Showing papers on "Ideology published in 1978"
Book•
30 Apr 1978
TL;DR: The Second Edition of the first edition as discussed by the authors is a collection of essays about the history of a moral panic and the origins of social control, including the production of news and the politics of mugging.
Abstract: Preface to the Second Edition Introduction to the First Edition PART I The Social History of a Moral Panic The Origins of Social Control The Social Production of News PART II Balancing Accounts: Cashing in on Handsworth Orchestrating Public Opinion Explanations and Ideologies of crime PART III Crime, Law and the State The Law-and-Order Society: the Exhaustion of 'Consent' The Law-and-Order Society: Towards the 'Exceptional State' PART IV The Politics of 'Mugging' Conclusion to the Second Edition: Reflections and new considerations
2,138 citations
Book•
01 Jan 1978
TL;DR: Decoding Advertisements is an attempt to undo one link in the chain which we ourselves help to forge, in our acceptance not only of the images and values of advertising, but of the 'transparent' forms and structures in which they are embodied as mentioned in this paper.
Abstract: This book sets out not simply to criticize advertisements on the grounds of dishonesty and exploitation, but to examine in detail, through over a hundred illustrations, their undoubted attractiveness and appeal The overt economic function of this appeal is to make us buy things Its ideological function, however, is to involve us as 'individuals' in perpetuating the ideas which endorse the economic basis of our society If it is economic conditions which make ideology necessary, it is ideology which makes those conditions seem necessary
If society is to be changed,this vicious circle of 'necessity' and ideas must be broken Decoding Advertisements is an attempt to undo one link in the chain which we ourselves help to forge, in our acceptance not only of the images and values of advertising, but of the 'transparent' forms and structures in which they are embodied It provides not an 'answer', but a 'set of tools' which we can use to alter our own perceptions of one of society's subtlest and most complex forms of propaganda
985 citations
614 citations
Book•
01 Jan 1978
TL;DR: In this paper, the sense of justice and the moral authority of suffering and injustice are recurring elements in moral codes, as well as the rejection of the suffering and opposition to oppression.
Abstract: List of Tables Preface PART ONE: THE SENSE OF INJUSTICE: SOME CONSTANTS AND VARIABLES Recurring Elements in Moral Codes The Moral Authority of Suffering and Injustice The Rejection of Suffering and Oppression PART TWO: AN HISTORICAL PERSPECTIVE: GERMAN WORKERS 1848-1920 Prologue German Workers in the Revolution of 1848 Social and Cultural Trends Before 1914 Militance and Apathy in the Ruhr Before 1914 The Reformist Revolution 1918-1920 The Radical Trust PART THREE: GENERAL PERSPECTIVES The German and Russian Revolutions: Some Comparisons The Suppression of Historical Alternatives: Germany 1918-1920 Repressive Aspects of Moral Outrage: The Nazi Example Moral Relativism Inevitability and the Sense of Injustice Epilogue: Reciprocity as Fact, Ideology, and Ideal References Cited Index
530 citations
TL;DR: The authors provide an empirical comparison of the traditional regression approach using average per capita income with the median voter approach to public expenditure and explicitly take account of the institutional aspects of collective decisions, showing that differences in institutions signilicantly affect outcomes.
328 citations
Book•
01 Jan 1978
TL;DR: In this paper, economic thought and ideology in Seventeenth-century England are discussed, and the authors present a book, Economic Thought and Ideology in Eighteenth-Century England.
Abstract: The Description for this book, Economic Thought and Ideology in Seventeenth-Century England, will be forthcoming.
285 citations
TL;DR: For instance, the authors pointed out that women had generally been thought to desire and enjoy sexual relations more than men, and that women lacked sexual passion in the generations immediately preceding their own.
Abstract: "anaesthesia," as he called it, was a nineteenth-century creation. He had researched literary and medical sources from ancient Greece to early modern Europe and discovered, to his own amazement, that women had generally been thought to desire and enjoy sexual relations more than men.1 Ellis and his contemporaries initially sought the source of the idea that women lacked sexual passion in the generations immediately preceding their own. The late nineteenth century was an era of contention over female sexuality, physiology, health, dress, and exercise, and one in which medical opinion had become an authoritative sector of public opinion. Since investigators have found rich documentation on these controversies, particularly in medical sources, they have been little induced to look beyond them. Until quite recently, historians tended not only to follow Ellis's chronological bias but, like him, to associate the idea that women lacked sexual passion with social repression and dysfunction. Now that attitude has been challenged by the possibility that nineteenth-century sexual ideology held some definite advantages for women, and by the claim that ideology reflected or influenced behavior far less than had been thought.2
280 citations
TL;DR: Gottlieb et al. as mentioned in this paper presented a classification scheme composed of 26 helping behaviours which were empirically generated and reliably coded by a team of three judges, based on a content analysis of interview protocols.
Abstract: A classification scheme is presented composed of 26 helping behaviours which were empirically generated and reliably coded by a team of three judges, based on a content analysis of interview protocols. The protocols describe the types of informal social support provided to a sample of single mothers. The categories are organized into four main classes of influence and each category has been defined and illustrated with an example taken from the protocols. In order to illustrate one application of the scheme, data are presented contrasting the helping behaviours extended to the women in response to three problem areas. Methods of further validating the scheme and evaluating the efficacy of informal social support are discussed. One of the hallmarks of the community mental health ideology is that coping resources should be available to people experiencing stress at an early time and in their natural environment. Translated into practice, this ideology has taken the form of mental health consultation with a variety of "community caregivers" such as teachers, clergymen, and family physicians who have broad contact with the public and who have been trained to engage in basic diagnostic, counselling, and behaviour change activities with the "clients" they normally serve. Recently, however, this approach to the secondary prevention of mental disorder has been criticized both on the basis of insufficient empirical evidence of preventive outcomes (Mannino & Shore, 1975) and on grounds of professional colonialism towards the caregiver-consultees (Gottlieb, 1974). The latter criticism - that training in the professional mould may supplant or weaken the natural helping skills of caregivers - has been strengthened with the appearance of a literature documenting the existence of numerous natural forms of service delivery which operate largely outside the professional sphere of influence, but which involve a great many people (Collins & Pancoast, 1976; Gottlieb, 1976). These natural support systems range from the more organized self-help group to the spontaneous helping transactions extended within personal networks. A number of these natural human services are currently being subjected to evaluative research; however, the more general claim This research was supported by Grant No. S74-0726 from the Canada Council. Thanks are expressed to John Hughes, Barbara Piggins, Bill Psihogios, and Michael Wuitchik for their patience and attention to the minutiae associated with the development of the classification scheme. Requests for reprints should be addressed to Benjamin H. Gottlieb, Department of Psychology, University ofGuelph, Guelph, Ontario, NIG 2W1.
238 citations
TL;DR: In this article, a factor analysis of Rotter's I-E Scale on a national probability sample replicates the distinction between personal control and control ideology that has been noted in previous studies of restricted samples.
Abstract: Factor analysis ofRotter's I-E Scale on a national probability sample replicates the distinction between personal control and control ideology that has been noted in previous studies of restricted samples. Discriminant validity is also demonstrated. Personal control, but not control ideology, is related to higher socioeconomic status and to mastery efforts in the personal life arenas where individual effort can have some effect. In predicting political behavior, the distinction is crucial among groups that question the status quo: personal control is unrelated to political behavior, while an external control ideology is related to greater political participation. Results for political conservatives are consistent with Rotter's original conception: internality on both personal control and control ideology is related to greater political participation. The assumption of unidimensionality that underlies the concept and measure of I-E is seen as reflecting a conservative view that links personal competence and effort to the beliefthat the system isjust in its allocation ofrewards. Implications are drawn for the interpretation of previous I-E research and for further changes in conceptualization and measurement.
232 citations
Book•
01 Jan 1978
TL;DR: The Political Crisis of the 1850s as mentioned in this paper offers a clearly written account of politics (state and federal), sectionalism, race, and slavery from the 1820s through to the Civil War, combining the behavioral and ideological approaches to political history.
Abstract: Holt sees the Civil War as representing a breakdown in America's democratic political process, more specifically the Second Party System of Whigs and Democrats. He demonstrates this system's success, beginning in the 1820s and 1830s, in confining sectional disputes safely within the political arena. With the breakdown of vital two-party competition in the 1850s, sectional issues increasingly took on ideological dimension, causing, Americans North and South to see in them dangerous threats to cherished republican institutions. No longer manageable within the arena of politics, sectional differences had to be resolved with in the arena of battle. The Political Crisis of the 1850s offers a clearly written account of politics (state and federal), sectionalism, race, and slavery from the 1820s through to the Civil War, brilliantly combining the behavioral and ideological approaches to political history.
TL;DR: A scale measuring sex-role ideology was constructed, validated and cross-validated and the internal consistency of the scale was shown through item-total correlations and split-half reliability.
Abstract: Two studies are reported in which a scale measuring sex-role ideology was constructed, validated and cross-validated. Sex-role ideology was conceived as a system of sex-role beliefs forming a dimen...
TL;DR: The most characteristic, distinctive and persistent belief of American corporate executives is an underlying suspicion and mistrust of government as discussed by the authors, which distinguishes the American business community not only from every other bourgeoisie, but also from other legitimate organizations of political interests in American society.
Abstract: The most characteristic, distinctive and persistent belief of American corporate executives is an underlying suspicion and mistrust of government. It distinguishes the American business community not only from every other bourgeoisie, but also from every other legitimate organization of political interests in American society. The scope of direct and indirect government support for corporate growth and profits does not belie this contention; on the contrary, it makes it all the more paradoxical. Why should the group in American society that has disproportionately benefited from governmental policies continue to remain distrustful of political intervention in the economy?It is of course possible to attribute at least some of the public distrust of government by members of the business community to political posturing; continually to denounce government is a way of assuring that the policies of government reflect corporate priorities. Wilbert E. Moore suggests:When businessmen did, and do, make extreme, ideologically oriented pronouncements on freedom from political interference, it is surely fair to say that they do not mean to be taken with total seriousness…Often, in fact, the sayers and the doers are not the same people… [T]he extreme spokesmen of business ideology are more often lawyers and public relations men than they are practicing executives…These are generally men, who like professors and Congressmen, ‘have never met a payroll’.
TL;DR: The authors found that there is a substantial correlation between welfare-state liberalism and environmental concern which seems important due to the tendency of environmental reforms to have inegalitarian consequences, despite major associations between political ideology and environmen...
Abstract: The literature on the political context of the environmental movement entertains the competing hypotheses that environmentalism either transcends or embodies the traditional left-right cleavages in American society. Findings from a statewide survey in Wisconsin indicate substantial relationships between sociopolitical ideologies and support for environmental reform. These relationships were most pronounced among the college-educated stratum. Liberalism vis-h-vis laissez-faire politics was the political ideology variable most closely related to environmental concern. This reflects the obvious empirical reality that the environmental movement has been primarily concerned with controlling private natural resource decision-making. Nevertheless, there is a substantial correlation between welfare-state liberalism and environmental concern which seems important due to the tendency of environmental reforms to have inegalitarian consequences. In spite of major associations between political ideology and environmen...
01 Jun 1978
Journal Article•
TL;DR: In this article, the authors present a translation of their response to a request from the review Dialectiques for their opinion on two points fundamental to the social sciences, namely, ideology and class.
Abstract: THis ARTICLE is a translation of my response to a request from the review Dialectiques for my opinion on two points fundamental to the social sciences, namely, ideology and class. For want of space, I shall merely outline some provisional conclusions that I have reached as briefly and as clearly as possible. I shall be dealing with four topics in turn: (1) the distinction between infrastructure and superstructure; (2) the relationship between the determinant role of the economy in the last analysis and the dominant role of any given superstructure; (3) the ideel2 aspect of social reality and the distinction between ideological and nonideological when dealing with ideel realities; (4) the role of violence and consent in the workings of the power of domination of an order or a class, etc. (can we speak of a paradox of "legitimacy" regarding the emergence of classes and the state?). Before going any farther, I should like to emphasize my debt to the ever-growing-and already immense-body of fresh material being thrown up by anthropological and historical research. As far as history is concerned, I am a mere amateur. My reading has centered mainly on problems of state formation and the transformation of class relations. I am afraid I shall probably disappoint those of my readers who would have liked me to spell out more precisely the connections between my general, abstract positions and this wealth of anthropological material
Journal Article•
TL;DR: Men attend to and treat as significant only what men say as discussed by the authors, and women have been largely excluded from the work of producing the forms of thought and the images and symbols in which thought is expressed and ordered.
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors outline some approaches for dealing with these issues, approaches which incorporate some of the current economic criticisms of schooling but which also respond to the complex functioning of schools that even some analysts of the political economy of education may tend to gloss over.
Abstract: Liberal educators have taken a rather optimistic posture on some aspects of the past 10-15 years of educational reform in the United States. This is particularly evident, perhaps, in those individuals and groups who are concerned primarily with curriculum, with the knowledge that gets into schools, and who have either witnessed or participated in the growth of discipline-centered curricula throughout the country. The position is often taken that school people, scholars, the business community, parents, and others, all somehow working together, have set in motion forces that have increased the stock of disciplinary knowledge that all students are to get. Supposedly, this process of increased distribution of knowledge has been enhanced by comparatively large amounts of funding on a national level for curriculum development, teacher training and retraining, and so on. Success may not have been total-after all, it almost never is-but better management and dissemination strategies can be generated to deal with these kinds of problems. Given this posture, we have tended to forget that, often, what is not asked about such widespread efforts at "reform" may be more important than what we commonsensically like to ask. Who benefits from such reforms? What are their latent connections to the ways inequality may be maintained? Do the very ways we tend to look at schools and especially the knowledge and culture they overtly and covertly teach (even ways generated out of a fairly radical perspective) cover some of the interests that they embody? What frameworks have been and need to be developed to generate the evidence which answers to these kinds of questions require? In what follows, I shall outline some approaches for dealing with these issues, approaches which incorporate some of the current economic criticisms of schooling but which also respond to the complex functioning of schools that even some of the analysts of the political economy of education may tend to gloss over. Only when we can see this complex functioning, some of which embodies clear economic The analysis on which this article is based is expanded in Michael W. Apple, Ideology and Curriculum (London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, in press). @ 1978 by the Comparative and International Education Society. 0010-4086/78/2203-0001$01.72
Book•
01 Jan 1978
TL;DR: ContEMPORARY POLITICAL IDEOLOGIES: A COMPARATIVE ANALYSIS as mentioned in this paper has been the leading text in the field of comparative analysis of political ideology, and has been used extensively.
Abstract: Since its initial publication 35 years ago, CONTEMPORARY POLITICAL IDEOLOGIES: A COMPARATIVE ANALYSIS has been the leading text in the field. This text successfully introduces readers to current and emerging political ideologies--offering a comparative analysis of nationalism, democracy, Marxism, and Islam, as well as an effective introduction to the lesser-known ideologies surrounding environmentalism, feminism, and liberation theology. The goal is to help readers draw their own conclusions about each ideology. To this end, the author makes every effort to present a balanced presentation of the ideologies covered in the text, and to objectively discuss the way that ideology functions today.
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors examined the relation between theory and practice in action research and argued that action research can be defined as a relation between values or ideology and science, and the reasons for the rejection of action research by empiricism, Logical Positivism, and Structuralism, as well as the basis for its acceptance by Pragmatism and Dialectical Materialism.
Abstract: Epistemological positions with regard to action research are presented for Empincism, Logical Positivism, Structuralism, Pragmatism, and Dialec tical Materialism. These schools are examined with regard to the following questions: How does man produce knowledge'? How does man justify knowledge? What is the relation between theory and practice'? What is the relation between values or ideology and science ? and What are the impli cations of the foregoing for action research? The reasons for the rejection of action research by Empiricism, Logical Positivism, and Structuralism are presented, as well as the basis for its acceptance by Pragmatism and Dialectical Materialism.
TL;DR: Health praxis, the disciplined uniting of study and action, involves advocacy of "nonreformist reforms" and concrete types of political struggle.
Abstract: Marxist studies of medical care emphasize political power and economic dominance in capitalist society. Although historically the Marxist paradigm went into eclipse during the early twentieth century, the field has developed rapidly during recent years. The health system mirrors the society's class structure through control over health institutions, stratification of health workers, and limited occupational mobility into health professions. Monopoly capital is manifest in the growth of medical centers, financial penetration by large corporations, and the "medical-industrial complex." Health policy recommendations reflect different interest groups' political and economic goals. The state's intervention in health care generally protects the capitalist economic system and the private sector. Medical ideology helps maintain class structure and patterns of domination. Comparative international research analyzes the effects of imperialism, changes under socialism, and contradictions of health reform in capitalist societies. Historical materialist epidemiology focuses on economic cycles, social stress, illness-generating conditions of work, and sexism. Health praxis, the disciplined uniting of study and action, involves advocacy of "nonreformist reforms" and concrete types of political struggle.
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors consider the varied and subtle effects of these ways in which the capacity for violence is structured in social life and show that consequences follow for any society from the presence or absence of full-time military specialists, from the forms of their organization, from regional distribution of control of organized violence, from advantages and disadvantages associated with the use of force and from the norms associated with such use.
Abstract: INTRODUCTIONIn looking at yesterday's frontiers (or at today's industrialized world), social analysts tend to see violence as a straightforward and uncomplicated phenomenon: when openly used, it is a direct way of settling disputes; when it is not used but available, it is a necessary—and, at least in the short run, sufficient—condition of domination. As a background condition violence is readily forgotten. Such is the case even in the study of the various affronts to authority that are lumped under the rubric of‘collective behavior.’ One speaks of violent ‘episodes’ arising from the ‘breakdown’ of various routine social mechanisms. By the same token, all the interesting problems in political theory seem to lie in the area of how to control people in every other conceivable manner: through the establishment of a normative consensus, through ideologies, through the creation of common interests, or through bargains and deals. Sufficient consideration is not usually given to the varied and subtle effects of these ways in which the capacity for violence is structured in social life. But consequences follow for any society from the presence or absence of full-time military specialists, from the forms of their organization, from the regional distribution of control of organized violence, from the advantages and disadvantages associated with the use of force, and from the norms associated with such use.
TL;DR: The authors argued that kinship or religion dominates social organization and the thought of social actors when it functions as relations of production and as a framework for material action upon nature, and that it becomes impossible to oppose the dominance of kinship, religion, or politics to the hypothesis that everything is ultimately determined by economic relationships.
Abstract: The paper deals with the so-called problem of the dominance of superstructures-kinship, religion, politics-and supports the view that kinship or religion dominates social organization and the thought of social actors when it functions as relations of production and as framework for material action upon nature. Consequently, it becomes impossible to oppose the dominance of kinship, religion, or politics to the hypothesis that everything is ultimately determined by economic relationships. But this is only true if one can see in the distinction between infrastructures and superstructures a distinction of functions and not of institutions as most Marxists and non-Marxists usually do. A society has no top and no bottom, no levels, and the distinction between infrastructure, superstructures, and ideology has nothing to do with the various layers of a cake. Furthermore, "productive forces" include both the intellectual and the material capacities of men to act upon nature and therefore include an ideel and ideol...
TL;DR: The authors examines some of the ideologies underlying the theorizing, experimentation, and applications of knowledge in the field of psychological change, and shows how the sickness ideology recycled under new euphemisms permeates all facets of psychology change, including divergent behavior, social labeling practices, modes of treatment and methodologies for studying their processes and effects, and even the structure of psychological services.
Abstract: The present article examines some of the ideologies underlying the theorizing, experimentation, and applications of knowledge in the field of psychological change. This analysis shows how the sickness ideology recycled under new euphemisms permeates all facets of psychological change—the conceptions of divergent behavior, social labeling practices, the modes of treatment and methodologies for studying their processes and effects, and even the structure of psychological services. Among its more pernicious consequences, this ideology undermines valuable research strategies for advancing knowledge and narrowly restricts the social contributions of psychology.
Book•
21 Aug 1978
TL;DR: In this article, economic thought and ideology in Seventeenth-century England are discussed, and the authors present a book, Economic Thought and Ideology in Eighteenth-Century England.
Abstract: The Description for this book, Economic Thought and Ideology in Seventeenth-Century England, will be forthcoming.