Showing papers on "Ideology published in 2022"

The influence of political ideology on greenhouse gas emissions

Abstract: • We examine the impact of political ideology on climate change. • Investigating the potential channels by which political ideology affects climate change. • Studying whether the effect of political ideology on climate change varies among different countries. • Investigating the interaction effect of political ideology and democracies on climate change. This research tests the casual link from political ideology to national greenhouse gas emissions by utilizing multinational panel data covering 98 countries during the period 1990–2016. Overall, the baseline results and robustness tests show a political divide on national greenhouse gas emissions, whereby compared to right-wing governments, left-wing governments are more likely to exhibit less carbon dioxide emissions. We further explore this topic from the perspectives of energy efficiency and education. Three-stage OLS regressions suggest that leftist parties increase energy efficiency and spend more on secondary education, which lead to less greenhouse gas emissions. We also introduce the interaction between political ideology and economic performance as well as globalization to test the moderating effects of economic performance and globalization. The study further looks into the interaction effects of political ideology and democracies on greenhouse gas emissions by dividing the whole sample into two sub-samples. The results indicate that the ideology effect on greenhouse gas emissions varies among countries with different economic performances or different degrees of political globalization, as well as between democracies and non-democracies.

Politicians polarize and experts depolarize public support for COVID-19 management policies across countries

Abstract: Significance Political polarization impeded public support for policies to address the spread of COVID-19, much as polarization hinders responses to other societal challenges. The present cross-country study demonstrates how the cues from political elites and affective polarization are analogous across countries addressing COVID-19. Far from being an outlier, the United States faces polarization challenges similar to those of other countries. Importantly, the results demonstrate that policies to combat public health crises are more supported when proposed by nonpartisan experts and bipartisan coalitions of political leaders. These results provide clear guidance on depolarizing communication strategies to improve global responses to health crises. Political polarization impeded public support for policies to reduce the spread of COVID-19, much as polarization hinders responses to other contemporary challenges. Unlike previous theory and research that focused on the United States, the present research examined the effects of political elite cues and affective polarization on support for policies to manage the COVID-19 pandemic in seven countries (n = 12,955): Brazil, Israel, Italy, South Korea, Sweden, the United Kingdom, and the United States. Across countries, cues from political elites polarized public attitudes toward COVID-19 policies. Liberal and conservative respondents supported policies proposed by ingroup politicians and parties more than the same policies from outgroup politicians and parties. Respondents disliked, distrusted, and felt cold toward outgroup political elites, whereas they liked, trusted, and felt warm toward both ingroup political elites and nonpartisan experts. This affective polarization was correlated with policy support. These findings imply that policies from bipartisan coalitions and nonpartisan experts would be less polarizing, enjoying broader public support. Indeed, across countries, policies from bipartisan coalitions and experts were more widely supported. A follow-up experiment replicated these findings among US respondents considering international vaccine distribution policies. The polarizing effects of partisan elites and affective polarization emerged across nations that vary in cultures, ideologies, and political systems. Contrary to some propositions, the United States was not exceptionally polarized. Rather, these results suggest that polarizing processes emerged simply from categorizing people into political ingroups and outgroups. Political elites drive polarization globally, but nonpartisan experts can help resolve the conflicts that arise from it.

The Rise and Fall of the Neoliberal Order

Abstract: The Rise and Fall of the Neoliberal Order analyses the history of a political order that emerged in the United States in the 1970s and 1980s, dominated American politics in the 1990s and 2000s, and fractured during the 2010s when Donald Trump and Bernie Sanders rose to prominence. Its power was built on an array of donors, policy entrepreneurs, and politicians that coalesced under Reagan. That coalition overturned the regulatory regime and ideological hegemony of New Deal order that had dominated American politics for forty years and made neoliberalism America’s dominant creed of political economy. The book argues that neoliberalism is a better term than conservatism for understanding the politics of this era. At the same time, it reworks the meaning and significance of neoliberalism. First, it insists that neoliberalism was much closer in character to the ideology of 19th century classical liberalism than is commonly acknowledged. Second, it argues that an elite-driven model for understanding neoliberalism is not sufficient to understand this ideology’s broad appeal; one must also reckon with how its promise of individual freedom drew both working-class Americans and erstwhile New Leftists to its banner. Third, the book identifies the collapse of the Soviet Union and of its legitimating ideology—communism—as critical factors in the neoliberal order’s triumph and restores the centrality of the Cold War to an understanding of our time. The book concludes with an analysis about how the problems left unsolved by the neoliberal order paved the way for Donald Trump’s rise and triumph.

Research on the Reform of Ideological and Political Teaching Evaluation Method of College English Course Based on "Online and Offline" Teaching

Abstract: With the improvement of Internet technology, the current education based concept in colleges is mainly based on "online and offline" mode in teaching, this teaching method can improve the teaching efficiency, which can also promote the progress of the current education system. In China's education system, ideological and political teaching has always been a key component of teaching, which is pertinent to educational objectives. The current educational concept is mainly to integrate ideological and political teaching into daily teaching, that is, based on the "online and offline" tegrated teaching. Taking the "College English" course as an example, this study explores the relationship between mixed teaching and ideological and political teaching with analysis on the teaching methods of mixed teaching, and puts forward suggestions on the reform of the evaluation system according to the two parts, hoping to bring reference and help.

Tearing apart the "evil" twins: A general conspiracy mentality is not the same as specific conspiracy beliefs.

Abstract: Although sometimes used interchangeably, the present review highlights the important differences between generalized worldviews suspecting conspiracy at play (conspiracy mentality) and specific beliefs about the existence of a certain conspiracy (conspiracy theory). In contrast to measures of beliefs in specific conspiracy theories, those of conspiracy mentality are more stable, less malleable, less skewed in their distribution and less contaminated by other ideological content. These differences have important implications for empirical research and the theorizing of conspiracy beliefs. Building on an analogy of personality traits, we argue that conspiracy mentality is a relatively stable readiness to interpret world events as being caused by plots hatched in secret, whereas specific conspiracy beliefs are then manifest indicators (partially contaminated by other dispositions).

The Arab Spring: Causes, Conditions, and Driving Forces

Abstract: AbstractThis chapter offers an analysis of conditions in the MENA countries on the eve of the Arab Spring wave of revolutions from the World System perspective, as well as the causes (internal and external, general and specific) and certain consequences of this revolutionary wave, both in the MENA region and in the World System. The authors will discuss the Arab revolutions in a wide historical and theoretical context. Grinin and Korotayev show that it is very useful to compare the causes of revolutions in modern and previous epochs, in Arab and other countries, to find similarities and specific patterns. For example, in the Arab revolutions, a very important role was played by new information technologies. The revolutionary sentiments were especially fueled by the diffusion of radical ideas and ideologies in society, as well as by rapid urbanization, a growing youth share in the population, and the combination of rapidly increasing education levels for part of population with very poor education for others. These rapid, unregulated changes, and increasing structural disproportions, may bring a society to a modernization trap that often causes revolutions and other political upheavals. All these phenomena were present in the Arab countries on the eve of the Arab Spring, especially in Egypt and Tunisia.

Christian Nationalism and Political Violence: Victimhood, Racial Identity, Conspiracy, and Support for the Capitol Attacks

Abstract: What explains popular support for political violence in the contemporary United States, particularly the anti-institutional mob that attacked the U.S. Capitol in January 2021? Recent scholarship gives reason to suspect that a constellation of beliefs known as "Christian nationalism" may be associated with support for such violence. We build on this work, arguing that religious ideologies like Christian nationalism should be associated with support for violence, conditional on several individual characteristics that can be inflamed by elite cues. We turn to three such factors long-studied by scholars of political violence: perceived victimhood, reinforcing racial and religious identities, and support for conspiratorial information sources. Each can be exacerbated by elite cues, thus translating individual beliefs in Christian nationalism into support for political violence. We test this approach with original survey data collected in the wake of the Capitol attacks. We find that all the identified factors are positively related to each other and support for the Capitol riot; moreover, the relationship between Christian nationalism and support for political violence is sharply conditioned by white identity, perceived victimhood, and support for the QAnon movement. These results suggest that religion's role in contemporary right-wing violence is embedded with non-religious factors that deserve further scholarly attention in making sense of support for political violence.The online version contains supplementary material available at 10.1007/s11109-021-09758-y.

Uncooperative society, uncooperative politics or both? Trust, polarization, populism and COVID‐19 deaths across European regions

Abstract: Abstract Why have some territories performed better than others in the fight against COVID‐19? This paper uses a novel dataset on excess mortality, trust and political polarization for 165 European regions to explore the role of social and political divisions in the remarkable regional differences in excess mortality during the first wave of the COVID‐19 pandemic. First, we investigate whether regions characterized by a low social and political trust witnessed a higher excess mortality. Second, we argue that it is not only levels, but also polarization in trust among citizens – in particular, between government supporters and non‐supporters – that matters for understanding why people in some regions have adopted more pro‐healthy behaviour. Third, we explore the partisan make‐up of regional parliaments and the relationship between political division – or what we refer to as ‘uncooperative politics’. We hypothesize that the ideological positioning – in particular those that lean more populist – and ideological polarization among political parties is also linked to higher mortality. Accounting for a host of potential confounders, we find robust support that regions with lower levels of both social and political trust are associated with higher excess mortality, along with citizen polarization in institutional trust in some models. On the ideological make‐up of regional parliaments, we find that, ceteris paribus, those that lean more ‘tan’ on the ‘GAL‐TAN’ spectrum yielded higher excess mortality. Moreover, although we find limited evidence of elite polarization driving excess deaths on the left‐right or GAL‐TAN spectrums, partisan differences on the attitudes towards the European Union demonstrated significantly higher deaths, which we argue proxies for (anti)populism. Overall, we find that both lower citizen‐level trust and populist elite‐level ideological characteristics of regional parliaments are associated with higher excess mortality in European regions during the first wave of the pandemic.

(Un)Worlding the Plantationocene: Extraction, Extinction, Emergence

Abstract: This article explores how tropical plantation lifeworlds are made and unmade through more-than-human forms of extraction, extinction, and emergence. Taking the palm oil sector as my primary focus of inquiry, I trace the extractions of substance, land, and labour undergirding the historical transformation of oil palm from West African subsistence plant to pan-tropical cash crop and controversial global commodity. I then examine how the presents, futures, and relations of multispecies communities are pushed to the edge of extinction under the plantation logic of ecological simplification, reorganization, and instrumentalization. Finally, I explore oil palm landscapes as zones of ecological emergence, where diverse plants, animals, and fungi are learning to co-exist with oil palm in new forms of symbiosis. Thinking-with processes of more-than-human extraction, extinction, and emergence foregrounds the sequential and synchronous ways in which plantations are worlded, unworlded, and reworlded across time, space, and species. Such an approach points to the importance of reconciling theoretical conceptualizations of plantations as ideology with ethnographically grounded examinations of plantations as patches. It also invites difficult but important ethical, political, and methodological questions on how to story the lively facets of plantation lifeworlds without doing (further) violence to the human and other-than-human beings who experience plantations as lethal undoings and endings.

Christian Nationalism and Political Violence: Victimhood, Racial Identity, Conspiracy, and Support for the Capitol Attacks

Abstract: What explains popular support for political violence in the contemporary United States, particularly the anti-institutional mob that attacked the U.S. Capitol in January 2021? Recent scholarship gives reason to suspect that a constellation of beliefs known as "Christian nationalism" may be associated with support for such violence. We build on this work, arguing that religious ideologies like Christian nationalism should be associated with support for violence, conditional on several individual characteristics that can be inflamed by elite cues. We turn to three such factors long-studied by scholars of political violence: perceived victimhood, reinforcing racial and religious identities, and support for conspiratorial information sources. Each can be exacerbated by elite cues, thus translating individual beliefs in Christian nationalism into support for political violence. We test this approach with original survey data collected in the wake of the Capitol attacks. We find that all the identified factors are positively related to each other and support for the Capitol riot; moreover, the relationship between Christian nationalism and support for political violence is sharply conditioned by white identity, perceived victimhood, and support for the QAnon movement. These results suggest that religion's role in contemporary right-wing violence is embedded with non-religious factors that deserve further scholarly attention in making sense of support for political violence.The online version contains supplementary material available at 10.1007/s11109-021-09758-y.

Incel Ideology, Radicalization and Mental Health

Abstract: Incels (involuntarily celibates) are an online community of men who feel disenfranchised because they are unable to find a romantic and sexual partner. Incels tend to blame society for placing too much value in physical appearance and for endowing women with too much power in mate selection, a grievance that sometimes translates into violent misogyny. Mass-casualty Incel attacks have led the security services in the U.S., Canada, and the U.K. to classify Incels as a violent extremist threat. However, little empirical research is available to inform the understanding of Incels, or to qualify their potential danger to the public. Filling this gap, this study presents an important empirical datum by reaching beyond media headlines and online activity, to assess Incel ideology, mental health, and radical intentions through in-depth surveys of 274 active Incels. Most Incels in our study reported mental health problems and psychological trauma of bullying or persecution. Incel ideology was only weakly correlated with radicalization, and ideology and radicalization were differentially correlated with mental health measures. Most Incels in the study rejected violence. The discussion considers implications of these findings for detection, policing, and non-criminal interventions focused on the Incel community.

Semiotics Analysis in The Betawi Traditional Wedding "Palang Pintu": The Study of Semiotics Roland Barthes

Abstract: The Palang Pintu tradition is a tradition that is part of the Betawi wedding ceremony. In this study, the semiotic analysis of Roland Barthes was used. This study uses extra-qualitative research methods with an interpretive approach as a complement. This linguistic research is classified as interpretive research because it relies on interpreting texts that can be related to the context in it, such as ideological, moral, cultural, and spiritual values. In this study, the researcher aimed to analyze the meaning of the Palang Pintu procession in terms of semiotics. From the results of the study, it can be concluded that in Palang Pintu, there are 1) meanings of denotation in the procession of the Palang Pintu, processions are starting from the dustur prayer, greetings, rhyme contests, fighting, and reciting the holy verses of the Koran or chanting sike. In the denotative meaning of this Palang Pintu process, apart from explaining the literal meaning and describing the process. It also describes the stages of testing for the groom to marry his bride; 2) the connotation meaning in the Palang Pintu procession describes the practice of the teachings and laws of Islam and love for the Prophet Muhammad SAW and family ties; and 3) the myth in the Palang Pintu procession is that there are Betawi solid community principles, namely recitation, prayer, and silat. In addition, the dominance of solid Islamic teachings is evidenced by the existence of relevant verses of the Koran and hadith and the content of Betawi cultures, such as rhyming, where rhymes are used to advise on traditional art ceremonies.

Affective Polarisation in Times of Political Instability and Conflict. Spain from a Comparative Perspective

Abstract: ABSTRACT This is an introductory article for a special issue on affective polarisation in Spain. After discussing the concept and its operationalisation in multi-party settings, we offer data on affective polarisation in Spain and Southern Europe from a comparative perspective using the Comparative National Election Project (CNEP) and Comparative Study of Electoral Systems (CSES). In the second part, we pay special attention to the Spanish case, analysing different dimensions of affective polarisation and its evolution overtime, by taking advantage of an extensive number of indicators from the E-DEM panel survey. Finally, we describe its relationship with ideological polarisation and analyse its possible multidimensional nature. We conclude by introducing the rest of contributions of this special issue.

Word rich or word poor? Deficit discourses, raciolinguistic ideologies and the resurgence of the ‘word gap’ in England’s education policy

Abstract: Educational linguists across England and the USA have long critiqued deficit-based language ideologies in schools, yet since the early 2010s, these have enjoyed a marked resurgence in England’s education policy as evident in discourses, funding, and pedagogical materials related to the so-called ‘word gap.’ This article conceptualizes the word gap as a realization of raciolinguistic ideologies in which the language practices of racialized, low-income and disabled speakers are characterized as deficient, limited, and indeed, full of gaps because they fail to meet benchmarks designed by powerful white listeners. With a genealogical approach, I trace how word gap ideologies and interventions are tethered to colonial logics and have (re)intensified in England’s education policy in recent years. I draw on a cluster of data, including education policy documents, Hansard records, political discourse, textbooks for teachers, research reports, media coverage and the work of Ofsted, the schools inspectorate. I discuss the durability of the word gap in England, newly marketed under seemingly benign guises of scientific objectivity, social justice and empowerment – despite decades of criticism exposing how it perpetuates racial and class hierarchies whilst blaming marginalized speakers and their families for their apparent failure to use the right kind of words.

Ignoring race and denying racism: A meta-analysis of the associations between colorblind racial ideology, anti-Blackness, and other variables antithetical to racial justice.

Abstract: One critical role counseling psychologists can play in dismantling anti-Blackness and eradicating systemic racism is to build on the field's strength in understanding individual-level processes (i.e., systems are created and maintained by individual actors). Drawing on antiracism scholarship, we aimed to better understand how colorblind racial ideology (CBRI), or the denial and minimization of race and racism, may serve as a barrier to engaging in antiracist praxis. Specifically, we conducted a meta-analysis to determine if color evasion (ignoring race) and power evasion (denying structural racism) CBRI were differentially associated with anti-Blackness and processes linked to antiracism. Findings based on 375 effects drawn from 83 studies with more than 25,000 individuals suggest different effects based on CBRI type. As hypothesized, we found that power evasion CBRI was related to increased endorsement of anti-Black prejudice (r = .33) and legitimizing ideologies (r = .24), and negatively associated with a range of other variables associated with antiracism, including social justice behaviors (r = -.31), multicultural practice competencies (r = -.16), diversity openness (r = -.28), and racial/ethnocultural empathy (r = -.35). Consistent with theory, color evasion CBRI was related to increased diversity openness (r = .12). We discuss limitations of our study, as well as outline future directions for research and practice to focus on the role of CBRI in sustaining and perpetuating anti-Blackness and systemic racism. Thus, this meta-analysis has implications for pushing the field of counseling psychology to build the bridge between individual ideologies and creating structural change. (PsycInfo Database Record (c) 2022 APA, all rights reserved).

Pumping the Brakes: Examining the Impact of CEO Political Ideology Divergence on Firm Responses

Abstract: Research on CEO political ideology has demonstrated the construct’s impact on many firm outcomes. Yet, political ideology does not exist in a vacuum; beyond representing a CEO’s values, political i...

The (white) ears of Ofsted: A raciolinguistic perspective on the listening practices of the schools inspectorate

Abstract: Abstract England has had a schools inspectorate since 1839, first in the form of Her Majesty's Inspectorate (HMI), and since 1992, in the form of the Office for Standards in Education, Children's Services and Skills (Ofsted). The inspectorate, a workforce made up of a majority of white inspectors, conduct regular inspections of all state schools in England, producing reports which comment on various aspects of educational provision, including teachers’ and students’ spoken language. In this article we deploy a raciolinguistic genealogy to examine the listening practices of the inspectorate, drawing on historical inspection reports generated from archival work, inspectorate language policy, and a large corpus of contemporary reports. We show how raciolinguistic ideologies are deeply embedded into the sociopolitical culture of the inspectorate, and how these ideologies translate into systems of sonic surveillance in which the nonstandardised language practices of students and teachers are heard as impoverished, deficient, and unsuitable for school. (Raciolinguistics, schools, language policing, standardised English, Ofsted, England, social class, ideology)

Revolution in Libya

Abstract: AbstractBarmin examines the political, social, economic, ethnic, ideological, regional and international dimensions of the Libyan Revolution, its internal and external causes and studies the developments, implications and results of this remarkable event. By the time the Libyan revolution erupted in 2011, against the background of the Arab Spring events in Tunisia and Egypt, the Gaddafi regime was running an ineffective oil-based economy that lacked a strong private sector. Economic disenfranchisement of the youth, which became the key demographic driver of the revolution, and unequal distribution of wealth, created fertile ground for revolutionary sentiment to take root. The revolt was accompanied by numerous uncoordinated demands, which highlighted the spontaneous character of the revolution. The author points out that the tribal nature of Libyan society added an extra layer of complexity to the conflict, whereby the tribes co-opted by the Gaddafi regime served as his strongest support base and allowed the regime to hold out for a long period of time. Similarly, the existence of parallel chains of command and elite units that were loyal only to Gaddafi overshadowed the regular armed forces and insulated the regime from an internal military coup but at the same time such a situation weakened the Gaddafi regime.

On the Margins of Religion

Abstract: Focusing on places, objects, bodies, narratives, and ritual spaces where religion may be found or inscribed, the authors reveal the role of religion in contesting rights to places, to knowledge and to property, as well as access to resources. Through analyses of specific historical processes in terms of responses to socio-economic and political change, the chapters consider implicitly or explicitly the problematic relation between science (including social sciences and anthropology in particular) and religion, and how this connects to the new religious globalization of the twenty-first century. Their ethnographies highlight the embodiment of religion and its location in landscapes, built spaces and religious sites which may be contested, physically or ideologically, or encased in memory and often in silence. Taken together, they show the importance of religion as a resource to the believers: a source of solace, spiritual comfort, and self-willed submission.

Assessment of the role of the state in the management of mineral resources

Abstract: Mineral resources as natural capital can be transformed into human, social and physical capital, that guarantees the sustainable development of a country, exclusively through professional public management. Public management of a country's mineral resource potential is seen as an element of transnational governance. Regulation involves the use of laws, rules and regulations within the jurisdictional and sectoral capabilities of the state, minimizing its involvement as a producer. The features of the ideology of economic liberalism, which polarizes the societies of raw material producing countries by imposing austerity, as well as lowering trade barriers have been studied. The analysis of the influence of the radical new order of neoliberal world ideology on the development of the extractive sector and the strengthening of state regulation has been presented.

Enregistering “gender ideology”

Abstract: Mobilizations against gender equality and sexual diversity have gained political traction globally despite their hyperbolic modes of action and conspiracist rhetoric. These anti-gender campaigns rally around “gender ideology,” a trope used to anathemize feminist and LGBTQIA+ activism/scholarship. This paper argues that anti-genderism is a register – a conventionalized aggregate of expressive forms and enactable person-types – of which “gender ideology” is the most famous shibboleth. The paper shows how inchoate collections of words, modes of action, and images of people (i.e. signs) have been enregistered into the cohesive but heterogeneous whole of anti-genderism through semiotic processes of clasping, relaying, and grafting (Gal 2018; 2019). The paper offers a sociolinguistic analysis of anti-genderism to understand the challenges it poses to the enfranchisement of women, queer, trans, and nonbinary people.

A blessing and a curse? Examining public preferences for differentiated integration

Abstract: This study examines public preferences for two forms of differentiated integration (DI): opt-outs and multi-speed EU. Due to the low salience of DI in domestic politics, we suggest that people use ideological benchmarks when forming opinions about DI mostly relating to their general predispositions towards the EU. While pro-EU citizens are more in favor of DI in the form of multiple speeds as this might pose a solution to overcome gridlock, Euroskeptic citizens display more support for opt-outs as a means to accommodate concerns about national identity and control. These differences are in turn accentuated by people’s left-right ideology. We test our hypotheses using public opinion data from the Eurobarometer between 2004 and 2018 and complete it with novel survey data. Our results suggest that while support for DI has increased in recent years, DI preferences largely coincide with ideological predispositions. Our findings indicate that rather than overcoming preference heterogeneity within the EU, DI might entrench existing fault lines.

Discourse and Ideology

Abstract: Drawing on poststructuralist approaches, Craig Martin outlines a theory of discourse, ideology, and domination that can be used by scholars and students to understand these central elements in the study of culture. The book shows how discourses are used to construct social institutions—often classist, sexist, or racist—and that those social institutions always entail a distribution of resources and capital in ways that capacitate some subject positions over others. Such asymmetrical power relations are often obscured by ideologies that offer demonstrably false accounts of why those asymmetries exist or persist. The author provides a method of reading in order to bring matters into relief, and the last chapter provides a case study that applies his theory and method to racist ideologies in the United States, which systematically function to discourage white Americans from sympathizing with poor African Americans, thereby contributing to reinforcing the latter’s place at the bottom of a racial hierarchy that has always existed in the US.