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Showing papers on "Ideology published in 1989"


Journal Article
TL;DR: A preliminary demarcation of a type of Bourgeois public sphere can be found in this article, where the authors remark on the type representative publicness on the genesis of the Bourgois Public Sphere.
Abstract: Part 1 Introduction - preliminary demarcation of a type of Bourgeois Public Sphere: the initial question remarks on the type representative publicness on the genesis of the Bourgois Public Sphere. Part 2 Social structures of the Public Sphere: the basic blueprint institutions of the public sphere the Bourgois family and the institutionalization of a privateness oriented to an audience the public sphere in the world of letters in relation to the public sphere in the political realm. Part 3 Political functions of the public sphere: the model case of British development the continental variants civil society as the sphere of private autonomy: private law and a liberalized market the contradictory institutionalization of the public sphere in the Bourgeois constitutional state. Part 4 The bourgeois public sphere - idea and ideology: publicity as the bridging principle between politics and morality, Kant on the dialectic of the public sphere, Hegel and Marx the ambivalent view of the public sphere in the theory of liberalism, John Stuart Mill and Alexis de Tocqueville. Part 5 The social-structural transformation of the public sphere: the tendency toward a mutual infiltration of public and private spheres the polarization of the social sphere and the intimate sphere from a culture-debating (kulturrasonierend) public to a culture-consuming public the blurred blueprint - developmental pathways in the disintegration of the bourgeois public sphere. Part 6 the transformation of the public sphere's political function: from the journalism of private men of letters to the public consumer services of the mass media - the public sphere as a platform for advertising the transmitted function of the principle of publicity manufactured publicity and nonpublic opinions - the voting behaviour of the population the political public sphere and the transformation of the liberal constitutional state into a social-welfare state. Part 7 On the concept of public opinion: public opinion as a fiction of constitutional law-and the social-psychological liquidation of the concept a sociological attempt at clarification.

6,328 citations


Book
01 Jan 1989
TL;DR: In this paper, a critical language study and social emancipation: language education in the schools is discussed, as well as critical discourse analysis in practice: interpretation, explanation, and the position of the analyst.
Abstract: 1. Introduction: critical language study. 2. Discourse as social practice. 3. Discourse and power. 4. Discourse, common sense and ideology. 5. Critical discourse analysis in practice: description. 6. Critical discourse analysis in practice: interpretation, explanation, and the position of the analyst. 7. Creativity and struggle in discourse: the discourse of Thatcherism. 8. Discourse in social change. 9. Critical language study and social emancipation: language education in the schools. 10. Language and power 2000. Bibliography. Index.

5,713 citations


Book
01 Jan 1989
TL;DR: The Sublime Object of Ideology as mentioned in this paper explores the political significance of these fantasies of control, linking key psychoanalytical and philosophical concepts to social phenomena such as totalitarianism and racism.
Abstract: In this provocative and original work, Slavoj Zizek takes a look at the question of human agency in a postmodern world. From the sinking of the Titanic to Hitchcock's Rear Window, from the operas of Wagner to science fiction, from Alien to the Jewish Joke, the author's acute analyses explore the ideological fantasies of wholeness and exclusion which make up human society. Zizek takes issue with analysts of the postmodern condition from Habermas to Sloterdijk, showing that the idea of a 'post-ideological' world ignores the fact that 'even if we do not take things seriously, we are still doing them'. Rejecting postmodernism's unified world of surfaces, he traces a line of thought from Hegel to Althusser and Lacan, in which the human subject is split, divided by a deep antagonism which determines social reality and through which ideology operates. Linking key psychoanalytical and philosophical concepts to social phenomena such as totalitarianism and racism, the book explores the political significance of these fantasies of control. In so doing, The Sublime Object of Ideology represents a powerful contribution to a psychoanalytical theory of ideology, as well as offering persuasive interpretations of a number of contemporary cultural formations.

3,644 citations


Journal Article
TL;DR: Herman and Chomsky as mentioned in this paper proposed a "propaganda model" of the way in which the media serve as a system-supportive institution by inculcating and reinforcing the economic, social and political agenda of the elite.
Abstract: POLITICS AND JOURNALISM HERMAN. EDWARD S. and NOAM CHOMSKY, Manufacturing Consent: The Political Economy of the Mass Media. New York: Pantheon Books, 1988. 412 pp., $24.95 cloth, $14.95 paper. In an important work of scholarship, Herman and Chomsky offer a "propaganda model" of the manner in which the media serve as a system-supportive institution by inculcating and reinforcing the economic, social and political agenda of the elite. Herman, a professor of finance at the University of Pennsylvania, and Chomsky, a professor in the department of linguistics and philosophy at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology, draw extensively on their previous research to offer a well-documented critique of the myth that the mass media serve as an "independent" social institution. At the crux of Herman and Chomsky's treatise is their propaganda model, consisting of five "news filters" which determine the nature and content of news. The first filter can best be characterized as "concentration of ownership." Through analysis of financial data in proxy statements, trade publications and annual reports, Herman and Chomsky provide compelling evidence that media organizations have a central stake in the maintenance of the social and economic status quo. The second news filter, heavy reliance on advertising revenue, is an extension of the first, for the ability to attract audiences with buying power attracts advertisers which, in turn, leads to greater concentration of wealth, power and media ownership. An extension of the work of several media sociologists, especially Mark Fishman, Gave Tuchman and Herbert Gans, the third filter the media's reliance on news "beats" and official sources in both the governmental and corporate realms. The section describing this filter also includes an excellent account of governmental public-information operations which strive to supply much of the "official" and legitimized information the media crave. The fourth and fifth frames are predominantly ideological in nature, and refer, respectively, to feedback mechanisms which delimit the media's occasional forays into criticism of the system, and the media's blind acceptance of the "national religion" of anticommunism. Both filters, Herman and Chomsky argue, are testament to the media's general reluctance to dispute the priorities, agenda and interests promulgated by government, corporations and even conservative interest groups. The confluence of these various forces and filters, according to the model, results in the media's selection of a dominant frame for each issue and concomitant selection of facts to fit each frame. The same can be said for the authors' description of the model itself; and that it is important to acknowledge the assumptions underlying this work. First, the main argument of the book is that the media are subject to many systemic influences that shape news content. In contrast, the underlying premise of the book appears that media ought to be independent of influence. This sentiment is best articulated in the last line of the book, following the author's various prescriptions for reform: "Only to the extent that such developments succeed can we hope to see media that are free and independent. …

1,618 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The authors used social movement and organization theory to develop a set of concepts that help explain social movement continuity, including temporality, purposive commitment, exclusiveness, centralization, and culture.
Abstract: This article uses social movement and organization theory to develop a set of concepts that help explain social movement continuity. The theory is grounded in new data on women's rights activism from 1945 to the 1960s that challenge the traditional view that the American women's movement died after the suffrage victory in 1920 and was reborn in the 1960s. This case delineates a process in social movements that allows challenging groups to continue in nonreceptive political climates through social movement abeyance structures. Five characteristics of movement abeyance structures are identified and elaborated: temporality, purposive commitment, exclusiveness, centralization, and culture. Thus, social movement abeyance structures provide organizational and ideological bridges between different upsurges of activism by the same challenging group.

977 citations


Book
09 Mar 1989
TL;DR: A post-colonialised view of India and the West can be found in this paper, where the PSYCHOLOGY OF COLONIALISM: Sex, Age and Ideology in British India is discussed.
Abstract: PREFACE TO THE SECOND EDITION, PREFACE 1. THE PSYCHOLOGY OF COLONIALISM: Sex, Age and Ideology in British India 2. THE UNCOLONIALIZED MIND: A Post-Colonial View of India and the West INDEX

900 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: Using content analytic techniques, this paper derived independent and reliable measures of the values of all Supreme Court justices from Earl Warren to Anthony Kennedy, providing strong support for the attitudinal model.
Abstract: It is commonly assumed that Supreme Court justices' votes largely reflect their attitudes, values, or personal policy preferences. Nevertheless, this assumption has never been adequately tested with independent measures of the ideological values of justices, that is, measures not taken from their votes on the Court. Using content analytic techniques, we derive independent and reliable measures of the values of all Supreme Court justices from Earl Warren to Anthony Kennedy. These values correlate highly with the votes of the justices, providing strong support for the attitudinal model.

633 citations


Book
01 Jan 1989
TL;DR: Ober as discussed by the authors analyzed the sociology of Athenian politics and the nature of communication between elite and non-elite citizens, and showed that the vocabulary of public speech constituted a democratic discourse that allowed the Athenians to resolve contradictions between the ideal of political equality and the reality of social inequality.
Abstract: This book asks an important question often ignored by ancient historians and political scientists alike: Why did Athenian democracy work as well and for as long as it did? Josiah Ober seeks the answer by analyzing the sociology of Athenian politics and the nature of communication between elite and nonelite citizens. After a preliminary survey of the development of the Athenian "constitution," he focuses on the role of political and legal rhetoric. As jurymen and Assemblymen, the citizen masses of Athens retained important powers, and elite Athenian politicians and litigants needed to address these large bodies of ordinary citizens in terms understandable and acceptable to the audience. This book probes the social strategies behind the rhetorical tactics employed by elite speakers.A close reading of the speeches exposes both egalitarian and elitist elements in Athenian popular ideology. Ober demonstrates that the vocabulary of public speech constituted a democratic discourse that allowed the Athenians to resolve contradictions between the ideal of political equality and the reality of social inequality. His radical reevaluation of leadership and political power in classical Athens restores key elements of the social and ideological context of the first western democracy.

445 citations


BookDOI
01 Jan 1989
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors discuss the notion of ideology from an interdisciplinary approach with illustrative analyses of texts from the media, newspapers, schoolbooks, pamphlets, talkshows, speeches concerning language policy in Nazi-Germany, in Italofascism, and also policies prevalent nowadays.
Abstract: The topic of Language and Ideology has increasingly gained importance in the linguistic sciences. The general aim of critical linguistics is the exploration of the mechanisms of power which establish inequality, through the systematic analysis of political discourse (written or oral). This reader contains papers on a variety of topics, all related to each other through explicit discussions on the notion of ideology from an interdisciplinary approach with illustrative analyses of texts from the media, newspapers, schoolbooks, pamphlets, talkshows, speeches concerning language policy in Nazi-Germany, in Italofascism, and also policies prevalent nowadays. Among the interesting subjects studied are the jargon of the student movement of 1968, speeches of politicians, racist and sexist discourse, and the language of the green movement. Because of the enormous influence of the media nowadays, the explicit analysis of the mechanisms of manipulation, suggestion, and persuasion inherent in language or about language behaviour and strategies of discourse are of social relevance and of interest to all scholars of social sciences, to readers in all educational institutions, to analysts of political discourse, and to critical readers at large."

418 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: Hasenfeld et al. as discussed by the authors developed and tested a causal model of the determinants of public attitudes toward welfare state programs using data from the 1983 Detroit Area Study and found that the social groups supporting the welfare state are the economically and socially vulnerable who identify with social democratic values.
Abstract: 7This paper develops and tests a causal model of the determinants of public attitudes toward welfare state programs. It proposes that support of welfare state programs is a function of self-interest and the resultant identification with dominant social ideologies-zwrk ethic and social equality. Identification with these ideologies, in turn, affects endorsement of social rights and, hence, support of welfare state programs. Using data from the 1983 Detroit Area Study, the model is generally confirmed. The data also show, as expected, some important differences in the effects of the social ideologies on support of contributory vs. means-tested programs. The findings suggest that the social groups supporting the welfare state are the economically and socially vulnerable who identify with social democratic values. It has become a truism that the welfare state is in an era of crisis. In particular, the welfare state is said to suffer from a legitimacy crisis as evidenced by the recent decline in its growth rate and the fiscal crisis of the state (O'Connor 1973), the rise to power of conservative political elites with an anti-welfare ideology, and the declining credibility of the intellectual underpinning of the welfare state (Mishra 1984). Offe (1984, p. 157) asserts that both the Left and the Right agree that the present welfare state is no longer "the promising and permanently valid answer to the problems of the socio-political order of advanced capitalist economics." The intellectual attack on the welfare state is not necessarily reflected in mass attitudes, and studies of public opinion toward the welfare state portray a somewhat different picture. Trend data from polls over the last half century indicate a fairly strong and consistent support of the basic *Direct correspondence to Yeheskel Hasenfeld, School of Social Welfare, University of California, Los Angeles, CA 90024. ? 1989 The University of North Carolina Press

390 citations


Book
01 Jan 1989
TL;DR: In this paper, the author advocates a social policy for dealing with mothers and motherhood that is consistent with feminist politics and feminist theory, and suggests how to incorporate technological and scientific advances into social policy.
Abstract: The author advocates a social policy for dealing with mothers and motherhood that is consistent with feminist politics and feminist theory. She suggests how to incorporate technological and scientific advances into social policy.

Book
01 Jan 1989
TL;DR: In this paper, the author explores the ways in which myth, ritual, and classification hold human societies together and how, in times of crisis, they can be used to take a society apart and reconstruct it.
Abstract: In this bold theoretical work, Bruce Lincoln explores the ways in which myth, ritual, and classification hold human societies together--and how, in times of crisis, they can be used to take a society apart and reconstruct it. Without overlooking the role of coercive force in the maintenance (or overthrow) of social structures, Lincoln argues his thesis with compelling illustrations drawn from such diverse areas as Platonic philosophy, the Upanishads of India, African rituals of kingship, ancient Celtic banquets, English gentlemen's clubs, the Iranian Revolution, the St. Bartholomew's Day Massacre, professional wrestling, and the Spanish Civil War. Professional wrestling, Lincoln shows, can be viewed as a drama of classification in which the American dream of opportunity is set forth, challenged, and finally firmly reestablished in good-versus-evil encounters between wrestlers categorized by their relative "Americanness." The exhumation of nuns' mummified corpses by leftist forces and their sympathizers during the Spanish Civil War, often dismissed by liberal historians as an embarrassing aberration, is more readily understandable as a ritual in which the Spanish Catholic Church, which had long played the role of "the religion of the status quo," was symbolically exposed as corrupt in both a moral and concretely physiological sense. Discourse and the Construction of Society draws on work in the fields of history, anthropology, sociology, religious studies, classics, indology, and semiotics to demonstrate the multiple uses of myth, ritual, and symbolic classification in effecting ideological persuasion and evoking the sentiments that bind people to one another within distinct social groupings while separating them from others, who are thereby defined as outsiders. This wide-ranging interdisciplinary study provides challenging new insights into the complex dynamics of social cohesion and change.


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors present a critical introduction to the theories of discourse advanced by Foucault, Althusser, PUcheux and Hindess and Hirst, showing how the central conception of discourse as a political and social tool could diversify into several different critical theories and ideologies.
Abstract: This is the first critical introduction to the theories of discourse advanced by Foucault, Althusser, PUcheux and Hindess and Hirst. Discourse theory proposes that in our daily activities the way we speak and write is shaped by the structures of power in our society, and that because our society is defined by struggle and conflict our discourses reflect and create conflicts. The words, expressions and forms of knowledge in institutions (schools and universities, the church and the media) become political as they are traversed and rearranged by the pressure of forces. Diane Macdonell reveals the various lines of thought in recent work on discourse, showing how the central conception of discourse as a political and social tool could diversify into several different critical theories and ideologies. This book is of particular interest as it calls for a reappraisal of Althusser whose work, Macdonell argues, has been wrongly debunked. This is the first overview and introduction to a notoriously complex area of critical theory, an area which is at the heart of debates about form, meaning, ideology, literary criticism and the humanities.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: Examining prior theories pertinent to medical discourse leads to the propositions that medical encounters tend to convey ideologic messages supportive of the current social order; that these encounters have repercussions for social control; and that medical language generally excludes a critical appraisal of the social context.
Abstract: The personal troubles that patients bring to doctors often have roots in social issues beyond medicine. While medical encounters involve "micro-level" interactions between individuals, these interpersonal processes occur in a social context shaped by "macro-level" structures in society. Examining prior theories pertinent to medical discourse leads to the propositions: (a) that medical encounters tend to convey ideologic messages supportive of the current social order; (b) that these encounters have repercussions for social control; and (c) that medical language generally excludes a critical appraisal of the social context. The technical structure of the medical encounter, as traditionally seen by health professionals, masks a deeper structure that may have little to do with the conscious thoughts of professionals about what they are saying and doing. Similar patterns may appear in encounters between clients and members of other "helping" professions. Expressed marginally or conveyed by absence of criticism about contextual issues, ideology and social control in medical discourse remain largely unintentional mechanisms for achieving consent.

Book
01 Jan 1989
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors present a sketch-history of Nineteenth-Century music, focusing on the history, innovation, and choice of musical styles, reasons and sources.
Abstract: Preface Pt. I: Theory 1: Toward a Theory of Style 2: Style Analysis Pt. II: History, Innovation, and Choice 3: Thoughts Ahout History 4: Innovation - Reasons and Sources 5: Choice and Replication Pt. III: Music and Ideology: A Sketch-History of Nineteenth-Century Music 6: Romanticism - The Ideology of Elite Egalitarians 7: Convention Disguised - Nature Affirmed 8: Syntax, Form, and Unity Epilogue: The Persistence of Romanticism Bibliography of Works Cited Index Index of Musical Examples

Book
01 Jan 1989
TL;DR: The Unchanging American Voter as discussed by the authors argues that the typical voter knows little about politics, is not interested in the political arena and consequently does not participate in it, and is even unable to organize his or her attitudes in a coherent manner.
Abstract: Have the American people grown more politically sophisticated in the past three decades, or do they remain relatively ignorant of the political world? Did a 'great leap forward' take place during the 1960s in which our citizenry became involved and adept voters? In this important book, Eric Smith addresses these and other provocative questions that have long befuddled political scientists and policymakers. Much of the current wisdom about American voters derives from an argument advanced in a volume entitled "The Changing American Voter", written by Nie, Verba, and Petrocik. In this work, the authors contend that the electorate made a 'great leap forward' in political sophistication and ideological thinking between the 1960 and 1964 elections. They argue that people changed in response to a shifting environment, and that, in particular, the surge of protest and ideological rhetoric between 1960 and 1964 engendered a new political savvy and sophistication. In their view, people learned to understand politics better, to relate the issues to the candidates more accurately, and to cast more informed, intelligent votes. In "The Unchanging American Voter", Smith takes issue with this portrait of an engaged American citizenry and replaces it with a quite different picture of the voters of this nation. He posits a more bleak political landscape in which the typical voter knows little about politics, is not interested in the political arena and consequently does not participate in it, and is even unable to organize his or her attitudes in a coherent manner. To support this view, Smith demonstrates how the indices by which Nie, Verba, and Petrocik measured levels of sophistication during the 1960s were methodologically flawed and how a closer examination of supposed changes reveals only superficial and unimportant shifts in the ways voters have approached the ballot box since the 1950s. "The Unchanging American Voter" is an intelligent and original work that provides a new perspective of the American citizenry. It is sure to engender discussion and debate about the dynamics of voting in postwar America.

Book
01 Jan 1989
TL;DR: Paehlke argues that environmentalism could be the basis for a new political ideology as discussed by the authors, and offers a historical, philosophical and political consideration of environmentalism and evaluates the potential of the environmentally informed movement as a political response to neo-conservatism in the 1990s.
Abstract: Paehlke argues that environmentalism could be the basis for a new political ideology. He offers a historical, philosophical and political consideration of environmentalism and evaluates the potential of the environmentally informed movement as a political response to neo-conservatism in the 1990s.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors used two-stage least squares regression models to test the relationship between PAC contributions and a member's votes, controlling for the incumbent's ideology and party, and the political leaning of the district.
Abstract: Although PACs attempt to influence the legislative process with contributions, this research finds little evidence that the contributions of 120 PACs affiliated with 10 organizations affected the voting patterns of the House members who served continuously from 1975 to 1982. In the few cases in which a relationship between contributions and a member's votes is established, the analysis indicates that contributions are a surrogate measure of a more important and larger package of support for the member from the interest groups. Two-stage least squares regression models are used to test the relationship between PAC contributions and a member's votes, controlling for the incumbent's ideology and party, and the political leaning of the district. Interviews with PAC officials supplement the statistical analysis.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In the 1980s, many states and cities mandated police officers to arrest men who batter women in family disputes as discussed by the authors, but in spite of the presumptive arrest policy, officers made arrests in only 18 percent of assaults involving intimate partners.
Abstract: In the 1980s, many states and cities mandated police officers to arrest men who batter women in family disputes. This observational study of a large metropolitan police department shows that in spite of the presumptive arrest policy, officers made arrests in only 18 percent of assaults involving intimate partners. Case material illustrates how legal, ideological, practical, and political factors led police to ignore the presumptive arrest policy when responding to family disputes.

Book
01 Mar 1989
TL;DR: In this article, the author sets out to frame the frames of contemporary criticism, starting with a substantial historical overview of the relationship between criticism and the academy, and then moving on to explore what has come to characterize contemporary theory - its preoccupation with ideology, the "call to history" - with a polemical examination of Michel Foucault and Terry Eagleton.
Abstract: Theory has drawn to the study of literature many distinct fields; but it has also now widened its brief substantially to include many hitherto non-literary issues. To interpret the "sign" now involves "framing" it - setting it up, rigging it, actively setting it off against its surrounds; in this book the author sets out to frame the frames of contemporary criticism. Beginning with a substantial historical overview of the relationship between criticism and the academy, he moves on to explore what has come to characterize contemporary theory - its preoccupation with ideology, the "call to history" - with a polemical examination of Michel Foucault and Terry Eagleton. Out of this emerges the author's own idea of what forms political criticism might take, and, with a new look at William Empson, he takes to task the unchallenged immunity that pseudo-Christian ideology enjoys in our views of literature. The book also includes a major reassessment of the impact made by one of the last twenty years' most important critical voices, that of Paul de Man. In lighter vein, it gives us a semiological look at the worlds of junk and tourism, as well as legal rhetoric. The book also gives considered attention to the problems of language and context in Habermas' influential attempt to infer norms from communicative practice.

Book
30 Mar 1989
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors show that disruptions in concepts of hierarchy, nationality, gender, and sexuality force their way into literary texts and argue for new commitments to collectivities and subcultures.
Abstract: If we come to consciousness within a language that is complicit with the social order, how can we conceive, let alone organize, resistance to that social order? This key question in the politics of reading and subcultural practice informs Alan Sinfield's book on writing in early-modern England. New historicism has often shown people trapped in a web of language and culture. In lively discussions of writings by Shakespeare, Marlowe, Sidney, and Donne, Sinfield reassesses the scope of dissidence and control. The early-modern state, Christianity, and the cultural apparatus, despite an ideology of unity and explicit violence, could not but allow space to challenging voices. Sinfield shows that disruptions in concepts of hierarchy, nationality, gender, and sexuality force their way into literary texts. Sinfield is often provocative. He 'rewrites' Julius Caesar to produce a different politics, compares Sidney's idea of poetry to Leonid Brezhnev's, and reinstates the concept of character in the face of post-structuralist theory. He keeps the current politics of literary study in view, especially in a substantial chapter on Shakespeare in the U.S. Sinfield subjects interactions between class, ethnicity, sexuality, and the professional structures of the humanities to a detailed and hard-hitting critique, and argues for new commitments to collectivities and subcultures.

Book
01 Jan 1989
TL;DR: In this article, the Making of a Construct: Modernism and Fundamentalism 2. Reinterpreting the Rise of the West 3. Ideology Between Religion, Philosophy, and Science 4. Fundamentalism as a Religious Ideology in Multiple Contexts 5. The Living Word from the Eternal God 6. Fundamentalists in Defense of the Jewish Collectivity 7. American-style Protestant Fundamentalists 8.
Abstract: PART ONE: CONTEXT 1. The Making of a Construct: Modernism and Fundamentalism 2. Reinterpreting the Rise of the West 3. Ideology Between Religion, Philosophy, and Science 4. Fundamentalism as a Religious Ideology in Multiple Contexts PART TWO: COUNTERTEXTS 5. The Living Word from the Eternal God 6. Fundamentalists in Defense of the Jewish Collectivity 7. American-style Protestant Fundamentalists 8. Fundamentalists in Pursuit of an Islamic State Conclusion Notes Selected Bibliography Index

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The authors examined the relationship between discourse and social power and the role of ideology in the enactment of power in interaction and discourse at the micro-level, focusing on the impact of specific power structures on various discourse genres and their characteristic structures.
Abstract: This chapter examines some of the relationships between discourse and social power. After a brief theoretical analysis of these relationships, we review some of the recent work in this new area of research. Although we draw upon studies of power in several disciplines, our major perspective is found in the ways power is enacted, expressed, described, concealed, or legitimated by text and talk in the social context. We pay special attention to the role of ideology, but unlike most studies in sociology and political science, we formulate this ideological link in terms of a theory of social cognition. This formulation enables us to build the indispensable theoretical bridge between societal power of classes, groups, or institutions at the macro level of analysis and the enactment of power in interaction and discourse at the social micro level. Thus our review of other work in this field focuses on the impact of specific power structures on various discourse genres and their characteristic structures.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors define an analytic-scientific and an emotional-ethical approach and their interrelations, and explore some possible interconnections among the three main phenomena, before discussing each in more detail.
Abstract: After sharply defining and contrasting an “analytic-scientific” and an “emotional-ethical” approach and their interrelations, this article goes on to explore some possible interconnections among the three main phenomena, before discussing each in more detail. The first is political economy in several important senses; germane problems are noted that deal with (ethno) quantification and the innovative individual. The second phenomenon is ideology, in three senses: (1) notional ideology, (2) ideology for maintaining or changing a sociopolitical order, and (3) ideology for masking a structure of domination. The third phenomenon is language, again in various senses, but particularly as (1) a symbolism with a structure analogous in some ways to that of economics, and (2) a mediator between ideology and political economy; considerable attention is given to the political-economic functions of language figures such as irony and synecdoche. A fourth, analytically crucial kind of ideology, “linguacultural ideology,” fills in the foregoing structure. Alternative logics, alternative combinations of variables, and alternative complementary theories are suggested throughout, particularly in the final section.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors discuss the role of the colonial experience in the growth and acceptance of what are called communal ideologies in post-colonisation Indian society and the need for a continuing dialogue between historians working on these periods.
Abstract: My choice of subject for this lecture arose from what I think might have been a matter of some interest to Kingsley Martin; as also from my own concern that the interplay between the past and contemporary times requires a continuing dialogue between historians working on these periods. Such a dialogue is perhaps more pertinent to post-colonial societies where the colonial experience changed the framework of the comprehension of the past from what had existed earlier: a disjuncture which is of more than mere historiographical interest. And where political ideologies appropriate this comprehension and seek justification from the pre-colonial past, there, the historian's comment on this process is called for. Among the more visible strands in the political ideology of contemporary India is the growth and acceptance of what are called communal ideologies. ‘Communal’, as many in this audience are aware, in the Indian context has a specific meaning and primarily perceives Indian society as constituted of a number of religious communities. Communalism in the Indian sense therefore is a consciousness which draws on a supposed religious identity and uses this as the basis for an ideology. It then demands political allegiance to a religious community and supports a programme of political action designed to further the interests of that religious community. Such an ideology is of recent origin but uses history to justify the notion that the community (as defined in recent history) and therefore the communal identity have existed since the early past.

Book
01 Jan 1989
TL;DR: Giroux and Simon as mentioned in this paper introduce a pedagogy of possibility in the popular culture and popular culture as a Pedagogy for Pleasure and meaning in the public life.
Abstract: Pedagogy, Popular Culture, and Public Life: An Introduction by Paulo Freire and Henry A. Giroux Popular Culture as a Pedagogy of Pleasure and Meaning by Henry A. Giroux and Roger I. Simon Pedagogy and the Popular-Cultural-Commodity-Text by Paul Smith Educational Media, Ideology, and the Presentation of Knowledge through Popular Cultural Forms by Elizabeth Ellsworth Playing ... Contra/Dictions, Empowerment, and Embodiment: Punk, Pedagogy, and Popular Cultural Forms by Philip Corrigan Pedagogy in the Present: Politics, Postmodernity, and the Popular by Lawrence Grossberg Curriculum Politics, Hegemony, and Strategies of Social Change by R.W. Connell Art or Culture? An Inquiry by Paul Willis Televangelism as Pedagogy and Cultural Politics by Peter McLaren and Richard Smith Engendering Couples: The Subject of Daytime Television by Mimi White Working-Class Identity and Celluloid Fantasies in the Electronic Age by Stanley Aronowitz Schooling, Popular Culture, and A Pedagogy of Possibility by Henry A. Giroux and Roger I. Simon Index

Book
01 Nov 1989
TL;DR: In this article, the historical conditions that led to three abrupt cultural changes and reexamine theories of social development are compared. But they do not consider the role of social media in these changes.
Abstract: Compares the historical conditions that led to three abrupt cultural changes, and reexamines theories of social development.

Book
01 Jan 1989
TL;DR: The Autobiographical Subject as mentioned in this paper considers the convergence of genre, gender, and class in an important reassessment of autobiographical writing in England from John Bunyan to Hester Thrale and traces the new possibilities of definition of a middle-class self, and assertion of female identity in print, within the form.
Abstract: 'Co-recipient of the American Association for Eighteenth-Century Studies' Louis Gottschalk Prize' "Acutely analyzes the construction of gendered character in canonical British autobiographical texts and provides provocative explorations outside the canon, particularly among first-person narratives by women."--'Diacritics' '"[Nussbaum's] achievement...is profound. The theoretical framework is clear and consistent, the range of historical specificity broad and convincing, the analysis of specific texts sophisticated and compelling, the prose straightforward and free of obfuscating jargon. 'The Autobiographical Subject' is rich and richly rewarding for scholars of the eighteenth century. It deserves to be read by everyone who thinks about autobiographical practice."--Sidonie Smith, 'a/b: Auto/Biography Studies' Felicity Nussbaum considers the convergence of genre, gender, and class in an important reassessment of autobiographical writing in England from John Bunyan to Hester Thrale. "'The Autobiographical Subject', with its combination of provocative theory and sound scholarship, deserves a wide readership. Felicity Nussbaum's insights demand the attention of eighteenth-century scholars, feminist critics, and cultural historians, while the central questions raised by the book--how to define the 'self'? why write, why revise, and especially, why 'publish' an autobiography?--are of interest to everyone."--Fiona Stafford, 'Review of English Studies' "An exemplary model of political criticism."--'Eighteenth-Century Fiction' '"In 'The Autobiographical Subject' Felicity Nussbaum sees autobiography as the point of convergence of a set of phenomena linking class, genre and gender in the eighteenth century; and traces the new possibilities of definition of a middle-class self, and assertion of female identity in print, within the form...The volume makes an important contribution to feminist discussion of the period."--'The Year's Work in English Studies'

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, Weber's writing on the topic of collegiality in economy and society is analyzed in order to reintegrate the concept with his other concepts of legitimate domination, status group closure, bureaucracy, and legal formalism.
Abstract: This article analyzes Weber's writing on the topic of collegiality in Economy and Society in order to reintegrate the concept of collegiality with his other concepts of legitimate domination, status group closure, bureaucracy, and legal formalism. An ideal-type of collegiate organization is identified, and the consequences of the emergence of collegial social structure of this form in professional contexts are examined. These arguments provide a critique of the predominant understandings of the relationship between professionalization and bureaucratization, in which professional ideology is conceived of as ethical commitment. The article calls for ar restoration of Weberian understandings of the rationalization of modern life as the outcome of a contest for domination between interest groups rather than as the institutionalization of transcendent normative structures.