and Britain illustrate that acceptance is due to legal constraints and moral obligations that are unevenly distributed across Europe due to different views of guestworkers and postcolonial regimes.

553 citations


Book
01 Jan 1998
TL;DR: Antije Krog's full account of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission's work using the testimonies of the oppressed and oppressors alike is a harrowing and haunting book in which the voices of ordinary people shape the course of history.
Abstract: The first free elections in South Africa's history were held in 1994. Within a year legislation was drafted to create a Truth and Reconcilliation Commission to establish a picture of the gross human rights violations committed between 1960 and 1993. It was to seek the truth and make it known to the public and to prevent these brutal events ever happening again. From 1996 and over the following two years South Africans were exposed almost daily to revelations about their traumatic past. Antije Krog's full account of the Commission's work using the testimonies of the oppressed and oppressors alike is a harrowing and haunting book in which the voices of ordinary people shape the course of history. WINNER OF SOUTH AFRICA'S SUNDAY TIMES ALAN PATON AWARD

534 citations


ReportDOI
01 Jan 1998
TL;DR: In this article, the authors examine the core objective of promoting democracy and human rights in light of the essential elements of a national security strategy (assumptions, ends and means, and resources, including whether they are integrated into a coherent strategic framework).
Abstract: : In his "A National Security Strategy for a New Century" (hereinafter "the document"), President Clinton announces that "the goal of the national security strategy is to ensure the protection of our nation's fundamental and enduring needs: protect the lives and safety of Americans, maintain the sovereignty of the United States, with its values, institutions and territory intact, and provide for the prosperity of the nation and its people. He also firmly states that the strategy will achieve three core objectives of "enhancing our security, bolstering our economic prosperity, and promoting democracy." This essay will examine the core objective of promoting democracy and human rights in light of the essential elements of a national security strategy (assumptions, ends and means, and resources, including whether they are integrated into a coherent strategic framework), discuss why it is flawed as a core objective of national security strategy, and then offer a remedy.

482 citations


Book
01 Sep 1998
TL;DR: The Universal Declaration of Human Rights as discussed by the authors was the first international declaration of human rights and has been adopted by the United Nations to protect and defend human rights in the 21st century.
Abstract: Acknowledgments Introduction: Visions and Visionaries 1. My Brother's and Sister's Keeper: Visions and the Origins of Human Rights Religious Visions Philosophical Visions Traditional Practices and Ideas of a Very Different Sort Visions-and Reality 2. To Protect Humanity and Defend Justice: Early International Efforts To Free the Enslaved To Assist the Exploited To Care for the Wounded To Protect the Persecuted 3. Entering the Twentieth Century: Visions, War, Revolutions, and Peacemaking Modernization, Internationalization, and Visions of Rights War, Revolutions, and Rights Peacemaking and Human Rights The Covenant: Rights Proclaimed and Rights Rejected 4. Opportunities and Challenges: Visions and Rights Between the Wars A Flourishing of Visions Opportunities for New Departures Persistent Problems and Challenges The Gathering Storm 5. A "People's War": The Crusade of World War II War, Genocide, and Self-Reflections Crusaders, Visions, and Proposals Human Rights Versus National Sovereignty in Postwar Planning Opposition from the Great Powers 6. A "People's Peace": Peace and a Charter with Human Rights Insisting on a Peace with Rights Politics and Diplomacy at the San Francisco Conference The Charter of the United Nations Differing Reactions and Assessments 7. Proclaiming a Vision: The Universal Declaration of Human Rights The Revolution Begins Challenging Questions of Philosophy Difficult Problems of Politics The Universal Declaration of Human Rights 8. Transforming Visions into Reality: The First Fifty Years of the Universal Declaration Extending Rights and Setting Standards Protecting Rights Through Implementation Promoting Rights Expanding Activities and Enhancing Rights 9. The Continuing Evolution International Law, the Responsibility to Protect, and Challenges to Sovereignty Globalization, Development, Terrorism-and Torture New Human Rights Institutions and Organizations Technology and Political Will 10. Toward the Future The Nature and Power of Visions People of Vision and Action Forces and Events of Consequence Process, Politics, and Perspective The Universal Declaration of Human Rights Notes Selected Bibliography Index About the Author

402 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The failure of the international aid community, nations and local organizations to satisfy these basic human needs has led to substantial, unnecessary, and preventable human suffering as discussed by the authors, which is a fundamental human right implicitly and explicitly supported by international law, declarations and State practice.

400 citations


Book ChapterDOI
01 Mar 1998
TL;DR: In a report from Bosnia, David Rieff said, "To the Serbs, the Muslims are no longer human. They are making the same sort of distinction the Crusaders made between humans and infidel dogs, and Black Muslims make between men and blue-eyed devils" as discussed by the authors.
Abstract: In a report from Bosnia, David Rieff said, “To the Serbs, the Muslims are no longer human. … Muslim prisoners, lying on the ground in rows, awaiting interrogation, were driven over by a Serb guard in a small delivery van.” This theme of dehumanization recurred when Rieff said: A Muslim man in Bosansi Petrovac … [was] forced to bite off the penis of a fellow-Muslim. … If you say that a man is not human, but the man looks like you and the only way to identify this devil is to make him drop his trousers – Muslim men are circumcised and Serb men are not – it is probably only a short step, psychologically, to cutting off his prick. … There has never been a campaign of ethnic cleansing from which sexual sadism has gone missing. The moral to be drawn from Rieff s stories is that Serbian murderers and rapists do not think of themselves as violating human rights. For they are not doing these things to fellow human beings, but to Muslims. They are not being inhuman, but rather are discriminating between true humans and pseudo-humans. They are making the same sort of distinction the Crusaders made between humans and infidel dogs, and Black Muslims make between humans and blue-eyed devils. The founder of my university was able both to own slaves and to think it self-evident that all men were endowed by their creator with certain inalienable rights. This was because he had convinced himself that the consciousness of blacks, like that of animals, “participates more of sensation than of reflection.”

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, a review examines four perspectives and assesses their contribution to understanding the conditions under which states comply with international agreements, concluding that international law and institutions are important influences on the conduct of international politics.
Abstract: The study of compliance with international agreements has gained momentum over the past few years. Since the conclusion of World War II, this research agenda had been marginalized by the predominance of realist approaches to the study of international relations. However, alternative perspectives have developed that suggest that international law and institutions are important influences on the conduct of international politics. This review examines four perspectives and assesses their contribution to understanding the conditions under which states comply with international agreements. Despite severe conceptual and methodological problems, this research has contributed significantly to our understanding of the relationship between international politics and international law and institutions. A central theme in much recent international relations scholarship is the growing role of formal international agreements and supranational authority in the ordering of relations among sovereign states. The growing range of authoritative commitments is evidenced by the movement since World War II to codify customary practices into explicit international legal instruments. The range of international agreements has grown rapidly over the past 40 years with the development of rules that regulate economic, social, communications, environmental, and human rights behavior. Evidence of the growth in supranational authority includes not only the number of international organizations that have mushroomed in the postwar years, but also, most strikingly, the growth and de

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The authors developed the concept of global civil society to provide a theoretical foundation for a systematic empirical assessment of transnational relations concerning the environment, human rights, and women at the global level.
Abstract: The increased visibility of nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) and social movements at the international level invites continuing evaluation of the extent and significance of the role they now play in world politics. While the presence of such new actors is easily demonstrated, international relations scholars have debated their significance. The authors argue that the concept of global civil society sets a more demanding standard for the evaluation of transnational political processes than has been applied in prior accounts of transnational activity. Further, most empirical studies of this activity have focused on a limited number of NGOs within a single issue-area. Using three recent UN world conferences as examples of mutual encounters between state-dominated international politics and global civic politics, the authors develop the concept of global civil society to provide a theoretical foundation for a systematic empirical assessment of transnational relations concerning the environment, human rights, and women at the global level.

Posted Content
TL;DR: The European Court of Justice (ECJ) as mentioned in this paper is one of the most successful supranational tribunals in the world, which has been used to hear claims brought by private parties directly against national governments or against other private parties.
Abstract: Supranational adjudication in Europe is a remarkable and surprising success. Europe's two supranational courts -- the European Court of Justice (ECJ) and the European Court of Human Rights (ECHR) -- issue dozens of judgments each year with which defending national governments habitually comply in essentially the same manner as they would with domestic court rulings. These experiences stand in striking contrast to those of many international tribunals past and present.Can the European experience of supranational adjudication be transplanted beyond Europe? Professors Helfer and Slaughter argue that the effectiveness of the ECJ and the ECHR is linked to their power to hear claims brought by private parties directly against national governments or against other private parties. Such "supranational" jurisdiction has allowed the European courts to penetrate the surface of the state, to forge direct relationships not only with individual citizens but also with distinct government institutions such as national courts. Over time, this penetration and the deepening relationships between supranational jurists and domestic legal actors have led to the evolution of a "community of law," a web of nominally apolitical relations among subnational and supranational legal actors.The simple provision of supranational jurisdiction, however, is not a guarantee of effective adjudication. Drawing on the observations of scholars, practitioners, and judges, Professors Helfer and Slaughter develop a "checklist" of factors that enhance the effectiveness of supranational adjudication. They distinguish among those factors that are within the control of member states; those that are within the control of the judges themselves; and those that may be beyond the control of either states or judges. Isolating the factors in this way provides both a rough metric for evaluating the effectiveness of other supranational tribunals and a potential set of prescriptions for judges on those tribunals seeking to enhance their institutions' effectiveness.After developing the checklist, Professors Helfer and Slaughter use it to analyze the United Nations Human Rights Committee (UNHRC). Although the UNHRC was established expressly as a committee of experts rather than a court, analysis of its recent practice reveals that it is becoming increasingly "court-like." Moreover, within the constraints imposed by severely limited resources, UNHRC members are independently following many of the checklist prescriptions for increased effectiveness. The next step is for the organization to enter into a sustained dialogue with its European counterparts, harmonizing its decisions with theirs in some areas while consciously preserving its own distinctive jurisprudence in others. Structured and regular interaction between these tribunals would add additional voices to an emerging transjudicial conversation, potentially laying the foundation for a global community of law.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The South African Journal on Human Rights: Vol. 14, No. 1, No 1, pp. 146-188 as discussed by the authors has published a survey of legal culture and transformative constitutionalism.
Abstract: (1998). Legal Culture and Transformative Constitutionalism. South African Journal on Human Rights: Vol. 14, No. 1, pp. 146-188.

Book
01 Jan 1998
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors argue that the relationship between rights and obligations in public discourse and politics must be understood in specific ways to really know what can or can not be done with rights.
Abstract: Rights and obligations are confusing. When people really want or need something they call it a right. Can they simply attach this word to anything they want? Can people disregard obligations with impunity? This book argues that they cannot. One must understand those relationships in specific ways to really know what can or can not be done with rights and obligations in public discourse and politics. They must create a web of interaction between citizens so that more long-term social investments may be made. Professor Janoski shows that individual rights protecting privacy, free speech, and legal access are more highly developed in social democratic countries than in liberal countries. On the other hand, obligations in those same social democratic countries are higher. On the whole, rights and obligations are in balance; or, you get what rights you pay for in terms of fulfilling obligations to the state and society.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, a comparative analysis of the emergence of human rights organizations under military dictatorships in Chile, Uruguay, and Argentina is presented, revealing that repression may directly stimulate collective action.
Abstract: Under what conditions will individuals risk their lives to resist repressive states? This question is addressed through comparative analysis of the emergence of human rights organizations under military dictatorships in Chile, Uruguay, and Argentina. While severe state repression is expected to lead to generalized demobilization, these cases reveal that repression may directly stimulate collective action. The potential for sustained collective action in high‐risk contexts depends upon the relationship between strategies of repression and the particular configuration of embedded social networks; it is more likely where dense yet diverse interpersonal networks are embedded within broader national and transnational institutional and issue networks.

Book
01 Jan 1998
TL;DR: In this article, the authors examined how vested economic interests and unequal social relations between the sexes and between parents and children interact with considerations based on human rights, workers' rights, morality, criminality, and health threats to influence the legal stance adopted by governments and the social programmes targeting the sex sector.
Abstract: Focuses on the commercial sex sector and its institutional structures and connections with the national and international economies Case studies of Indonesia, Malaysia, the Philippines and Thailand are included The text examines how vested economic interests and unequal social relations between the sexes and between parents and children interact with considerations based on human rights, workers' rights, morality, criminality, and health threats to influence the legal stance adopted by governments and the social programmes targeting the sex sector A chapter specifically addresses child prostitution and explains why it should be treated as a much more serious problem than adult prostitution

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The fifth John Vincent Memorial Lecture as mentioned in this paper was delivered at the University of Keele on 9 May 1997, in which Donnelly attacked the still common scepticism about international human rights - although from an unorthodox angle.
Abstract: This is an edited text of the fifth John Vincent Memorial Lecture delivered at the University of Keele on 9 May 1997 in which Jack Donnelly attacks the still common scepticism about international human rights - although from an unorthodox angle.

Book
30 Sep 1998
TL;DR: Wang et al. as mentioned in this paper proposed a Confucianism individualism and personhood laws and rites school and community the community compact Chinese constitutionalism and civil society women's education and women's rights Chinese communism and ConfucIAN communitarianism afterword.
Abstract: "Asian values" and Confucianism individualism and personhood laws and rites school and community the community compact Chinese constitutionalism and civil society women's education and women's rights Chinese communism and Confucian communitarianism afterword.

Book
15 Jan 1998
TL;DR: In this article, the authors present an account of moral status of human beings in the United Kingdom and present a multi-criteria analysis of MORAL STATUS in relation to relation-ships.
Abstract: PART I: AN ACCOUNT OF MORAL STATUS. 1. THE CONCEPT OF MORAL STATUS 2. REVERENCE FOR LIFE 3. SENTIENCE AND THE UTILITARIAN CALCULUS 4. PERSONHOOD AND MORAL RIGHTS 5. THE RELEVANCE OF RELATIONSHIPS 6. A MULTI-CRITERIAL ANALYSIS OF MORAL STATUS. PART II: SELECTED APPLICATIONS. 7. APPLYING THE PRINCIPLES 8. EUTHANASIA AND THE MORAL STATUS OF HUMAN BEINGS 9. ABORTION AND HUMAN RIGHTS 10. ANIMAL RIGHTS AND HUMAN LIMITATIONS 11. CONCLUSION. BIBLIOGRAPHY INDEX.

Book
01 Jan 1998
TL;DR: Theory and Practice of the European Convention on Human Rights (ECHRS) has been discussed in detail in the fourth edition of as mentioned in this paper, with a special attention paid to the changes that have taken place in the supervisory system as a result of the coming into force of Protocol No. 11 and the central part that the Court plays in these changes.
Abstract: Since the first edition of "Theory and Practice of the European Convention on Human Rights in 1978", this book has become a reference in the field of human rights in Europe. It provides a systematic and comprehensive overview of the functioning of the European Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms and its application by the European Court of Human Rights. As a result of the increase in the number of Parties to the Convention from 22 in 1989 to 46 today and of the coming into force of Protocol No. 11, the protection of human rights in Europe and the case law of the Court have seen a dynamic development during the last decade. This is reflected in this fourth edition of "Theory and Practice of the European Convention on Human Rights". Particular attention is paid to the changes that have taken place in the supervisory system as a result of the coming into force of Protocol No. 11 and to the central part that the Court plays in these changes. This edition also anticipates the entry into force of Protocol No. 14, which will again bring changes to the system.

Book
01 Jan 1998
TL;DR: The authors analyzes the causes and consequences of displacement, including its devastating impact both within and beyond the borders of affected countries, and sets forth strategies for preventing displacement, a special legal framework tailored to the needs of the displaced, more effective institutional arrangements at the national, regional, and international levels, and increased capacities to address the protection, human rights, and reintegration and development needs of displaced.
Abstract: Since the end of the Cold War, increasing numbers of people have been forced to leave their homes as a result of armed conflict, internal strife, and systematic violations of human rights. Whereas refugees crossing national borders benefit from an established system of international protection and assistance, those who are displaced internally suffer from an absence of legal or institutional bases for their protection and assistance from the international community. This book analyzes the causes and consequences of displacement, including its devastating impact both within and beyond the borders of affected countries. It sets forth strategies for preventing displacement, a special legal framework tailored to the needs of the displaced, more effective institutional arrangements at the national, regional, and international levels, and increased capacities to address the protection, human rights, and reintegration and development needs of the displaced.

Book
22 Oct 1998
TL;DR: A history of the International Law on the Rights of the Child can be found in this paper, where the definition and status of the child in international law can be traced back to the 1990s.
Abstract: Introduction 1 A History of the International Law on the Rights of the Child 2 The Definition and Status of the Child in International Law 3 The Family and the Rights of the Child in International Law 4 The Right of Children to Preserve their Identity 5 The Right of the Child to Freedom of Expression 6 The Right of the Child to Freedom of Thought, Conscience and Religion 7 The Administration of Juvenile Justice and the Prevention of Juvenile Delinquency 8 The Rights of Children Deprived of their Liberty 9 The Right of the Child to Education 10 The Right of the Child to be Protected against Exploitation 11 The Right of the Child to Survival and Development 12 The Rights of Children in Armed Conflicts 13 The Rights of Children with Special Needs 14 The Implementation of the International Rights of the Child Index The International Save the Children Alliance

Book
01 Sep 1998
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors cite works of Aquinas Cited I. Life, Learning, Works II. Subject Matter and Method III. Freedom, Reason, and Human Goods IV. Fulfilment and Morality V. Towards Human Rights VI. Distribution, Exchange, and Recompense VII. The State: Its Elements and Purposes VIII. The Power of the Sword X. On Our Origin and End Other works cited Index locurum
Abstract: Preface Works of Aquinas Cited I. Life, Learning, Works II. Subject Matter and Method III. Freedom, Reason, and Human Goods IV. Fulfilment and Morality V. Towards Human Rights VI. Distribution, Exchange, and Recompense VII. The State: Its Elements and Purposes VIII. The State: Its Government and Law IX. The Power of the Sword X. On Our Origin and End Other works cited Index locurum

Journal Article
TL;DR: In the case of social movements and the activism which is their hallmark, the danger lies in the impetus given to previously disparate groups to mobilize around the rejection of current policies, to rethink institutions and governance, and to develop alternatives to the status quo as discussed by the authors.
Abstract: The primacy of the nation state is being challenged from both above and below. From above, after the Second World War, the growth in the power and scope of supranational institutions--from multinational corporations to the United Nations and the International Monetary Fund--have gradually usurped national sovereignty in both economic and political matters.(1) More recently, from below, the increasingly active role of regional and city governments in foreign trade, immigration and political issues have challenged national governments' constitutional monopoly over foreign affairs.(2) Simultaneously, there has been tremendous growth in cross-border networks among non-governmental organizations (NGOs) such as the hundreds that mobilized against the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA). Not only do such networks outflank national government policymakers; they often work directly against their policies.(3) In the last few years, governmental concern with the ability of NGO networks to mobilize opposition to the policies of national governments and to international agreements has grown--both during the period of policy formation and after those policies have been adopted or agreements signed. In part, this concern is derived from the growing strength that such networks gain from the use of international communications technologies. The rapid spread of the Internet around the world has suggested that such networks and their influence will only grow apace. No catalyst for growth in electronic NGO networks has been more important than the 1994 indigenous Zapatista rebellion in the southern state of Chiapas, Mexico. Computer networks supporting the rebellion have evolved from providing channels for the familiar, traditional work of solidarity--material aid and the defense of human rights against the policies of the Salinas and Zedillo administrations--into an electronic fabric of opposition to much wider policies. Whereas the anti-NAFTA coalition was merely North American in scope, the influence of the pro-Zapatista mobilization has reached across at least five continents. Moreover, it has inspired and stimulated a wide variety of grassroots political efforts in dozens of countries.(4) Today these networks provide the nerve system for increasingly global organization in opposition to the dominant economic policies of the present period. In the process, these emerging networks are undermining the distinction between domestic and foreign policy--and challenging the constitution of the nation state. For reasons outlined below, it is not exaggerated to speak of a "Zapatista Effect" reverberating through social movements around the world; an effect homologous to, but potentially much more threatening to ,the New World Order of neoliberalism than the Tequila Effect that rippled through emerging financial markets in the wake of the 1994 peso crisis. In the latter case, the danger was panic and the ensuing rapid withdrawal of hot money from speculative investments. In the case of social movements and the activism which is their hallmark, the danger lies in the impetus given to previously disparate groups to mobilize around the rejection of current policies, to rethink institutions and governance, and to develop alternatives to the status quo. REPRESSION IN CHIAPAS The voices of indigenous people in Mexico have been either passively ignored or brutally silenced for most of the last five hundred years. Indigenous lands and resources have been repeatedly stolen and the people themselves exploited under some of the worst labor conditions in Mexico. The official policies of the Mexican state have been largely oriented toward assimilation, with only lip service given to the value of the country's diverse ethnic, cultural and linguistic heritage.(5) The result has been a long history of fierce resistance and recurrent rebellion, first to Spanish colonization and then to the dominant classes after independence. …

BookDOI
TL;DR: In this article, the authors present a study of Islamic fundamentalism and the scope of the inquiry, focusing on the following: 1. The Context: Globalization, Fragmentation, and Disorder 2. The Study of Islamic Fundamentalism: Context and the Textual Sources 3. World Order and the Legacy of Saddam Hussein 4. The Sociocultural Background and the Exposure to Cultural Modernity 5. Cultural fragmentation, the Decline in Consensus, and the Diffusion of Power in World Politics 6. The Crisis of the Nation-State: Islamic, Pan-Arab, Ethnic
Abstract: Preface to the updated edition Introduction to the updated edition Preface 1. The Context: Globalization, Fragmentation, and Disorder 2. The Study of Islamic Fundamentalism and the Scope of the Inquiry 3. World Order and the Legacy of Saddam Hussein 4. The Sociocultural Background and the Exposure to Cultural Modernity 5. Cultural Fragmentation, the Decline in Consensus, and the Diffusion of Power in World Politics 6. The Crisis of the Nation-State: Islamic, Pan-Arab, Ethnic, and Sectarian Identities in Conflict 7. The Fundamentalist Ideology: Context and the Textual Sources 8. The Idea of an Islamic State and the Call for the Implementation of the Shari'a/Divine Law 9. Democracy and Democratization in Islam: An Alternative to Fundamentalism 10. Human Rights in Islam and the West: Cross-Cultural Foundations of Shared Values Notes Names index Subject index

Book
02 Dec 1998
TL;DR: In this paper, anthropologist Alcida Ramos argues that imagery about indigenous people reflects an ambivalence Brazil has about itself as a nation, for Indians reveal Brazilians contradiction between their pride in ethnic pluralism and desire for national homogeneity.
Abstract: Indigenous people comprise only 0.2% of Brazil's population, yet occupy a prominent role in the nation's consciousness. In her important and passionate new book, anthropologist Alcida Ramos explains this irony, exploring Indian and non-Indian attitudes about interethnic relations. Ramos contends that imagery about indigenous people reflects an ambivalence Brazil has about itself as a nation, for Indians reveal Brazilians contradiction between their pride in ethnic pluralism and desire for national homogeneity. Based on her more than thirty years of fieldwork and activism on behalf of the Yanomami Indians, Ramos explains the complex ideology called indigenism. She evaluates its meaning through the relations of Brazilian Indians with religious and lay institutions, non-governmental organizations, official agencies such as the National Indian Foundation as well as the very discipline of anthropology. Ramos not only examines the imagery created by Brazilians of European descent members of the Catholic church, government officials, the army and the state agency for Indian affairs she also scrutinizes Indians' own self portrayals used in defending their ethnic rights against the Brazilian state. Ramos thoughtful and complete analysis of the relation between indigenous people of Brazil and the state will be of great interest to lawmakers and political theorists, environmental and civil rights activists, developmental specialists and policymakers, and those concerned with human rights in Latin America."

Book
01 Jan 1998
TL;DR: In this article, the authors discuss the role of human rights organizations in the development of the UN Human Rights Implementation Machinery and its role in the adoption of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights.
Abstract: Introduction - Genesis: NGOs and the UN Charter - The 'Curious Grapevine': NGO Rights and Limitations - Silencing the NGOs at the UN - 'Honored Guests': NGOs in the Struggle against Apartheid - The NGO Prototype: The Anti-Slavery Society - An NGO Shifts Its Focus: The Pioneer International League for Human Rights - To Light a Candle: Amnesty International and the Prisoners of Conscience - A Call for U.S. Leadership: Congress, the Struggle for Human Rights, and the NGO Factor - Overcoming 'Lingering Brickeritis': The Struggle for Genocide Treaty Ratification - Heroic Reformers: NGOs and the Helsinki Process - The Fuel and the Lubricant: NGOs and the Revolution in UN Human Rights Implementation Machinery - A Rare, Defining Moment: Vienna, 1993 - Genocide and Accountability: The Role of Human Rights Watch - Overcoming the Crisis of Growth: Human Rights Watch Spans the Globe - The 'Diplomatic' Approach vs. the 'Human Rights' Approach: The High Commissioner for Human Rights and the Blaustein Institute - Uncharted Terrain: Minority Rights, Ethnic Tension, and Conflict Prevention - Ethnicity and Public Consciousness: Can Ethnic Violence Be Controlled or Prevented? - The 'Unexplored Continent' of Physician Involvement in Human Rights - Mrs. Roosevelt's NGO Takes on New Dimensions: Freedom House's Changing Priorities - 'Asian Values': The Challenge to the Universal Declaration - The Rule of Law and the Lawyers Committee for Human Rights - Accountability Revisited - Bibliography - Index

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In 1996, Gifford made front-page news. The well-liked television personality had lent her name to a discount line of women's clothing that, it was discovered, had been made by underage Central American workers as discussed by the authors.
Abstract: In 1996 Kathie Lee Gifford made frontpage news. The well-liked television personality had lent her name to a discount line of women's clothing that, it was discovered, had been made by underage Central American workers. That same year, the Walt Disney Company was exposed contracting with Haitian suppliers who paid their workers less than Haiti's minimum wage of $2.40 a day. Nike and Reebok, makers of perhaps the world's most popular athletic footwear, were similarly and repeatedly exposed.