Showing papers in "International Studies Perspectives in 2007"
TL;DR: In this article, a multimethod strategy was proposed to assess the impact of truth commissions on subsequent human rights practices and democratic development, and some problems with this strategy can be overcome by further iterations of a multi-modal approach.
Abstract: While there is growing interest in examining what long-term impact truth commissions have on society, our understanding has been hampered by a number of empirical problems. Specifically, most studies focus on a small biased subsample of cases, rely on anecdotal evidence and normative conviction, and fail to follow the truth commission's legacy beyond its immediate reception. What is more, although a range of purposes have been put forward for truth commissions, there is little consensus on what criteria might be used to assess them. These issues are further compounded by a growing chorus of critics who see truth commissions as either ineffectual or dangerous. This article fleshes out the nature of these problems and outlines how a multimethod strategy might be effective in addressing them. Furthermore, it suggests two potential means of assessing the impact of truth commissions, specifically their effect on subsequent human rights practices and democratic development. The article concludes by suggesting how some problems with this strategy can be overcome by further iterations of a multimethod approach.
103 citations
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors argue that science studies can help us to address these problems more adequately by treating IR as a scientific practice that is closely tied to its social environment, and develop a heuristic by which the relations between IR and its environment can be grasped systematically.
Abstract: What does it take to be an international relations (IR) scholar? IR discourses have tackled this question with focus on very different problems: the role and function of IR scholars for policy; the (ir)relevance and impact of IR knowledge and expertise in world politics; disciplinary history; or in studying IR's institutions. We argue that all these “disciplinary sociology” debates struggle with the relation between an internal scientific IR world and an external social context (policy, society). We reject this distinction and argue that science studies can help us to address these problems more adequately by treating IR as a scientific practice that is closely tied to its social environment. The article sets out to explore science studies' possible contributions. Based on science studies key assumptions, we develop a heuristic by which the relations between IR and its environment can be grasped systematically. From this perspective, IR is pivotally a culture constituted by different domains of practice. Hence, understanding IR scholars in “doing IR” requires taking into account their daily and sometimes trivial practices. For instance, writing an article in IR means much more than only thinking theoretically at a desk. We systematize the different domains of practices as the articulation of knowledge claims, mobilizing the world, autonomy seeking, alliance building, and public representation. “Being an IR scholar” and “producing IR knowledge” depends inevitably on these sets of practices and IR is intrinsically interwoven with its environment through these.
78 citations
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors evaluate different responses to ethnic nationalism, highlighting important intra-ethnic differentiations within each Cypriot community usually expressed in the positions of political parties, intellectuals, and the press.
Abstract: Both ethnic communities in Cyprus have maintained strong political and cultural ties with Greece and Turkey, respectively, and at some point of their twentieth century history, each has aspired to become part of either the former or the latter. Yet the way this relationship has been imagined has differed across time, space, and class. Both communities have adapted their identities to prevailing ideological waves as well as political opportunities, domestic alliances, and interests. The article evaluates different responses to ethnic nationalism, highlighting important intra-ethnic differentiations within each Cypriot community usually expressed in the positions of political parties, intellectuals, and the press. While the current literature identifies two major poles of identity in the island, “motherland nationalism” and “Cypriotism,” the article suggests that the major focus of identity of Cypriots is identification with their respective ethnic communities in the form of Greek Cypriotism or Turkish Cypriotism. In fact, contentious politics in Cyprus from the ENOSIS/TAKSIM struggle to the April 2004 referendum demonstrate the interplay of external constraints and collective self-identification processes leading to the formation of these identities. The article concludes by identifying the implications of identity shifts for deeply divided societies and conflict resolution in general.
78 citations
TL;DR: The role of perception has a significant effect in cases of contemporary peacebuilding as discussed by the authors, where groups within the target society tend to be distrustful of change, convinced of their victimization and suspicious of reforms that do not satisfy the demands of their ethnic, religious, or cultural group.
Abstract: The role of perception has a significant effect in cases of contemporary peacebuilding. Because the circumstances in which it takes place are highly polarized, groups within the target society tend to be distrustful of change, convinced of their victimization, and suspicious of reforms that do not satisfy the demands of their ethnic, religious, or cultural group. Those factors can lead to resentment against international efforts, especially when reforms require compromise, and a perception that change is externally enforced. A sense of imposition or broken promises can result and spark a local backlash that undermines the legitimacy of reforms and may even result in violence. Because local support is crucial to peacebuilding's success we need to analyze these perceptual challenges more closely. By learning to understand the role of perception in this non-traditional context we may be able to anticipate the cycle of action and response and prevent it from turning to violence.
74 citations
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors describe a computer simulation that allows students to participate in the emotional affect of the Cold War, developing a sense of empathy with decision makers, and evaluate the results on student learning.
Abstract: The Cold War is now ancient history to most university students. They can learn the facts of this period, but the feelings associated with the experience are beyond the scope of social science. Such feelings should be part of teaching and learning about international studies. Instructors can present history and politics, but without an emotional sense of empathy, students will never fully understand the subtle complexity of international affairs. They must be able to view the world from different perspectives, participating in the values, feelings, and perceptions of others. This study describes a computer simulation that allows students to participate in the emotional affect of the Cold War, developing a sense of empathy with decision makers. Part one presents a literature survey and discusses the need for control groups and research replication. Part two describes the simulation. Part three evaluates the results on student learning. A conclusion introduces a means by which instructors can replicate the simulation experience.
41 citations
TL;DR: In this paper, an integrative focus sensitive to policy and context is proposed to contribute to this rapidly growing and internationally recognized important subfield of international relations. But DDR fell short of meeting this target with different impacts.
Abstract: Postconflict disarmament, demobilization, and reintegration (DDR) of former combatants in Angola, Mozambique, Namibia, South Africa, and Zimbabwe aimed at addressing problems of postconflict peace building. Differences among designs and designers of these subregional postconflict cases are well known. An overarching goal was the pursuit of peace and stability through the management of weapons and sustainable reintegration of ex-combatants. In all the different cases, DDR fell short of meeting this target with different impacts. Through an integrative focus sensitive to policy and context, this article draws on these shortcomings to contribute to this rapidly growing and internationally recognized important subfield of international relations.
40 citations
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors present a perspective on the application of theoretical and empirical methods to the study of domestic and transnational terrorism, which can lead to informed policy making, and highlight some key studies for readers to pursue in greater depth.
Abstract: This paper presents a perspective on the application of theoretical and empirical methods to the study of domestic and transnational terrorism. The use of such methods can lead to informed policy making. On the theoretical side, both choice-theoretic and game-theoretic methods are examined. For empirical applications, the paper focuses on the study of trend, cycles, and forecasting. Additionally, the use of intervention analysis in various forms is reviewed with to regards to evaluating policy effectiveness and quantifying the economic impact of terrorism. Although this paper is not intended as a literature review, some key studies are highlighted for readers to pursue in greater depth.
39 citations
TL;DR: In this article, the authors argue that cultural diversity viewed from the perspective of the nation-state is problematic and argue that developing countries explicitly take advantage of globalization of culture to promote both their cultural distinctiveness as well as their exports.
Abstract: Does international trade in cultural products threaten cultural diversity in the developing world? This article seeks to question the implied correlation by exploring the intellectual and empirical bases of the claims. Conceptually, I argue that cultural diversity viewed from the perspective of the nation-state is problematic. Politically, of course, nation-states make this claim themselves in protecting their self-interest globally. Empirically, this paper shows that nation-states at the forefront of the movement protecting cultural diversity are, in fact, top exporters of cultural products, something that is not apparent in the mercantilist position taken by these states with respect to international trade in cultural products. The paper then explores the position of developing countries explicitly taking advantage of globalization of culture to promote both their cultural distinctiveness as well as their exports. These “cultural voices,” I conclude, are growing economically and socially and cannot be dismissed as playing second fiddle to those from the developed world.
38 citations
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors present a correspondence between the mode of arms acquisition by armed opposition groups and the form of a civil war and provide new insights on the availability and control of weapons in civil conflict and provide examples from Nepal, Iraq, and Afghanistan.
Abstract: This article presents a correspondence between the mode of weapons acquisition by armed opposition groups and the form of a civil war. The mode of arms acquisition is affected by two factors—availability and control over the acquisition process. Variations in the mode of arms acquisition correspond to three types of insurgency: led by a single and organized group, warlordism, and disorganized armed bands. This article discusses how weapons acquisition is considered in the existing literature on arms and civil conflict, and examines the definitions of arms availability. It provides new insights on the availability and control of weapons in civil conflict and provides examples from Nepal, Iraq, and Afghanistan. The article concludes with an examination of the policy implications of its findings.
34 citations
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors explore the role that the Greek Cypriot and Turkish Cypriots leadership played in derailing the Cyprus peace effort during these two defining moments in the evolution of the Cyprus problem.
Abstract: Supported by the EU and the international community, the extraordinary effort of the UN to mediate a settlement of the Cyprus problem before the integration of Cyprus into the EU ended in failure. The two historical highlights that marked the failure of the peace process were the top level talks at The Hague in March 2003 and the Cyprus referendum in April 2004. The purpose of this paper is to explore the role that the Greek Cypriot and Turkish Cypriot leadership played in derailing the peace effort during these two defining moments in the evolution of the Cyprus problem. The analysis focuses on the polarizing ethno-centric nationalism of the then Turkish Cypriot and Greek Cypriot leaders. But it does so by contrasting the respective nationalism of the leaders to the Europeanizing and peace-enhancing trends that were emerging in Cypriot civil society and Greco-Turkish relations during the crucial period leading to the Hague talks and the Cyprus referendum. From this perspective, the role of the Cypriot leaders during the negotiation process is assessed against the backdrop of Turkey’s changed policy on Cyprus and the deepening interethnic rapprochement between the Greek Cypriot and Turkish Cypriot communities, especially following the lifting of restriction to free movement across the green line in April 2003. The investigation attempts to explore how the stubborn sustenance and strategic reactivation of the legacy of adversarial nationalism, as well as the perpetuation of the mono-ethnic concept of statehood by the Cypriot leaders rendered them practically unwilling and ideologically incapable of recognizing and seizing the greatest historical opportunity for peace in Cyprus in half a century.
28 citations
TL;DR: The authors surveys the history of Cyprus's conflict and partition to derive historical, tactical, and strategic lessons about how the Cyprus problem should be resolved and about the value of partitions more generally.
Abstract: This article surveys the history of Cyprus’s conflict and partition to derive historical, tactical, and strategic lessons about how the Cyprus problem should be resolved and about the value of partitions more generally. Cyprus is complex. Tensions between North and South are very low, in part because the partition has been a cause of peace. However, both sides remain pervaded by antagonistic and one-sided biases, histories, and myths. Moreover, almost every plausible solution, including the Annan Plan, that proposes to unite the island also incorporates the group-based and gridlock-prone characteristics of the conflict-generating 1960 constitution. A Cyprus solution solves little and creates risks. A better plan to create a permanent peace is to recognize a much smaller North, and bring all sides including Turkey into the European Union. This would create peace, give most Greek Cypriot refugees their land and homes back, and restore all freedoms throughout the island.
TL;DR: In this article, a standard for evaluation of possible solutions to communal conflicts, including partition, based on protection of human life is proposed, and it is shown that a partition should be judged successful only if it costs fewer lives than the expected loss of life under any alternative.
Abstract: This paper proposes a standard for evaluation of possible solutions to communal conflicts, including partition, based on protection of human life. A partition should be judged successful only if it costs fewer lives than the expected loss of life under any alternative. Solutions to communal conflicts should also be stable over long periods, eliminating or drastically reducing fears of people in the affected communities that they could become victims of renewed violence. An assessment of the 1974 partition of Cyprus is presented, which finds that its net impact on human life remains uncertain—principally because the partition occurred so quickly after the July 1974 coup by Greek Cypriot ultra-nationalists that was the main source of fear of very large-scale ethnic cleansing that we cannot know what the new government might have done. What we can confidently say is that, absent partition, deadly communal violence in Cyprus would have continued to recur and that there are grounds, including the behavior of the July coup regime, for guessing that the ultimate cost would more likely have been higher rather than lower than that of partition. Partition has also enforced peace on Cyprus for 32 years, which may have contributed to the improved climate, compared with 30 or 10 years ago, for eventual reunification.
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors examine Iraq's transitional politics from June 2003 to the Constitutional Referendum of October 2005 and argue that the top-down political transition led by the United States and a narrow group of Iraqi elites was inappropriate for the task of reforming the Iraqi state and building democratic institutions.
Abstract: This article examines Iraq’s transitional politics from June 2003 to the Constitutional Referendum of October 2005. It argues that the top-down political transition led by the United States and a narrow group of Iraqi elites was inappropriate for the task of reforming the Iraqi state and building democratic institutions. The article argues that, in countries going through regime change while also radically reforming the state, inclusive transitional institutions and consultative processes contribute to agreements being reached about the future of the state. Such transitions allow actors to guarantee the continued participation of opponents in the political process and to gradually develop agreements on constitutional questions. This did not occur in Iraq. An inclusive political process and a national debate on the country’s future did not occur. Rather, a narrow group of political elites led the transitional process in the absence of wide consultations. The article argues that the management of Iraq’s transition had an independent impact on the outcome of the transition, namely the failure to reach agreement on the sharing of political and economic power within one state by October 2005.
TL;DR: The authors examines U.S. policy in the Persian Gulf and juxtaposes American efforts in Iraq with those in the Gulf Cooperation Council states and concludes that America is more likely to succeed in the short term.
Abstract: This article examines U.S. policy in the Persian Gulf and juxtaposes American efforts in Iraq with those in the Gulf Cooperation Council states. As the U.S.-led effort to pacify and democratize Iraq continues to founder and with civil war underway in parts of the country, Washington pursues another imperial strategy in the Persian Gulf better suited to American security preferences and more likely to succeed, at least in the short term. In pursuing an “emirates” strategy, Washington seeks to indulge its historic preference for an informal empire in the Gulf that relies on cooperation with pro-American monarchs. While the Bush administration has touted Iraq’s potential to remake the Middle East into a democratic haven, America seems prepared to rely on familiar autocrats to help it tackle terrorists in Southwest Asia and preserve Western access to critical supplies of hydrocarbons should Iraq’s democratic rehabilitation prove unsuccessful.
TL;DR: For those who study the Middle East/North Africa (MENA), academic freedom has long been an issue of serious concern as mentioned in this paper, and the threats to academic freedom have dramatically increased both in number and intensity in the United States as well.
Abstract: For those who study the Middle East/North Africa (MENA), academic freedom has long been an issue of serious concern. Over the years we have seen our colleagues living under the authoritarian regimes of the region dismissed from teaching positions, prevented from conducting their research, arrested, imprisoned and sometimes tortured because of their writings or actions. However, largely as a result of responses to the September 11, 2001 attacks, in the last several years threats to academic freedom have dramatically increased both in number and intensity in the United States as well. While some of the attempts to suppress the voice of the academy have had implications across disciplines, there is no question that the community of MENA scholars has been disproportionately targeted. This short article cannot explore all the forms of intimidation to which scholars of and in the MENA region are exposed. Rather, the intent is to highlight a few of the most critical issue areas, both at home and abroad, to illustrate the range of challenges we face, some of which are particular to our field, but all of which should be deeply disturbing to other members of the academy, regardless of specialization.1
The authoritarian regimes of the MENA area, whether military or civilian, secular or religious, tribal or sectarian in basis, have all, long manifested varying degrees of hostility to freedom of expression, whether in the academy or beyond its walls. Indeed, the harassment of academics and the suppression academic freedom are part of broader violations of human and civil rights that are often key elements in regime maintenance. In addition, civil wars, insurgencies, interstate wars, as well as extra-regional interventions have all either directly destroyed or closed educational institutions, or provided a “national security” rationale to regimes eager to stifle serious research and debate.
In …
TL;DR: The Critical Reading Exercise (or CRE) as mentioned in this paper ) is a reading assignment designed to hone critical thinking skills, especially as they pertain to cause and effect and the associated logic of counterfactual reasoning.
Abstract: Identifying causal claims may be second nature to a seasoned scholar, but the logic of causality is not always so obvious to the undergraduates in our classrooms. In this article I describe the essential features of a reading assignment designed to hone critical thinking skills, especially as they pertain to cause and effect and the associated logic of counterfactual reasoning. The “Critical Reading Exercise” (or CRE) is a brief, highly structured assignment that calls upon the student to read a scholarly article or book chapter and identify the major thesis and key causal relationships presented by the author as well as develop a plausible counterfactual implied by the argument. Among the advantages of the CRE are the incentive it provides to do careful, critical reading of genuine scholarly work and lay the foundation for fruitful discussion in an active learning classroom. Common pitfalls associated with this assignment are also identified. Ultimately the assignment reflects an appropriate way to engage students with both the substance and the methodological foundation of our discipline.
TL;DR: In this article, the authors investigate how IS major programs at primarily undergraduate colleges and universities in the Midwest market themselves and compare the "advertised" benefits with the program requirements, concluding that a lack of correlation between advertised program benefits and actual course requirements is noted.
Abstract: What are the purposes and benefits of majoring in International Studies (IS)? We investigate how IS major programs at primarily undergraduate colleges and universities in the Midwest market themselves and compare the “advertised” benefits with the program requirements. Knowledge, career preparation, and foreign language study are the most frequently cited benefits. A lack of correlation between advertised program benefits and actual course requirements is noted. The paper concludes with the suggestion that IS major programs may wish to review how well their claims match their program content.
TL;DR: In this article, the authors suggest some modest but realizable steps professionals in international studies can take to mitigate the direst threats triggered by attempts to practice and communicate the findings of scholarly inquiry.
Abstract: Matthew Stewart, an Oxford trained philosopher, began his recent dual biography of Spinoza and Leibniz with the following sentences:
It is our good fortune to live in an age when philosophy is thought to be a harmless affair. As the autumn of 1676 approached, however, Baruch de Spinoza had ample reason to fear for his safety. One of his friends had recently been executed, and another had died in prison. His efforts to publish his definitive work, the Ethics , had come to an end amid threats of criminal prosecution (Stewart 2006:11).
Spinoza wrote in the era of the Inquisition and the Salem witch trials, a time not noted for intellectual freedom or openness to the ideas of nonconformists. His earlier work, the Tractatus Theologico-Politicus, challenged the foundations of the myth systems through which state and religious elites ruled. The response of both lay and ecclesiastical elites throughout Europe was to recommend that he be whipped, put in chains, or worse.
The generic problem is evident across a very wide range of circumstances, people and time, from Socrates to Joseph Wilson: those who question the bases of authority claims—or justifications for policies, or the rectitude of public officials—often face retribution. Here I suggest some modest but realizable steps professionals in international studies can take to mitigate the direst threats triggered by attempts to practice and communicate the findings of scholarly inquiry—to exercise academic freedom. The suggestions follow the spirit and intent of the resolution on academic freedom adopted by the Governing Council of the International Studies Association (ISA) at ISA's annual meeting in 2007. This essay concludes by proposing some practical steps the association and/or some of its members can take to carry its general principles into the realm of action. My focus is mainly on the world outside …
TL;DR: The authors argue that teaching gender analysis as critique is an indispensable pedagogical tool and outline three means by which it might be mainstreamed into IR teaching, and propose a methodology to integrate gender analysis into IR pedagogy.
Abstract: What are “feminisms” and how might teaching them contribute to IR pedagogy? For the field of international relations, feminisms contribute both a methodology and a deep normative critique. This piece argues that teaching gender analysis as critique is an indispensable pedagogical tool and outlines three means by which it might be mainstreamed into IR teaching.
TL;DR: The authors argue that gender has an intensely personal resonance with the students and that there is a difference between teaching IR courses with a week on gender and IR courses from a gendered/feminist perspective.
Abstract: This piece asserts three theses about gender in the international relations classroom: that gender has an intensely personal resonance with the students; that there is a difference between teaching IR courses with a week on gender and IR courses from a gendered/feminist perspective, and that there are currently inadequate texts to truly mainstream gender in the IR classroom. It suggests ways forward from these dilemmas, and concludes with some practical advice for a less gendered classroom for the 21st century.
TL;DR: In this article, the authors developed an explanation for why Iraq and al-Qaeda did not ally using previous scholarly work on bargaining and alliances and concluded that Iraq and Al-Qaeda failed to form an alliance due to mutual fears of opportunism and the problem of credible commitment.
Abstract: Four years after the fall of Saddam Hussein, many scholars and policy makers concluded that an alliance between Iraq and al Qaeda did not exist Yet the absence of this alliance raises a puzzle: Given their mutual interest in opposing US hegemony in the Middle East, why wasn't there an alliance between Saddam Hussein and Osama bin Laden? In this essay, we develop an explanation for why Iraq and al Qaeda did not ally using previous scholarly work on bargaining and alliances Our explanation concludes that Iraq and al Qaeda failed to form an alliance due to mutual fears of opportunism and the problem of credible commitment We conclude by presenting evidence for our explanation and offering a policy prescription for governments facing threats of state sponsored terrorism
TL;DR: In this article, the authors draw upon an analysis of domestic political stability in 60 imposed political systems occurring during the period 1816-1994 to forecast the effectiveness of force-related proposals.
Abstract: Central to the contemporary American foreign policy debate is the issue of reducing insurgency and promoting stability in Iraq and the role of American military forces in achieving these outcomes. Military force–related proposals range from complete withdrawal to a moderate “surge” in troops to a massive escalation of the force commitment. Here, we draw upon an analysis of domestic political stability in 60 imposed political systems occurring during the period 1816–1994 to forecast the effectiveness of said force-related proposals. The analysis underscores, in part, that (i) a policy of surging American troops is unlikely to succeed, (ii) a policy of belated massive escalation reduces insurgency, but much less so than an initial policy of massive invasion coupled with massive occupation, a strategy that preempts the development of a robust insurgency.
TL;DR: The idea of playing a song at the beginning of every class that illuminates some element of the lecture for that day was first proposed by as discussed by the authors, who found music a useful pedagogical tool or at least an interesting catalyst for discussion.
Abstract: For never are the ways of music moved without the greatest political laws being moved—Plato ( The Republic , 424c)
Rock stars … is there anything they don't know?—Homer Simpson (Episode 71, “Marge vs the Monorail”).
Great thinkers from Plato to Homer suggest that music and musicians can illuminate important issues and inspire us to think about them in different ways. Indeed, I have found music a useful pedagogical tool—or at least an interesting catalyst for discussion—in my 8 a.m. Introduction to International Relations (IR) course. The idea, which I stole from Kate Weaver at the University of Kansas, is to play a song at the beginning of every class that illuminates some element of the lecture for that day. Ten minutes before class starts I put up a slide with the name of the song, the artist, title of the lecture, and a brief outline of the subject that we will cover in class. Then I turn the volume way up and allow the song to repeat until the beginning of class.
Plato …
TL;DR: In this article, the authors address the empirical and theoretical puzzle of the lack of active cooperation among a set of normatively-motivated transnational political actors and reveal that commonality of purpose among non-state actors within a regime cannot simply be assumed, demanding a more nuanced analysis of how frames of meaning must be actively constructed.
Abstract: Non-state actors—including a wide variety of non-governmental organizations, international organizations, research institutions, and groups of concerned citizens—have offered estimates of the destruction of human life during the most recent war in Iraq. Since 2003, these groups have independently produced widely divergent estimates of the human cost of war, provoking a storm of political controversy and doubts about the validity of their work that undermine the stated objectives of many of the groups. Building upon theories of transnational issue advocacy, this study seeks to address the empirical and theoretical puzzle of the lack of active cooperation among this set of normatively-motivated transnational political actors. The nascent civilian casualties regime reveals that commonality of purpose among non-state actors within a regime cannot simply be assumed, demanding a more nuanced analysis of how “frames of meaning” must be actively constructed.
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors present a number of gender-related challenges parallel to those faced by classroom instructors, such as ensuring adequate gender balance in photos and examples, explaining debates within feminism and whether to collect gender related materials in one place or to spread them throughout the book or syllabus.
Abstract: Writing and revising an international relations textbook brings up a number of gender-related challenges parallel to those faced by classroom instructors. These range from the straight-forward, such as ensuring adequate gender balance in photos and examples to more complex challenges such as how to explain debates within feminism and whether to collect gender-related materials in one place or to spread them throughout the book or syllabus.
TL;DR: In the wake of the 9/11 attacks, the impulse of the rulers and their civilian allies has been to rely on the war option for post-9/11 security, and as its failures become more manifest, those American leaders responsible reaffirm their extremism, relying on the arousal of fear, demonization of the other, and global ambition to tame an inept and rudderless opposition as mentioned in this paper.
Abstract: At the very moment when original and critical thinking is urgently needed in America, the mechanisms of repression are put in play. There is no doubt that 9/11 presented American society with anguishing challenges, which called for a protective response, prudent adjustments in security, and some painful soul searching. Perhaps even more tragic for others than these triggering events, and in the end for the citizens of this country, is the less noticed date of 10/7. October 7 was the day a few weeks later when the Afghanistan War started, and “the global war on terror” shifted from a patrioteering White House slogan to a bellicose Pentagon reality. This militarist reflex to rely on the war option for post-9/11 security has been daily proving itself disastrously dysfunctional, and as its failures become more manifest, those American leaders responsible reaffirm their extremism, relying on the arousal of fear, demonization of the other, and global ambition to tame an inept and rudderless opposition, as well as to pacify a nervous, poorly informed, and confused public. And where there are expressions of significant, principled opposition, the impulse of the rulers and their civilian allies has been repressive, if not inquisitorial. In such a setting it is hardly surprising that academic freedom is today more menaced than at any time since the McCarthy witch hunts and loyalty oaths of the early 1950s.
My first reaction to being listed among the “101” that David Horowitz had identified as the most “dangerous” professors in the country was bemused pride—somewhat unsure as to whether I actually deserved the accolade, whether I was this dangerous to the radical right, and especially to the ideas and policies that hold sway in our government. I admit also to feeling a modest sense of accomplishment, to be viewed even by one …
TL;DR: In this article, the strategic parameters of a constitutional right to secede are analyzed, and it is argued that these parameters help to qualify the right as a potentially effective alternative to either status quo symmetrical arrangements or aconstitutional right to national territorial autonomy.
Abstract: This article analyzes the strategic parameters of a constitutional right to secede. It argues that these parameters help to qualify the right as a potentially effective alternative to either status quo symmetrical arrangements or a constitutional right to national territorial autonomy. To frame the right in this way is a little like decriminalizing drugs. If we legalize secession under certain conditions, we also eliminate much of the volatile tension underlying the demand for secession. Granted, it is possible that such a right might encourage the Basques to secede. However, this is precisely why we need to frame the right to secede in a highly restrictive manner, so that we can strengthen the accountability of this right under public law and redress the residual link between violence and the demand for secession.
TL;DR: In this article, the author describes the author's experience integrating gender as a topic in various international relations courses, and describes how gender is used to expand the experience of students in class, and considers some of the problems the author has faced.
Abstract: This article describes the author’s experience integrating gender as a topic in various international relations courses. It explains the author’s initial reasons for approaching gender issues, describes how gender is used to expand the experience of students in class, and considers some of the problems the author has faced. It concludes that gender is a useful way of approaching some ethical issues in world politics as well as providing a good critique of more common theories, but that it should be presented as a coherent theory and not just a side-issue if students are to take it as seriously as they do realism, liberalism, and the like.
TL;DR: In this article, the authors argue that there are two justifications of the right of national defense: first, some states possess the right as a means of protecting legitimate domestic political institutions.
Abstract: This article argues that there are two justifications of the right of national defense. First, some states possess the right as a means of protecting legitimate domestic political institutions. Second, all states possess the right within a morally defensible form of international law. Critics have argued that the first justification does not explain why one legitimate state should have the right not to be attacked and conquered by another legitimate state. Critics have argued that the second justification does not recognize that current international law is too flawed to justify a right of national defense for all states. This article defends the right against both criticisms. It then considers the scope of the right, focusing on the issue of proportionality. The article also argues that the two justifications of the right express potentially conflicting principles of justice, which can sometimes lead to hard choices, as illustrated by the NATO intervention in Kosovo.
TL;DR: Gender is a very useful topic for getting students to examine inherited social wisdom and this is especially true on a global scale as mentioned in this paper, and students benefit from the opportunity to see how and when they are powerful in human relationships.
Abstract: Gender is a very useful topic for getting students to examine inherited social wisdom and this is especially true on a global scale. Gendered identity labels are parts of complex and shifting identities and students benefit from the opportunity to see how and when they are powerful in human relationships.