Showing papers by "Center for the Study of Democracy published in 2011"

Developing European indicators of trust in justice

Abstract: A social indicators approach to trust in justice recognizes that the police and criminal courts need public support and institutional legitimacy if they are to operate effectively and fairly. In order to generate public cooperation and compliance, these institutions must demonstrate to citizens that they are trustworthy and that they possess the authority to govern. In this paper we first outline the conceptual roadmap for a current comparative analysis of trust in justice. We then describe the methodological development process of a 45-item module in Round 5 of the European Social Survey, which fields the core survey indicators. After presenting the findings from a quantitative pilot of the indicators, we consider the policy implications of a procedural justice model of criminal justice.

Islam and patriarchy: how robust is Muslim support for patriarchal values?

Abstract: Evidence that Muslims support patriarchal values more than non-Muslims is abundant but the nature of this evidence is contested. The ‘cultural’ interpretation suggests that patriarchal values are a...

Empowering Women: The Role of Emancipative Beliefs

Abstract: In cross-national research, few studies analyse the influence of subjective beliefs on women’s empowerment, and when they do, they treat subjective beliefs as an alternative explanation that rivals the influence of objective opportunities, such as the rise of knowledge societies. Under the theory of ‘belief-mediated social change’, we disagree with this approach and hypothesize that subjective beliefs do not rival but ‘mediate’ the influence of objective opportunities on women’s empowerment. Analysing the empowerment of women over various domains, we find that the objective opportunities linked to the rise of knowledge societies advance women’s empowerment, but only insofar as these opportunities engender a subjective belief in women’s empowerment and other emancipative goals. This finding establishes a better understanding of the interplay between objective opportunities and subjective beliefs in advancing women’s empowerment.

Virtual Civil Society: The New Frontier of Social Capital?

Abstract: Although many scholars agree that social interactions within traditional social groups build social capital, there is less consensus on the benefits of virtual interactions for political engagement. Our research examines how interpersonal social group activity and virtual activity contribute to two dimensions of social capital: citizen norms and political involvement. We rely on data collected in the 2005 Citizenship Involvement in Democracy survey conducted by the Center for Democracy and Civil Society at Georgetown University. This survey provides unique detail on participation in both social groups and virtual interactions. Our findings suggest that social group activity and virtual interactions both foster many of the same positive aspects of social capital.

Torture Approval in Comparative Perspective

Abstract: Torture is (almost) universally condemned as barbaric and ineffective, yet it persists in the modern world. What factors influence levels of support for torture? Public opinion data from 31 countries in 2006 and 2008 (a total of 44 country-years) are used to test three hypotheses related to the acceptability of torture. The findings, first, show that outright majorities in 31 country-years reject the use of torture. Multiple regression results show that countries with high per capita income and low domestic repression are less likely to support torture. Constraints on the executive have no significant effect on public opinion on torture.

Measuring Effective Democracy

Abstract: Responding to recent criticism, this article demonstrates that the Index of Effective Democracy (EDI) developed by Welzel and Inglehart (2008) has scale properties that are fully consistent with the theoretical premises underlying the index’s construction. Empirically, it is shown that the EDI differs from the other existing measures of democracy as intended, incorporating aspects of democracy that the other indices neglect. As a result, the EDI outperforms the other existing measures of democracy in the strength of its linkages with key theoretical correlates of democracy, including both its preconditions and its consequences. From a substantive point of view, the EDI is the most reliable and valid index of democracy that is currently available.

Measuring Effective Democracy: A Defense

Abstract: Against recent criticism, this article demonstrates that the Index of Effective Democracy (EDI) has scale properties that are fully consistent with the normative premises of the index‘s construction logic. Empirically, it is shown that the EDI deviates from all other indices of democracy in a perfectly intended way that incorporates substantiating qualities of democracy which the other indices neglect. As a result, the EDI outperforms all other democracy indices in its associative strength with key theoretical correlates of democracy, conditional and consequential. From a substantive point of view, the EDI is the most reliable and valid index of democracy that is currently available.

Islam and Patriarchy: How Robust is Muslim Support for Patriarchal Values?

Abstract: Evidence that Muslims support patriarchal values more than Non-Muslims is abundant but the nature of this evidence is contested. The 'cultural' interpretation suggests that patriarchal values are an inherent element of Muslim identity. The 'structural' interpretation holds that patriarchal values reside in structural characteristics and have little to do with Muslim identity. Evidence on these contradictory claims is inconclusive. Neither have advocates of the cultural position shown that Muslim support for patriarchal values remains robust under control of structural characteristics; nor have proponents of the structural position demonstrated that Muslim support for these values vanishes under such controls. Filling this gap, we use multi-level models to test whether Muslim support for patriarchal values vanishes under control of patriarchy’s structural underpinnings. We find that Muslim support for patriarchal values is robust against various controls. And, we identify mosque attendance as a mechanism to sustain Muslim support for patriarchy in Non-Muslim societies. Yet, rising levels of education, labor market participation, and a glacial emancipative trend diminish Muslim support for patriarchy, especially among women.

Measuring Effective Democracy

Abstract: Responding to recent criticism, this article demonstrates that the Index of Effective Democracy (EDI) developed by Welzel and Inglehart (2008) has scale properties that are fully consistent with the theoretical premises underlying the index’s construction. Empirically, it is shown that the EDI differs from the other existing measures of democracy as intended, incorporating aspects of democracy that the other indices neglect. As a result, the EDI outperforms the other existing measures of democracy in the strength of its linkages with key theoretical correlates of democracy, including both its preconditions and its consequences. From a substantive point of view, the EDI is the most reliable and valid index of democracy that is currently available.

Good Governance and Bad Neighbors

Abstract: The EU’s Eastern Enlargement is considered to be one of the (few) successful experiments of promoting good – both effective and legitimate – governance. By contrast, the EU’s transformative power appears to be weak or non-existent vis-à-vis its (old) neighbors in the South and its (new) neighbors in the East. Both are not only marked by ‘bad governance’ but also lack a (credible) membership perspective. While the Western Balkans and Turkey have made significant progress towards good governance, both with regard to government effectiveness and democratic legitimacy, the European Neighborhood Countries (ENCs) appear to be stuck in transition or never got that far in the first place. Even when the effectiveness of their governance institutions has improved, they remain well behind the other regions and especially their democratic legitimacy is still wanting or even in decline. The paper shows that there is a correlation between an EU membership perspective and the successful transformation of neighboring countries. Therefore, it has been argued that the ineffectiveness of the European Neighbourhood Policy (ENP) is due to the lack of this ‘golden carrot’. However, we argue that the prospects of EU membership stabilizes rather than drives the move towards effective and legitimate governance in candidate countries. Thus, a membership perspective is unlikely to either turn around negative or speed up positive developments in the EU’s neighborhood. Even if the ENCs received a membership perspective, it would be unlikely to push them significantly towards democratic and effective governance as long as there is no endogenously driven process of change. Given the EU’s preference for stability and state-building, the ENP does not provide an alternative for promoting good governance either. The ENP clearly lacks transformative power and where it might have some domestic impact, it risks consolidating rather than undermining authoritarian regimes by helping to strengthen their capacities for effective governance. 4 | KFG Working Paper No. 35| December 2011 Vera van Hüllen works as a postdoctoral research associate in the Collaborative Research Center (SFB) 700 “Governance in Areas of Limited Statehood” at the Freie Universität Berlin. Together with Tanja A. Börzel, she investigates the governance transfer of regional organizations around the world. In 2010, she completed her Ph.D. in political science at Freie Universität Berlin on cooperation in the field of democracy and human rights between the European Union and its neighbours in the Middle East and North Africa. Contact: vera.vanhuellen@fu-berlin.de The Authors Tanja A. Börzel is Professor of Political Science and holds the chair for European Integration at the Otto Suhr Institute of Political Science, Freie Universität Berlin. Her research concentrates on questions of Governance, institutional change as a result of Europeanization as well as on the diffusion of ideas and policies within and outside of the European Union. Since October 2008, she coordinates the Research College “The Transformative Power of Europe” together with Thomas Risse. Contact: europe@zedat.fu-berlin.de Good Governance and Bad Neighbors? | 5

Left-Right Position, Authoritarianism, Euroskepticism and Support for the Radical Right, East and West

Abstract: Our focus in this paper is on two questions. The first is whether the current economic conditions and uncertainty about the future of the EU provide an opening for extremist parties, ones that have exclusionary policies at the center of their ideology; a related question is whether the determinants of support for such parties in older democracies and members of the EU resemble those in emerging democracies who have recently joined the EU. To answer these questions, we analyze the determinants of support for the French National Front (as a representative case of a radical right party from the oldest members of the EU/European Community), and the Greater Romania Party (as a representative case from one of the newest members of the EU), with special attention to the impact of Euroskepticism. Our analysis of data from recent surveys conducted in the two countries shows that most individual-level determinants of support for the two parties are similar, while being clearly distinguishable from the determinants of support for the mainstream parties of both left and right. Most importantly, not only authoritarianism, but also Euroskepticism has a significant and positive impact on support for the FN and the GRP, while having a negative impact on support for mainstream parties. Quite significantly, while this effect was already visible in France from the very beginning, it has become more significant in Romania only recently. These results indicate that both parties are in a good position to benefit from the current economic and political conditions by promoting a mix of authoritarian and anti-EU policy messages.