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Showing papers in "Distinktion: Scandinavian Journal of Social Theory in 2003"


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, the authors introduce a distinction between two types of markets and market coordination: those based on social networks and flow architectures, which involve potentially global “scopic” reflex systems (GRSs) that project market reality while at the same time carrying it forward and allowing it to flow.
Abstract: This article introduces a distinction between two types of markets and market coordination: those based on social networks and those based on a flow architecture. Flow architectures involve potentially global “scopic” reflex systems (GRSs) that project market reality while at the same time carrying it forward and allowing it to flow. The argument is that some financial markets have undergone a transition from a pre-reflexive network market to a reflexively coordinated flow market manifest in the different organization of trading floors, changes in trading patterns and the emergence of a moving market that gets transferred from time-zone to time-zone with the sun. To understand these markets, temporal concepts are needed in addition to the social structural (relational) concepts with which we commonly work. Networks emerge from this analysis as historically specific, relationship-based forms of market coordination which in some markets are in the process of being replaced by more reflexive temporal forms o...

126 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
Ute Tellmann1
TL;DR: The authors argued for a discourse-analytical approach to the market using the archaeological method developed by Michel Foucault, and presented an analysis of the figure of the market within the publications of the International Monetary Fund.
Abstract: This article argues for a discourse-analytical approach to the market Using the archaeological method developed by Michel Foucault, it presents an analysis of the figure of the market within the publications of the International Monetary Fund The market is deciphered as a discursive strategy to monopolize the representation of economic reality Governed by a “will to truth”, contemporary economic discourse establishes the market as the subject of knowledge, which is authorized to speak the truth about the economy This truth-regime effectively hides its own hierarchical structures and denounces alternative political choices about the organization of socio-economic order as untruthful, thereby shielding economic discourse from political contestation The findings of this archaeological analysis are embedded in a critical discussion of the view of the market in the governmentality approach This approach, commenced by Foucault, is committed to an anti-essentialist perspective on the market While this pap

9 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: Artiklen viser, at et af de vanskelige momenter ved katastrofer ligger deri, at det kun kan vurderes retrospektivt, om kATastrofen er indtruffet as discussed by the authors.
Abstract: I det 20. arhundredes taenkning fremkommer en saerlig opfattelse af katastrofer. Hvor det hos Heidegger var mennesket selv, der udgjorde katastrofen ved sin vaerensglemsel, er det for Adorno og Horkheimer Oplysningen, der kulminerer i katastrofe i form af en verwaltete Welt. Artiklen viser, at et af de vanskelige momenter ved katastrofer ligger deri, at det kun kan vurderes retrospektivt, om katastrofen er indtruffet. Som Bergson skrev om udbruddet pa Forste Verdenskrig, var krigsudbruddet pa en gang sandsynligt og umuligt. Forst bagefter tilskrives fortiden den mulighed, der blev realiseret i katastrofen, saledes at det radikalt nye retrospektivt aendrer fortidens forestillinger om, hvad der var muligt og tillader os at falde tilbage i den fortid, katastrofen indskriver som den lineaere arsag til nutiden.

7 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, Georg Henrik von Wright bjod mig hem till sig for ett samtal, this article wrote: ''For ungdomliga gratulationer p i 60-irsdagen.
Abstract: \"Hjartliga gratulationer p i 60-irsdagen. Tack for dina bocker. Tanke ochfdrkunnelse har blivit min stkdiga foljeslagare\". Si skrev jag sorn nybliven student i mitt livs forsta och hittills enda idoltelegram den 14 juni 1976. Till min bestortning mottog jag samma sommar ett brev f r k foremilet for min beundran. Georg Henrik von Wright bjod mig hem till sig for ett samtal. P i darriga ben klev jag darfor en vacker eftermiddag i juli upp de tvi trappoma till det von wrightska hemmet i sodra Helsingfors och ringde pi. Professom tog emot i tamburen. (Det ar kanske ett uttryck for min saknad for miinniskans sorg att jag graver i mitt mime efter detaljer. Ansiktet glider undan nar jag forsoker hilla fast det. Jag ser framfor mig en latt sommarskjorta med forsta knappen uppknappt, blirandig, graddinte snovit, byxoma, grl eller ljust beigea med ganska smalt, brunt balte. Kontrasten mellan den ungdomliga rosten och en kropp sorn bo rjat Qldras. Jag minns doften, av solbelyst lader och bokdamm. Mina strumpor sorn k;inns hala mot den blanka ekparketten. von Wright mQste ha haft skor p i sig. Hurdana? Och varfor kanns det viktigt att minnas om skjortan faktiskt var randig? Kommer han mig d i narmare? Hur viker doden for livet?). Mitt forsta intryck var av en lite vordnadsbjudande och stel hogborgerlig miljo och, samtidigt, av en awapnande, befriande v k lighet. Moblemanget och interiorema piminde om det sorn jag var van vid f r h mormors och farmors systrars enklare hem i Mejlans, Helsingfors. Kanske var det for det den skull sorn jag alltid kom att betrakta Georg Henrik von Wright sorn representant for mina farforaldrars generation, trots att han bara var tolv i r aldre ;in min far? Efterit framstir min intuitiva moblemangsklassificering av hemmets anda sorn mera berattigad an man p i basen av den rena kronologin skulle ha kunnat vanta sig. Det finns i mitt sociala medvetande en klar skillnad mellan dem sorn haft ett vuxet liv fore kriget och dem sorn inte haft det. En skillnad p i nigra i r har av historiens hjul fordjupats till en generationsgrks. P i samma satt ar det ju ibland bara nigra futtiga i r sorn bestammer den andra, i Finland och andra krigsharjade lhder mera uppmarksammade skillnaden mellan dem sorn upplevde kriget, vid fronten eller sorn bam, och dem sorn ar, och l k g e ;innu kommer att vara, \"for unga\". von Wright horde, knappt men klart, till forkrigsgenerationen. Georg Henrik, sorn jag f r k den dagen skulle kalla honom, bjod p i te i sitt arbetsrum. Tvi fitoljer, snett v k d a mot varandra och utit rurnmet och Skepparegatan med ryggama mot bokhyllan sorn gir over hela vaggen. Mellan stolama ett litet runt mahognybord och en golvlampa. PQ samma plats satt jag ibland senare. Bekvamt och avspht, utan pitrangande ogonkontakt och intimitet men bra for samtal. Det forsta samtalet varade kanske en halv timme. Vad vi talade om minns jag inte. Jag tror det gallde vad jag hade last men saker ar jag bara p i en sak. Att Georg Henrik rekommenderade tvi bocker for mig, Persoonallisuus av Eino Kaila och iiber Gewissheit av Ludwig Wittgenstein. Antagligen var det vid samma mote sorn han uppmanade mig att under hosten vid sidan av de obligatoriska kursema besoka forelasningar av en aldre professor och en yngre magister. Samma dag sprang jag till stadsbiblioteket p i Richardsgatan. Dar hittade jag ocksi genast bida bockema, p i finska tror jag. Strax darefter stack jag upp tummen och virvlade

6 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The concept of social capital was introduced in this article as a more specific version of Bourdieu's capital approach, where cultural values may generally compensate for the presence of asymmetrical information.
Abstract: What is social capital? We try to answer this question by using an interdisciplinary approach that combines economics and sociology in three steps. First, we introduce the general economic starting point from New Institutional Economics (NIE) focusing on asymmetrical information and transaction costs. Next, we incorporate the capital theory of Pierre Bourdieu, demonstrating how cultural values may generally compensate for the presence of asymmetrical information. Finally, we introduce the concept of social capital as a more specific version of Bourdieu's capital approach. Overall, we suggest that social capital can be operationalized as a matter of trust. This would solve the fundamental problem in NIE, namely by compensating for asymmetrical information and thereby reducing the size of transaction costs following social and economic interaction. Thus, social capital may be viewed as a new production factor that may help explain differences in the economic welfare of nations.

5 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, a rethinking of Max Weber's analysis of the connection between the upcoming of a new religious behavior such as the New Age movement, and a new way of thinking about the work expressed in New Human Resources Management is presented.
Abstract: In this article, I examine the use of personal development programs in the world of business. In recent decades, there has been an increasing interest in the cultivation of the Self and this tendency has found expression in the New Age movement and modern management. I suggest a rethinking of Max Weber's analysis of the connection between the upcoming of a new religious behavior, such as the New Age movement, and a new way of thinking about the work expressed in New Human Resources Management. The French philosopher Marcel Gauchet's interpretation of the modern religious practices bound to the believer's inner life is central to my analysis. The ideal employee is in a permanent state of reflection, learning and experience; he sees himself in a state of growth. The focus here is directed towards the individual's potential and is based on the notion that the individual has resources hidden in the subconscious, waiting to be accessed through the development of the Self. My argument is that personal developme...

4 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: Hardt and Negris as mentioned in this paper described the Lexus and the Olive Tree as a "gnostisk" with a "forventes en forlosning fra nutiden".
Abstract: Michael Hardt og Antonio Negris Empire bestemmes som gnostisk, fordi der forventes en forlosning fra nutiden. Den sammenlignes indledningsvis med andre boger, der handler om globalisering, bl.a. Jonathan Friedmans The Lexus and the Olive Tree samt Pascal Bruckners La misere de la prosperite med det formal at finde frem til, hvad det er for en slags bog. Isaer sammenlignes Hardt og Negris diagnoser med Ulrich Becks. Og der peges pa ligheder og forskelle. Empire bygger forst og fremmest pa Gilles Deleuzes filosofi og isaer hans forstaelse af faenomenet immanens. Afslutningsvis diskuteres bogens gnostiske vision i lyset af Eric Voegelins modernitetsdiagnose.

3 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: Empire sigter ligesom Michel Foucaults magttaenkning mod hjertet af nutiden, men haber samtidig pa at pavirke den og etablere forbindelser til sociale og politiske kampe as discussed by the authors.
Abstract: Empire sigter ligesom Michel Foucaults magttaenkning mod hjertet af nutiden. Samtidig er den som hans taenkning en begivenhed ligesa meget som det er teori. Empire tilbyder ikke alene analyser og diagnoser i nutiden, men haber samtidig pa at pavirke den og etablere forbindelser til sociale og politiske kampe. I artiklen sammenlignes analysen i Empire med Foucaults taenkning, saerligt pa de punkter, hvor den traekker pa, eller i hvert fald haevder at traekke pa, Foucaults taenkning. Mens Hardt og Negri pa den ene side soger at taenke magtrelationernes transformation ind i en teleologisk historiefilosofi med staerke dialektiske traek, synes Foucault med sin ‘nominalistiske kritik’ pa den anden side at traekke i den modsatte retning, bl.a. ved at konfrontere sandhedsregimer med deres historiske betingelser og effekter. Trods sine ambitioner om at inkorporere indsigterne fra Foucault, misforstar Hardt og Negri bade betydningen af singulariteter og de genealogiske spor mellem flertydige regeringsteknikker.

3 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The role of reflexivity in economic sociology and the question of whether economic sociology can also be a policy science has been discussed in this article, with the focus on the production of economic knowledge and economic theory more generally.
Abstract: Even though economic sociology is currently seen as a highly successful and dynamic subfield of sociology, there still exist a number of issues for economic sociologists to address. In this brief essay I point to two of these: the role of reflexivity in economic sociology and the question of whether economic sociology can also be a policy science. As to the former issue, I note that economic sociologists rarely ask questions about reflexivity, that is, to what extent their own understanding of the economy is related to the fact that they themselves are part of the reality that they analyze. The issue of reflexivity, I also argue, should preferably be understood in a broad sense and include the production of economic knowledge and economic theory more generally. Few economic sociologists have discussed whether economic sociology should be a policy science, with a few exceptions. One of these is Pierre Bourdieu, who also has many interesting ideas about economic suffering and the role of theodicy in the eco...

3 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, a two-dimensional map of market varieties, each dimension being a ratio assessing sensitivity upstream to sensitivity downstream in valuations for a representative firm, is presented, and the projections examine market viabilities and invoke substitutabilities and boundary mechanisms of markets.
Abstract: Guidance to how capital values of firms change comes from a model of performance in which firms cue on peer producers in their particular market. My model lays out a two-dimensional map of market varieties, each dimension being a ratio assessing sensitivity upstream to sensitivity downstream in valuations for a representative firm. The projections examine market viabilities and invoke substitutabilities and boundary mechanisms of markets. They point to the importance of discontinuities and switches. The paper goes on to probe the network phenomenology which underlies this model of firms in markets, and thereby it suggests new ‘takes’ on ‘network firms’ and ‘new economy’.

2 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The New Left Review-serien, 1998 as discussed by the authors, published by The New Statesman, London, UK: "The Economies of Global Turbulence" is a book by Robert Brenner.
Abstract: Artiklen tager udgangspunkt i en grundig laesning af Robert Brenners “The Economies of Global Turbulence”, udgivet i New Left Review-serien, 1998. I forlaengelse af denne rejses sporgsmalet, hvorfor revolutionen ikke allerede har fundet sted, givet at det er almindeligt anerkendt, at tingene ikke kan forblive, som de er. Robert Brenner beskriver den hjaelpeloshed, som neoliberale okonomer er fanget i, nar de prover at gore rede for de okonomiske verdenskriser; en hjaelpeloshed, der skyldes den grundlaeggende, neoliberale tvangstanke, at det altid er arbejdstagersidens lontryk (lonkrav), der har skylden for ulykkerne. I realiteten er det, ifolge Brenner, konkurrencen inden for den globale kapitalisme, der baerer skylden. Dels resulterer den i overkapacitet og overproduktion, dels ejer systemet ikke tilstraekkeligt med selvstyrende kraft til at undga de tilbagevendende kriser. Mens Brenners analyse ikke sa meget angar de sociale implikationer af disse regulariteter, forfolger denne artikel sa at sige Brenners ‘vir...

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The authors pointed out the weaknesses of traditional Scandinavian legal realism, and argued that Europeanization serves to diminish the impact of all three factors, including the egalitarian social democratic welfare states, culturally, the citizens have regarded themselves as homogeneous, and theoretically, Scandinavian Legal Realism dismissed the possibility of normative arguments about values.
Abstract: There are at least three reasons to expert little attention to normative political philosophy in the Nordic countries. Politically, they have been egalitarian social democratic welfare states; culturally, the citizens have regarded themselves as homogenous; and theoretically, Scandinavian Legal Realism dismissed the possibility of normative arguments about values. The article points to some weaknesses of traditional Scandinavian Legal Realism, and argues that Europeanization serves to diminish the impact of all three factors.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, anlaegger en sociologiserende tilgang til de politiske og kulturelle approprieringer af 11. september, er det artiklens overordnede mal at forbinde 9.11 med globalisering (7-eleven).
Abstract: I det vi anlaegger en “sociologiserende” tilgang til de politiske og kulturelle approprieringer af 11. september, er det artiklens overordnede mal at forbinde 9.11 med globalisering (7-eleven). Vi abner med at sondre mellem den klassiske og den nye terror og forholder herefter denne sondring til diskussionen af sikkerhedspolitikkens form. Dette giver anledning til en diskussion af, i hvilken forstand globalisering og terror deler netvaerkets logik og mobilitetens imperativ. Vi viser, at diagnosen af det stigende gab mellem den mobile elite og de immobile masser ma understottes af en forstaelse af den interne stratificering mellem de mobile, saerligt mellem den mobile elite og terroristerne. Sporgsmalet om terrorisme giver saledes en afgorende drejning til det, Bauman kalder “nomadernes haevn” og tydeliggor, at mobilitet radikalt aendrer betydning alt efter hvilken kontekst, den udfoldes indenfor. Dette hjaelper os til at konsolidere forbindelsen mellem de to deterritorialiserede netvaerk: den globale kapitalisme...

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors argue that current trends in political theory and in sociology have contributed to the displacement of politics by morality and to the disappearance of a properly political perspective, and they argue for an "agonistic" model of democracy as the way to allow for the constitution of collective identities through which political passions could be mobilized toward democratic designs.
Abstract: The article asserts that we have become unable to envisage the problems facing our societies in political terms and that this has very negative consequences for the future of democracy. Examining the reasons for such a situation, it shows how current trends in political theory and in sociology have contributed to the displacement of politics by morality and to the disappearance of a properly political perspective. Bringing to the fore the shortcomings of the ‘consensus’ approach dominant today, it argues for an ‘agonistic’ model of democracy as the way to allow for the constitution of collective identities through which political passions could be mobilized toward democratic designs.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, the authors discuss the demokratiske potential of demokrati in terms of their potential to be used in the context of social, economic, and social mobility.
Abstract: Den dominerende moderne opfattelse af demokrati er intimt forbundet med nationalstaten. Med et nyt fokus pa udovelsen af nationalstatens suveraenitet haevder forfatterne, at Empire refererer til en ny form for suveraenitet, der ikke anerkender nogen graenser, eller rettere: som kun anerkender mobile graenser. Begrebet om folket som en repraesentativ enhed erstattes af begrebet om en multitude, der udelukkende refererer til en singulaer mangfoldighed, en konkret universalitet. Folket konstituerede et socialt legeme, hvilket multituden ikke gor, da den er selve livets kod. Forfatterne gor sig til talsmaend for et spinozistisk, absolut demokrati—absolut i den forstand, at det er graenselost og umaleligt. Endelig foreslar forfatterne en modmagt, der forbinder modstand med opror og konstitutiv magt. Det demokratiske potentiale ligger hos multituden som en mangfoldighed af kroppe, der er gennemtraengt af intellektuelle og materielle kraefter som fornuft og affekt. Et sandt demokrati haenger sammen med positive, mikropoliti...

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: Hardt and Negris Empire er blevet modtaget som en kommunistisk kritik af den nuvaerende kapitalistiske orden as discussed by the authors.
Abstract: Michael Hardt og Antonio Negris Empire er blevet modtaget som en kommunistisk kritik af den nuvaerende kapitalistiske orden. Artiklen argumenterer med udgangspunkti Agamben, Debord og Marcuse for, at Empire snarere er et eksempel pa, hvorledes den kybernetiske ideologi har kontamineret den avancerede marxisme med forestillinger om enhed, styring og inklusion. Empire forbliver i sin betoning af multitudens holistiske immanensstrukrur og forestillingen om samfundet som en sammenhaengende helhed afhaengig af den kybernetiske ideologi.

Journal ArticleDOI
Per Mouritsen1
TL;DR: For instance, the authors argues that neither the political scientist nor the Rawlsian appreciates the value of an historical approach to the study of political theory except in the form of traditional history of ideologies, as galleries of standard political science exemplars, or as an ahistorical conversation of mankind.
Abstract: What kind of political theory should be practiced at a department of political science, and why? It should be one which is normative, empirical, historical, and indeed, most of all, political. Whereas the ‘empirically’ minded political scientist too often ignores normative elements of theories and concepts, the ‘philosophical’ Rawlsian rarely considers the empirical-causal specification of (new) universes and conflicts of value, or the preconditions for realising specific values. Neither the political scientist nor the Rawlsian appreciates the value of an historical approach to the study of political theory, except in the form of traditional history of ideologies, as galleries of standard political science exemplars, or as an ahistorical conversation of mankind. Historical-contextual studies of concepts, values, and arguments may create a valuable distance and a possibility for reflection in relation to the contingencies of the present, the plurality of things political—but also as regards certain marked ...

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, Kant lancerede med sin korte tekst til den evige fred i 1795 udtrykket kosmopolitisk ret.
Abstract: Immanuel Kant lancerede med sin korte tekst Til den evige fred i 1795 udtrykket kosmopolitisk ret. I dag—200 ar senere—ser en raekke politologiske teoretikere den kantianske kosmopolitanisme som den medicin, der skal helbrede verdenen for de darligdomme, globaliseringen har pafort den. I denne artikel argumenteres for, at selvom den kantianske kosmopolitanisme kan skabe oget fred og sikkerhed, sa rummer den samtidig muligheden for at begraense adgangen til udovelse af frihed. En alternativ teoretisk respons til globaliseringen forsoges oparbejdet med udgangspunkt i Gilles Deleuzes forestilling om frihed som tilblivelse, Niccolo Machiavellis politiske ‘pragmatisme’ samt Michael Hardt og Antonio Negris Empire.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: For several years, salary reforms, management contracts, contract management, and value based management, reform and innovation with the private firm as the preferred model have formed the headlines for public sector reforms as discussed by the authors.
Abstract: For several years, salary reforms, management contracts, contract management, and value based management, reform and innovation with the private firm as the preferred model have formed the headlines for public sector reforms. These headlines have their parallels in social science theory. On the one hand, we have rational theories with their focus on managers and staff as self-interest seeking individuals, who react on changes that strengthen economic incentives. On the other hand, we see an organizational sociology which focuses on managers and staff as norm followers. The paper takes a closer look at these developments.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: Artiklen fokuserer, at multituden, som er det produktive subjekt, de argumenterer for skal bekaempe Imperiet, pa trods af et potentiale ikke praesenteres kraftfuldt i kon-ret form as mentioned in this paper.
Abstract: Artiklen fokuserer pa begrebet “biopolitik” i Michael Hardt og Antonio Negris nyklassiker Empire. Deres begreb analyseres under inddragelse af inspirationskilden Michel Foucault og praeciseres yderligere via en perspektivering til Giorgio Agambens analyser af samme begreb i Homo Sacer. Herved fremhaeves, at “biopolitik” i Empire handler om immanent produktion af subjektivitet. Problemstillingen som fremlaeses og diskuteres er, hvilket potentiale deres refleksioner besidder med hensyn til at bekaempe det aktuelle biopolitiske regime, hvis altdominerende politiske subjekt er “Imperiet”. Artiklen konkluderer, at multituden, som er det produktive subjekt, de argumenterer for skal bekaempe Imperiet, pa trods af et potentiale ikke praesenteres kraftfuldt i konkret form. Efter laesningen af Empire forbliver det kort sagt uklart, hvorvidt multitudens potentiale kan og vil blive udfoldet konkret.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, the authors discuss the potential of arbejderens potential to be a biopolitisk entreprenor, and discuss the role of affekter, vaerdier, and sociale relationer.
Abstract: I denne artikel soges en affirmativ laesning af Empire, idet fokus er pa arbejderens potentiale som biopolitisk arbejder, hvilket munder ud i en diagrammatisering af arbejderen som en potentiel biopolitisk entreprenor. Idet forestillingen og erfaringen af krise gores til en metodisk pointe, viser analysen nodvendigheden af at vende tilbage til selve produktionens center: ikke blot produktionen af varer, men ogsa af vaerdier, affekter og sociale relationer, i alt: politik. Det forsoges vist, hvorledes produktion af subjektivitet ikke blot er en teknologi for undertrykkelse, men samtidigt det sted, hvorfra en ny modstand kan taenkes, hvorved den politiske problemstilling bliver etisk. En lille pige, der skal gennemfore en vanskelig operation uden bedovelse, bliver underholdt af hospitalsklovner, der pa denne made understotter barnets modstand mod nutiden og viser en ny rolle for kreative og affektive aktorer pa markedet. Det er en modstandsform, der er immanent markedets logik og kapitalens dynamiske aksiomati...

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, Augustin et al. discuss the potential for revolution in the Imperiet and the potential of revolution in Denmark under the rule of the Empire of Denmark and its leader, King George VI.
Abstract: Den imperiale magt kan ikke laengere lsse de samfundsmaessige kraefters konflikter ved hjaelp af medieringsskematikker, som forskyder konfliktemes reelle vilkir.' De sociale konflikter, der konstituerer det politiske, konfronterer hinanden direkte uden mediering af nogen art. Dette er det virkeligt nye i den imperiale situation. Imperiet skaber et stsrre potentiale for revolution, end de modeme magtregimer gjorde, fordi det, parallelt med befalingsmaskinen, viser os et alternativ: gruppen af udbyttede og undertrykte, en maengde, som uden nogen mediering stir i direkte modsaetning ti1 Imperiet. Med Augustins ord er det derfor vores opgave, s i godt vi nu formHr, at behandle ,,de to samfund (...) der (.. .) [er] flettede sammen og blandede med hinanden, og fremstille deres oprindelse, udvikling og fortjente endemil\" (Augustin 1989, bd. 3: 46). Indtil videre har vi behandlet Imperiet udfsrligt. Nu vil vi fokusere direkte p i maengden og dens potentielle politiske magt.