Showing papers on "Nationalism published in 1973"

Intergroup Conflict and British Colonial Policy: The Case of Cyprus

Abstract: Nation-states are sustained through a multiplicity of institutional arrangements and through individual and group behavior appropriate to the framework of nationhood.' Fundamentally, these are grounded in a cognitive structure and a system of norms and values that define the what and how of reality in such a way that an international order composed of sovereign nation-states is perceived as "natural" and normal. In turn, sovereign political authority is viewed as legitimate when its jurisdiction extends over and is restricted to those of one nationality. Thus, the rulers and the ruled are one and the same; government is of and for the people; the proper concern of government is the public welfare; and the national interest coincides with the interests of the members of the body politic. The universalization of the ideology of nationalism and the concomitant efforts to create a social order founded on its precepts are the most striking features of the post-World War II era. The processes of modernization,2 including the formation of a nation-state, are com-

Imperialism and Nationalism in India

Abstract: Among the dominant themes of world history during the nineteenth and twentieth centuries have been the imperialism of the west and the nationalism of its colonial subjects. Nowhere were these themes developed more spectacularly than in South Asia; its history quite naturally came to be viewed as a gigantic clash between these two large forces. The subject then was held together by a set of assumptions about the imperialism of the British and the reactions of the Indians against it. That imperialism, so it was thought, had engineered great effects on the territories where it ruled. Those who held the power could make the policy, and they could see that it became the practice. Sometimes that policy might be formulated ineptly or might fall on stony ground or even smash against the hard facts of colonial life. But for good or ill, imperial policy seemed to be the main force affecting colonial conditions. It emerged from an identifiable source, the official mind of Whitehall or the contrivances of pro-consuls; and so the study of policy-making made a framework for investigations into colonial history.

The Technology of Japanese Nationalism: The Local Improvement Movement, 1900–1918

Abstract: Historians frequently describe the Russo-Japanese War as a time when Japan achieved great power status, won world acclaim, and fulfilled the Meiji dream. It was a landmark in modern world history: everywhere leaders of sujected peoples were inspired to believe that they too could import Western science and industry, rid themselves of white control, preserve their national character, and themselves oversee the process of industrialization. Jawaharlal Nehru, for example, records in his autobiography that the Japanese victories were a memorable event in his early life, describing them as “a great pick-me-up for Asia” which kindled his nationalism and his determination to “fight for India.” Eager to learn more of the Japanese experience, “I invested in a large number of books on Japan and tried to read some of them.” But he confesses ruefully (perhaps recalling an account of Bakumatsu politics?) “I felt rather lost in Japanese history.”!

Fanon and the Revolutionary Peasantry — the Algerian Case

Abstract: Numerous commentaries have been written on Frantz Fanon's theory of decolonisation in relation to the peasants, most of them focusing on his claim that they constitute the most revolutionary sector in the Third World. This article critically re-examines what Fanon said–and what others think he said–dealing specifically with generalisations based on his observations of the Algerian peasantry during the war of independence, November 1954 to July 1962.

The First African Press in East Africa: Protest and Nationalism in Uganda in the 1920's

Abstract: The contribution o.f the independent African press toi the development of a social and political response to colo,nial rule in East Africa is now beginning to be recognized.1 Earlier students tended to emphasize the role of the press; in nationalist movements of West Africa, while the East African newspapers received only passing mention.2 The West African press had, of course, a much longer history and, perhaps most importantly, was largely an, English-language press.3 In East Africa the nationalist newspapers were almost all published in oine of the vernacular languages, usually Swahili, Kikuyu, or Luganda. Until recent years; many historians, political scientists, and other scholars lacked the necessary language skills to deal with this press, and the newspapers themselves rarely were collected by librarians or achivists. Thus standard works about East Africa made little or no use of these valuable sources.4

Nationalism & socialism : Marxist and labor theories of nationalism to 1917

Abstract: Nationalism and Socialism is a study in the history of Marxian ideas; but it is also an attempt to show how the ideas are related to the society from which they sprang, and how the changes in social relations were reflected in the emergence of a whole new formulation of nationalist theory. Horace Davis brings together, for the first time in English, the contributions of the many writers in the Marxist and labor camps to the development of nationality theory down to 1917. The verbal battles between Bakunin and Engels, and between Rosa Luxemburg and Lenin, are shown to treat issues that marked the course of the entire twentieth century.

The ‘Greater Indonesia’ Idea of Nationalism in Malaya and Indonesia

Abstract: Nationalism postulates the existence of a people and declares its right to take over an old state organization or establish a new one. A nationalist movement attempts to do this in the name of the people so postulated. Usually, the leaders of such movements come from the centre, or more precisely, the large urban areas of the envisaged state.

U.S. Foreign Policy: The Search for Focus

Abstract: A MERICA was thrust into the world some 30 years ago. That A-\ jolting experience generated in America a degree of unity ** ^ concerning foreign affairs unusual for a democratic and pluralist society. Largely as a consequence of that shock, Amer ica's foreign policy came to enjoy for a quarter of a century the advantage of broad popular support and of a seeming sense of direction. Throughout much of that time, America's involvement in world affairs was characterized by an increasingly activist inter nationalism, by an idealistic optimism, and by a strong dose of populist Manichaeanism. The activist internationalism was in part a reaction to widely shared guilt feelings about America's earlier rejection of the League of Nations, and?as if to erase the past?America now became the most active promoter of interna tional undertakings. The idealistic optimism combined a strong faith in the eventual emergence of a world of united nations with an unprecedented degree of popular willingness to share Amer ica's bounty with others. The populist Manichaeanism reflected the propensity of the masses to demonize foreign affairs, a ten dency easily reinforced by the realities of Hitlerism and then of Stalinism. Both World War II and the subsequent cold war gave Amer ica's involvement in world affairs a clear focus. The objectives of foreign policy were relatively easy to define, and they could be imbued with high moral content. To be sure, periodic frustra tions in the conduct of the cold war prompted different Presi dents to define their policies and priorities in varying terms, but the essential character of America's involvement remained un changed. President Roosevelt focused public hopes on the "four freedoms," but the frustrations of Yalta?a case of unsuccessful Realpolitik at variance with the prevailing idealism?led not long afterward to President Truman's call for the containment of Stalinism and for the reconstruction of Europe. The frustra tions of the Korean War in turn led to President Eisenhower's "Crusade for Freedom," including even the goal of liberating Eastern Europe (and thus repudiating Yalta). U.S. passivity in

Hitler’s Rise to Power

Abstract: ‘The irony of history’, wrote Engels in a famous passage, ‘turns everything upside down.’ The First World War, according to Allied claims at the time, was fought to make the world safe for democracy. Yet it was followed during the twenty years of uneasy peace, by the rise, in one European country after another, of popular dictatorships. Most of these can be loosely but conveniently described as Fascist. As had happened in 1848, popular government produced an alliance, followed by a clash between liberalism and nationalism from which nationalism emerged victorious. Mussolini, the first of the new style dictators and in many ways their exemplar, spoke with contempt of the ‘putrefying corpse’ of freedom, and as early as April 1922 (six months before he came to power) announced that his party, the Fascisti, would make an end of the liberal state.1As a system of ideas Fascism is hard to define because it lacked clarity and coherence especially in Germany where it bore many traces of political romanticism. But as a political movement, embodied in parties or groups struggling for or holding power, it had certain easily recognisable characteristics: nationalism, xenophobia, glorification of the state; a preference for the peasant and small businessman against both big business and the consumer; adulation of an authoritarian and preferably charismatic leader; exultation of instinct over reason; a cult of dynamism and militarism; regressive social attitudes (for example towards the emancipation of women); anti-semitism.

India's Revolution: Gandhi and the Quit India Movement

Abstract: Gandhi's Quit India Movement of 1942 was the climax of a nationalist revolutionary movement which sought independence on India's own terms. Indian independence was attained through revolution, not through a benevolent grant from the British imperial regime. "The British left India because Indians had made it impossible for them to stay." The bases for Francis Hutchins' thesis are new facts from hitherto unused sources: interviews with surviving participants in the movement, private papers from the Gandhi Memorial Museum and the Nehru Memorial Museum and Library, documents in the National Archives of India. In particular, he has studied the secret records of the British government, recently made available, which reveal for the first time the extent of the revolutionary movement and Britain's plans for dealing with it. Of the British records Hutchins says, "No other regime has left such careful documentation of its strategies or compiled such extensive records revealing the way in which it was overthrown." Even though England had always proclaimed its hope that India would one day become independent, the tacit assumption was that this was a remote eventuality. Only after Gandhi's Quit India Movement did Britain's political parties resign themselves to the necessity to leave quickly, whether or not they believed India was "ready." Obscured by censorship in India and by preoccupation with World War II, the significance of Gandhi's revolutionary technique was not appreciated at the time. Hutchins' impressive analysis uses the Indian case to develop a general theory of the revolutionary nature of colonial nationalism.

The Activities of the London Missionary Society in South Africa, 1806-1836: An Assessment

Abstract: Seemingly oblivious to outside pressure and censure, the present-day Nationalist government of South Africa remains firmly wedded to a policy of separate development, known as apartheid, for its white and nonwhite populations. Criticism from abroad is inevitably parried with the assertion that South Africa has its own means of dealing with questions of race, based on more than 300 years of historical experience. Traditionally this attitude has been upheld and shared by South African historians, particularly by those of Dutch extraction, who comb South Africa's past in search of material to justify the prejudices and policies of today. “History,” writes a contemporary South African historian, “has become a tool to perpetuate the laager mentality of a minority group embattled forever against British imperialists, missionaries, Kaffirs, Communists, liberals, and the world in general” (Patterson 1957, p. 37). More specifically, South Africa's current inflexible position on apartheid may be related to events that took place in the early part of the nineteenth century. During this period, British efforts to bring about the “equalization” of the native peoples led to the “first clash of significance” between the British and the Afrikaners (Van Jaarsveld 1964, p. 8), as the descendants of the Dutch Boers call themselves; and because the agents of the London Missionary Society at the Cape and in England agitated for many of the reforms introduced by the home government in its South African colony, the Afrikaners have held them responsible for setting in motion the events leading to the Great Trek of 1836.

The electoral geography of welsh and Scottish nationalism

Abstract: The relevance to Political Geography, and the nature of the recent electoral emergence of Welsh and Scottish nationalism are examined Contrasts in geographical conditions associated with the performances of the Welsh and Scottish parties are found to be related to their ideological and cultural characters The Scottish National Party appears primarily a vehicle for protest, whereas Plaid Cymru is more an expression of a threatened culture

Irish Nationalism and Irish Catholicism: A Study In Cultural Identity

Abstract: Seven years ago the Irish people celebrated the fiftieth anniversary of the Easter Monday Rebellion: the “Blood Sacrifice” that inspired the Anglo-Irish War leading to the Treaty, the Free State and finally the Republic. During the festivities, politicians paid homage to the memory of Padraig Pearse, James Connolly and their colleagues in the Volunteer and Citizen Armies; towns and villages erected monuments to men who died for Irish freedom; professional and amateur historians produced volumes of description and analyses of the brave deeds of Easter Week; bands played and singers sang patriotic airs; and someone blew up Nelson's Pillar in O'Connell Street.A prominent politician, a hero of 1916, allegedly described the last event in newspaper headline style as ‘noted British admiral leaves Dublin by air.’ The 1916 commemoration was more than a hymn to the past; it was also a tribute to the values and successes of physical force nationalism. Ireland in 1966 seemed a model of productive revolution: a stable community with viable democratic institutions and an expanding economy; an example for other countries emancipated from the scourge of imperialism. This was the consensus of a confident nation.