Showing papers on "International relations published in 1970"

Who Killed Article 2(4)? or: Changing Norms Governing the Use of Force by States

Abstract: Twenty-five years ago, the Allied nations gathered at San Francisco in the warming glow of victory and signed a solemn treaty giving effect to their determination “to save succeeding generations from the scourge of war …” and “to ensure, by the acceptance of principles and the institution of methods, that armed force shall not be used, save in the common interest …” Specifically, they undertook in Article 2(4) to “refrain in their international relations from the threat or use of force against the territorial integrity or political independence of any state …” They also committed themselves to “settle their international disputes by peaceful means …”

International Subsystems: Stability and Polarity

Abstract: One of the current controversies within international relations deals with the “stability” of bipolar as opposed to multipolar stratifications of world power. Morton Kaplan, in codifying the views of classical balance of power theorists, advances the view that multipolar systems are more stable than bipolar systems. Kenneth Waltz, sagely pointing to the relatively peaceful international arena since World War II, argues that a bipolar distribution of power can guarantee world stability. Many a priori arguments have been presented to buttress the Kaplan and Waltz hypotheses. In one of the most elaborate such formulations, the “interaction opportunity” hypothesis of Karl Deutsch and J. David Singer, the presence of stabilizing crosscutting alliances is postulated to be most likely within multipolar systems, which in turn are a function of the number of major powers and members of a system. In an attempt to bring the two opposing strands of theory into a larger framework, Richard Rosecrance more recently has suggested that bipolarity and multipolarity may each have their peculiar costs and benefits. Bipolarity, according to Rosecrance, is distinguished by (1) an absence of “peripheries,” such as areas for colonial expansion or neutral powers to woo; (2) all international behavior is highly politicized; (3) there are many crises; (4) changes in power confrontations are either significant or trivial, with no intervening shades of gray; (5) each pole is dominated by major powers highly motivated to expand their domains, willing even to incur brinksmanlike situations and hostility spirals; (6) no detente is possible. Multipolarity, on the other hand, is hypothesized to have (1) more interaction opportunities and thus less preoccupation (or obsession) with any one set of states; (2) fewer arms races; (3) more international conflicts; (4) the outcomes of international conflicts are harder to predict in advance; (5) changes in power confrontations have ambiguous consequences for the overall distribution of power. Rosecrance, therefore, urges a “bi-multipolar” arrangement that would combine the best features of both alternatives. The empirical questions and intriguing hypotheses so eloquently raised by Kaplan, Waltz, Deutsch, Singer, and Rosecrance have remained largely unexamined, however.

Political Order in Changing Societies

Abstract: This now-classic examination of the development of viable political institutions in emerging nations is a major and enduring contribution to modern political analysis. In a new Foreword, Francis Fukuyama assesses Huntington's achievement, examining the context of the book's original publication as well as its lasting importance. "This pioneering volume, examining as it does the relation between development and stability, is an interesting and exciting addition to the literature."--American Political Science Review "'Must' reading for all those interested in comparative politics or in the study of development."--Dankwart A. Rustow, Journal of International Affairs

A Note on the Ambiguity of "Political Socialization": Definitions, Criticisms, and Strategies of Inquiry

Abstract: D olitical socialization" is a growth stock. The phrase seems 1 never to have appeared in print before 1954, at which time it was introduced more or less in passing in the chapter on voting in the first edition of The Handbook of Social Psychology.1 This terminology was still exotic in 1959, when a book by Herbert Hyman entitled Political Socialization2 was published: as the book made clear, by that date not a single piece of research had been self-consciously carried out under the "political socialization" rubric, even though many research findings relevant to the topic could be extracted from the often quite fugitive literature on the development of children's social orientations. In the fourth edition of the Biographical Directory of the American Political Science Association, which appeared in 1961, there is no reference to the study of political socialization as a specialization within political science. But in the 1968 fifth edition of that work, Political Socialization (now adorned with initial capital letters) had been elevated to the status of a field-coequal with such venerable subdivisions as Constitutional Law and International Politics. Moreover, the extraordinary total of 767 members of the association listed Political Socialization as one of their specialities-many more,

The perception of national power

Abstract: Traditional political science has emphasized the role of power. Indeed, "balance of power" and "spheres of influence" are basic terms in much descriptive analysis. Catlin has stated in Systematic Politics (1962, p. 79) that "all politics is by its nature power politics." Moreover, various theories on the causes of war, such as Organski's (1958, p. 332), speak of war being due to changes in national power; but few of these theories specify in quantitative terms exactly what is meant by the phrase "national power." Ransom (1968, p. 368) states, "In a significant study of how power as a concept is used in college teaching Dennis G. Sullivan [1963] analyzed leading international relations textbooks and discovered seventeen different definitions of power, usually discussed in a 'basic concepts' chapter." Napoleon's quip about the power of the Pope-"How many divisions does he have?" -testifies to the impression that power depends on military strength. But does national power stem from military considerations alone, or does it depend on population, degree of industrialization, and type of govern-

Research on Research: A Decade of Quantitative and Field Research on International Organizations

Abstract: Writing in 1966, I examined the degree to which changes in research methods in political science are affecting research on international organizations and made some suggestions for extending the use of more rigorous empirical methods in international organization research. This effort stimulated a desire to make a more systematic inquiry. Reported in that paper are the results of a systematic survey of fourteen journals and eleven international relations readers which have been published over the past decade. The survey identified some 300 works on international organizations, 61 of which are based on quantitative analysis and field work. This study reports data obtained from coding these works on nine characteristics and provides examples of major findings. The purpose is to help the community of scholars engaged in this work to see where our collective activity is heading in the hope that this will enable us to make more effective use of the limited skills, time, and money available.

Role Theory and International Relations: A Commentary and Extension

Abstract: Professor Holsti has provided an example of the application of role theory to the relations between nations. In this paper an attempt will be made to extend his analysis and further examine the question of whether role theory may be of use in the field of international relations. The sources of theoretical insights in science are various but one frequent source is the theory of another field. History provides some instances in which borrowing has been highly successful, such as when Darwin borrowed from Malthus. There have been instances, however, where borrowing has been less successful. The concept of group mind failed to illuminate our understanding of the group and the idea of physical fields of force, while emphasizing the notion of multiple causation, has not been notably successful when applied to the group. There are many who are particularly dubious whether theory developed at one level can be fruitfully applied to problems at another. Thus many have questioned whether theories at the

The 1938 Gold Coast Cocoa Crisis: British Business and the Colonial Office

Abstract: In recent years considerable attention has been focused upon the impact of interest groups on British governmental processes. The political activities of British businesses, including their contacts within the administrative structure, however, has escaped detailed scrutiny. This article, 1 drawn from a larger study now in preparation, concentrates upon the relations which existed between the Colonial Office and three British firms operating in West Africa: the United Africa Company (UAC); Cadbury Brothers Limited (Cadburys); and John Holt and Company, Liverpool (Holts). These concerns were actively involved in buying cocoa just prior to the 1937 "Cocoa Hold-Up" in the Gold Coast. A discussion about the events surrounding the firms' Agreement in 1937 and about its reception both in London and in the Gold Coast will be followed by a review of the subsequent activities of the three firms, especially in relation

A cognitive interaction model to analyze culture conflict in international relations

Abstract: ive, universal orientation implies a belief in and a preoccupation with universally applicable truths. In the case of a state, such a belief implies in turn the existence of an official ideology and a degree of missionary

Children's Developing Orientations To International Politics

Abstract: 1.1. Political socialization research In recent years a revitalized interest in childhood political socialization has been evidenced by several social scientists; some, as with Herbert Hyman, concerning themselves with the processes of individual growth and the development of theory in relation to political behavior, and others, Easton and Hess, Almond and Verba, considering political socialization in the context of stability and incremental change in political systems.l Most socialization studies examine orientations to political objects, such as the President, the Mayor, the Congress, or a more generalized concern for predispositional orientations to liberalism-conservatism, authoritarianism-non-authoritarianism, or DemocratRepublicanism.2 In an effort to develop a more general theory of political socialization and to relate this theory to the maintenance of the political system, Easton and Hess have begun to investigate childhood orientations not just to specified objects in specific predispositional ways but to the political system and its major components, the government, the regime, and the political community.3 Although research on political socialization concerning domestic systems is moving in several directions, political scientists have given only limited attention to political socialization processes

The International Relations of Regions

Abstract: Louis 7. Cantori did his graduate work at Chicago, held Fulbright, SSRC and Ford awards for research in the United Arab Republic (1963-65) and Morocco (1967-69) and has taught at UCLA since 1966. His interests are in comparative political systems. His colleague at UCLA, Steven L. Spiegel, has also held his present post since 1966 and is presently on leave as a research associate with the Institute for War and Peace Studies, Colombia University. His graduate work was done at Harvard and his field is international relations.

Technological Strategies and National Purpose: Domestic and foreign developments necessitate a new relationship.

Abstract: It would be presumptuous to suggest that economic and technological forces will determine the course of domestic or international affairs. In the last analysis, passions rule the world. Nonetheless, to a degree perhaps unparalleled in the past, economic and technological considerations will shape the ways in which political interests and conflicts seek their expression and work themselves out. In a world where nuclear weaponry has inhibited the use of military power and where social and economic demands play an inordinate role in political life, the choice, success, or failure of a nation9s technological strategy will influence in large measure its place in the international pecking order and its capacity to solve its domestic problems.

The Changing Indian Diplomacy at the United Nations

Abstract: This article seeks to briefly relate the changing Indian diplomacy at the United Nations to requirements of domestic and international politics. The inferences and observations made in the article have been largely influenced by a series of formal and informal interviews with Indian and other diplomats, particularly those attending the 21st and 22nd sessions of the General Assembly.

Correlates of Public Sentiments About War: Local Referenda on the Vietnam Issue

Abstract: Political science, by whatever definition of the discipline one might want to adopt, traditionally has been concerned with public opinion and participation on significant policy questions. Although the literature has become too vast for a complete enumeration of the varied contexts in which this research has been conducted, one issue that might rank high on a list of priorities for study—and yet has received somewhat less emphasis than other topics—is the subject of public attitudes toward war. Perhaps this relative neglect has been promoted by a lack of opportunities for direct public participation in foreign policy decisions. Unlike most domestic issues, controversies over world problems have been relatively insulated from popular influence. Hence, research on the development of international conflict usually has devoted more attention to the statements and behavior of national leaders or key influentials than to public sentiments regarding war. In recent years, however, the bitter debate generated by the war in Vietnam has stimulated mounting interest in popular attitudes concerning military action. The controversy has provoked both an unusual display of public disagreement about the war and a desire for basic changes in the policy-making process. Many persons not only have registered strong disapproval of American involvement in the Vietnam war, but they also have expressed an acute sense of frustration about their inability to affect the conduct of international relations. As a result, growing demands have emerged to permit expanded public access to critical decisions and to create increasingly democratic methods of formulating foreign policy.

The Role of the Provinces in International Affairs

Abstract: It is highly unlikely that when the International Journal was launched in 1946, anyone would have ever contemplated writing an article on the role of the Canadian provinces in international affairs. After all, Canada's foreign policy at that time was made exclusively by the federal government. Ottawa had just achieved full international competence through a gradual process of evolutionary events in the period from 1871 to 1939, and the provinces were considered by many in Ottawa to be little more than glorified municipalities exercising purely local functions. Yet, in assessing Canada's role in international affairs twenty-five years later, the provinces are very much a factor to be reckoned with. Although the reasons for the larger and more sophisticated provincial role in the general exercise of governmental powers since 1946 are mostly internal, this development has significant external implications. For at stake is not only the internal maintenance of the Canadian federation, but the role of Canada in the international community. Thus it is appropriate, and indeed necessary, to consider to what extent a viable Canadian foreign policy today can accommodate present and future provincial international initiatives as an external projection of domestic responsibilities, given the present state of Canada's federal system. It is essential first of all to consider the notion of federalism as

International relations in Europe

Abstract: Most of the changes in the political structure of Europe between 1688 and 1721 arose in connection with five great wars: the Nine Years War, the War of the Spanish Succession, the Turkish wars of 1683–99 and 1714–18, and the Great Northern War. That these wars never merged into one European conflict suggests a tripartite division of Europe into west, north and south-east. Of course there were no hard and fast partitions between these regions. A number of States belonged to two or more: for example, Hanover and Brandenburg to both west and north, the Habsburg monarchy and Venice to west and south-east, Russia and Poland to the north and south-east. Nor was it uncommon for countries of one region to get involved in the affairs of another—almost always to redress the balance of forces in it or prevent innovations deemed harmful: as examples we can cite William III's role in the Altona settlement of 1689, Charles XII's in the Empire in 1706–7, the Habsburg intervention in the Turco-Venetian war in 1716. Yet attempts to call in the forces of another region in order positively to upset the existing order elsewhere, or to break a military deadlock nearer home, usually miscarried. The decline of French influence in Sweden and Brandenburg, Poland and Turkey, amounting to a breakdown of the classical ‘eastern barrier’ in the 1680s, indeed tended to sharpen the tripartite division of Europe. In the Nine Years War Louis XIV was no longer able to summon his northern allies to fight on his side, while William III was not strong enough to secure more than a few auxiliary troops from them.

International Relations, 1965-1969

Abstract: one is struck by the artificiality of the chronological division. The literature of international relations presents a continuum for the whole decade, and no new chapter starts with the beginning of the second half of the decade. In consequence, what was said five years ago about the characteristics of the field bears repetition. If it was true five years ago, it is still true today, &dquo;that international relations is still amorphous, that it has no common focus of intel-