Showing papers in "Journal of International Relations in 2015"

Upaya united nations office on drugs and crime (unodc) dalam menangani drug trafficking di afghanistan periode 2012-2013

Abstract: Drug trafficking is an important issue as it can be the source of the emerging of the other crimes. For several years, Afghanistan has lead the the supply of illegal opiate to the other countries in the world. As a part of United Nations, UNODC has contribute a lot of significant outputs along with Afghan Government through The Country Programme for Afghanistan. However, by 2012-2013, drug trafficking in Afghanistan increased at the highest point compare to the years before. This research aims to analyse the constraints of UNODC on combating drug trafficking in Afghanistan, that caused a significant increase of drug rafficking in Afghanistan. Descriptive-Analysis type is used in this research to describe the efforts of UNODC, then analyse the constraints of UNODC through the implementation of Country Programme. The result shows there are some external factors such as economic, socio-economic, and political, from Afghanistan, that obstruct the works of UNODC.

The Fish Migrate and so Must We': the Relationship between International and Internal Environmental Mobility in a Senegalese Fishing Community

Abstract: SIn 2008, the UN designated Saint-Louis “the city most threatened by rising sea levels in the whole of Africa” The people of Guet Ndar, a densely populated fishing quarter, are coping with environmental challenges on two fronts: 1) coastal erosion and intensifying storms have destroyed sea-front homes, and, 2) overfishing and climate change’s maritime impacts are making local fishing less feasible as a livelihood strategy Based on a local fieldwork, this paper examines Guet Ndarian migration as an adaptive response to environmental risks and more specifically climate change: 1) through the intensification of fishing migration to Mauritania, and 2) through home construction on the mainland away from the encroaching sea Although these population movements respond to different environmental challenges, this paper identifies their enmeshment as the former facilitates the latter Furthermore, it embeds these migratory dynamics in their socio-economic context and applies mobility and transnational paradigms to environmentally vulnerable areas

Developmental Regionalism in Crisis? Rethinking CARICOM, Deepening Relations with Latin America

Abstract: This article reviews CARICOM's track record from the perspective of developmental regionalism, exploring the extent of its contributions to human development, visibility and influence for these very small actors in the global community. We highlight CARICOM's provision of regional public goods and role in constructing social and political norms while conceding the many shortcomings in economic integration and in building strong regional institutions. The article is critical of CARICOM's historically slow embrace of integration initiatives in the wider hemisphere. It discusses CARICOM's recent challenges, responses and opportunities in engaging with Latin America.

Authoritarian Breakdown in the Arab World: Linkages, Leverage and Regime Type

Abstract: Scholars (see Levitsky and Way, 2005) have highlighted the importance of linkages and leverage in facilitating authoritarian breakdown. By linkages, we are referring to the ties that authoritarian regimes have to the United States, the European Union and other Western dominated international institutions and leverage refers to how vulnerable authoritarian regimes are to external pressure from these actors. But what previous scholars have failed to emphasize is that the type of authoritarian regime (i.e., personalist, military and single party) affects how much power international actors have in facilitating the ousting of an autocrat. With the recent events of the Arab Spring, applying linkages and leverage in combination with Barbara Geddes’ typology of authoritarian regimes can help improve our understanding of the role that the international community can play in these events. We differentiate between the various types of authoritarian regimes in Egypt, Syria, Yemen and Libya, and apply the concepts of linkages and leverage in order to explain the events of the Arab Spring. By combining linkage, leverage, and regime type, this paper highlights the circumstances under which some policy tools will be effective in inducing authoritarian breakdown. The paper emphasizes that removing autocrats will be most difficult in military regimes that have few linkages or incentives to step down. Authoritarian Breakdown in the Arab World: Linkages, Leverage and Regime Type Scholars have emphasized the importance of linkages and leverage in facilitating authoritarian breakdown (Levitsky and Way 2005). 2 Leverage is defined as the vulnerability of authoritarian regimes to external pressures and intervention and linkages are defined as the density of ties that authoritarian regimes have to the United States, the European Union, and to other Western dominated international institutions. This paper aims to demonstrate that applying linkage and leverage to the recent events of the Arab Spring, in combination with Barbara Geddes’ typology of authoritarian regimes (i.e., personalist, military, and single party), will greatly enhance our understanding of these events. We differentiate between the various types of authoritarian regimes in Egypt, Syria, Yemen and Libya, and apply the concepts of linkages and leverage in order to explain the role, if any, that the international community can play in the events of the Arab Spring. By combining linkage, leverage, and regime type, it highlights the circumstances under which some policy tools will be effective in inducing authoritarian breakdown. Removing autocrats will be most difficult in military regimes that have few linkages with the international community. Additionally, the process will be particularly protracted if the military regime is not professionalized. The implication of this paper also demonstrates that isolating authoritarian regimes and their leaders makes it nearly impossible for the West to make an impact when it is clear that the public would like to see their ouster. 1 Steven Levitsky and Lucan Way, “International Linkage and Democratization” Journal of Democracy 16, no. 3 (July 2005). 2 It’s important to make the distinction between authoritarian breakdown and democratization. The paper is not looking at the international community’s role in 3 The term, “the West” will be used to refer to the US, European powers and other Western dominated institutions. The UN is not included since the UN Security Council includes China and Russia. The term “international community” includes the role of the UN. 4 Barbara Geddes, “The Effect of Regime Type on Authoritarian Breakdown: Empirical Test of a Game Theoretic Argument.” Paper read at American Political Science Association, 1999. 5 The paper is not arguing that the West has always pushed for authoritarian breakdown or causes authoritarian regimes to step down. The paper explores when the international community has power to be effective in expediting authoritarian breakdown in countries where the domestic audience is clearly

Postcolonial Territory and the Coloniality of the State

Abstract: This paper argues that the practice and discipline of international relations (IR) shrouds the many ways through which colonial power is institutionalized within the structure of the modern nation-state and the system of states in which nation-states are embedded. By over-valuing modernist assumptions in research and practice, IR ignores the colonial constitution of modernity. This is more than an intellectual blind spot. It has led to universalizing Eurocentric assumptions about 'natural' human development culminating in the acquisition of a nation-state, which has effectively depoliticized the colonial project of state-making in the context of formerly colonized territories. I argue for re-politicizing postcolonial territory by discussing a decolonial approach calling for 'pluriversal' (rather than universal) thinking that chooses to address the continuities of colonialism within the structure of the state and work towards collective decolonization.

A Stitch in Time Saves Caribbeanization: Meta-steering and Strategic Coordination in an Era of Caribbean Trans-regionalism

Abstract: This article sets out to theoretically explain the Caribbean Community's (CARICOM) integrative stalemate. It argues that this needs to be studied in light of a changing regional, geographic, and geostrategic climate. A shift is occurring from 'endogenous regionalism,' which concentrates on the Caribbean's historical past, to 'exogenous regionalism,' which focuses on creating a borderless Caribbean space and promotes Caribbeanization through the Caribbean Single Market (CSM), which came into force in 2006, and the stalemated Caribbean Single Economy (CSE). I argue that new trans-hemispheric relations are emerging and Caribbean regionalism is now both multi-centric -arising from actions in numerous places rather than a single center- and also multi-temporal. In this context, mature regionalism presages effective governance by focusing on deepening regional structures and institutional arrangements. I argue that trans-regionalism is a multidimensional process that moves away from the spill-over effects of trade policy harmonization and streamlines different political, security, economic, and cultural regimes. I conclude by suggesting that 'meta-steering' in the form of 'strategic coordination' or 'first order response' is but one way to perceive the paused regional project.

Gruzie mezi evropskou unií a ruskem (georgia between the european union and russia)

Abstract: Cilem tohoto textu je přispět do diskuse o formovani a naslednem vývoji gruzinske identity, kterou považujeme za důležitý faktor soucasne prozapadni orientace gruzinske zahranicni politiky a zasadit prozapadni směřovani Gruzie do kontextu střetu mezi zahranicni politikou Ruska a zahranicně-politickými koncepcemi a politikami EU. Výzkum byl proveden pomoci analýzy odborných textů a novinových zdrojů. (The aim of this text is to contribute to the discussion about formation and subsequent development of the Georgian identity, which we consider as an important factor in current European vector of the Georgian foreign policy. From this perspective we try to set the pro-Western orientation of Georgia in the context of confrontation between Russia's foreign policy strategies and foreign policy concepts and policies of the EU. The research was conducted by means of analysis of recent academic texts and newspaper sources.)

중국의 일대일로(一帶一路) 구상과 정치 · 경제적 함의 : 실크로드 경제벨트 구축을 중심으로

Abstract: In 2013 China suggested the Silk Road Economic Belt and the 21st Century Sea Silk Road proposals. These two proposals, combined together, are called One Belt One Road Strategy. This study attempts to analyze the political and economic implications of the One Belt part, centered around the Silk Road Economic Belt proposal. The Silk Road proposal critically includes the goal of the development of the remote western areas in China as well as the increasing integration with the Central Asia which allows the Chinese economy to reach Europe directly. It is clear to everyone that this economic integration is expected to serve the Chinese ambition to balance American influence and enjoy strategic advantages over Russia in this region. To achieve this goal, the Chinese government endeavors to enhance cooperative relationships with the Central Asian countries. This paper revisits the Silk Road Economic Belt to appreciate its political and economic implications related with the China Dream.

Efektivitas code of conduct for responsible fisheries di samudera hindia studi kasus: kerjasama indonesia dan australia menanggulangi illegal unregulated unreported (iuu) fishing

Abstract: Illegal fishing has become an important issue because it threatens the maritime security. The activity of illegal unregulated unreported (IUU) fishing in the Indian Ocean not only does it jeopardize the maritime security of Indonesia and Australia, but also does it cause financial deficit to the country, moreover, if the activity of IUU fishing keeps increasing it will endanger the sustainability both fish and environment. The situation encourages member countries of Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO) in devising an applicable concept to many countries in the world regarding organized, responsible, and sustainable fisheries management and development, namely Code of Conduct for Responsible Fisheries (CCRF) which was settled in 1995. The activity of IUU Fishing in the Indian Ocean initiates Indonesia and Australia to conduct a fisheries cooperation agreement to prevent, deter and eliminate illegal fishing in the Indian Ocean. Indonesia and Australia adopt the CCRF into the fisheries treaty. This research aims to identify the efficacy of CCRF implementation in the fisheries cooperation agreement between Indonesia and Australia Government to cope with IUU fishing. The result of the research shows that CCRF as a regime is able to work effectively to cope with IUU fishing in the Indian Ocean.

Engaging Global Civil Society: Shifting Normative Frameworks, Moral Diplomacy, & the Future of International Relations

Abstract: The following exposition outlines a synthesized account of diplomatic relations in the 21 century, highlighting the crucial importance of engaging the Global Civil Society (NGOs and civil society) in an age of global communication, and stressing the importance of the development of a new system of diplomacy, drawing upon the best elements of existent theories. A comparative qualitative framework of analysis—cross-referencing historical cases, political psychology, as well as the writings of diplomatic practitioners—synthesizes the most accurate elements of two contemporary theories of international relations: Lyn Boyd-Judson’s Strategic Moral Diplomacy, and Mervyn Frost’s Constitutive Theory of International Relations. The paper concludes with the application of this new variant of Strategic Moral Diplomacy to contemporary political developments and crises, including United States and Pakistani negotiations with Taliban militants over peaceful disengagement, U.S.Russian negotiations over nuclear non-proliferation, the development of international legal norms for cyber-security, and U.S. and E.U. negotiations with Russia over the Ukraine crisis.

Leaving politics: what burmese generals can learn from south korean and indonesian experiences

Abstract: The Burmese generals’ five-year liberalisation project has allowed only modest steps towards real democracy. Which model of post-military rule transition is most instructive to Burma’s opposition activists? This article argues that they should look most seriously at the Indonesian experience though, given the great power of the Burmese military, they are likely to be at the beginning of a long and arduous road toward democracy.

The EU as a Foreign Policy Actor: Shifting Between Hegemony and Dominance

Abstract: This article demonstrates that in the case of the Economic Partnership Agreements (EPAs), the EU, as the more powerful actor, shifts between hegemony and dominance in its relations with the CARIFORUM (CF) states in particular, and the African Caribbean and Pacific (ACP) states in general. It also sheds light on the slow process of endogenous Caribbean regional integration, which, despite any best endeavours from the EU, is actually complicated by the EU's emphasis on the EPA as a tool for integration. It shows that despite the conclusion and subsequent definition of the EPA as the case par excellence of the success of the broader EPA policy, it is not a Pareto-optimal agreement. Reference is made to the cases of the EU Common Agricultural Policy, the Protocol on Culture and the recent decision by EU policy-makers to extend the Octroi de Mer until 2020, the same date as the Cotonou agreement binding EU-ACP relations is due to expire. Keywords: European Union; CARIFORUM; Cotonou; Trade; EPAs

The Arab Spring Phenomenon and European Security: Change and Continuity under the Spectrum of Securitized Idealism

Abstract: IntroductionThe European security blueprint was set in the early 1990s with the Maastricht Treaty and was defined as Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP). It was the evolutionary outcome of the European integration process and the multilevel, multilayer collective efforts, at the intergovernmental level, to achieve convergence of fragmented national interests of the European nation-states. Operationally, it meant to allow a sui generis union of politically autonomous states to function in an orchestrated way, which appeared to be ideologically and institutionally compatible with the joint sovereignty doctrine.According to the aforementioned power transfer model, "participation in the community does not entail power transfers but only a pooling of sovereignties by the member states."1 This cautious and realistic step reflected the priorities of European Union (EU) member states, which appeared reluctant in transferring sovereignty over matters of high politics, resulting in the slow advancement of the second pillar of European integration based on the Treaty of Maastricht. The gradual steps taken were in essence an institutional evolution of the European Political Cooperation (EPC) notion elaborated in the early 1970s. In the beginning of the 1990s, this integrative effort took the form of a written minimal consensus in Maastricht and nominally2 set a twofold parallel aim: political and economic integration, in a way that multilevel interdependence and the pursuit of common goals would guarantee peace in Europe.After the end of the Cold War, threats acquired different forms and intensity and emerged on a regional level under differentiated political and social circumstances as well as the side effects of Arab uprisings. Security systems and subsystems appeared to be in transition. This had an impact on European, regional and global security, a fact that enhanced uncertainty. As a result of the new security given, the nature, intensity and diversity of threats changed and multiplied, particularly in zones of turmoil and war most commonly associated with zones where transition was taking place. This provided new input into the security equation and eventually brought the EU closer to the idealism-pragmatism dilemma of international politics.According to a conventional state-centric definition, foreign policy "consists of the external actions taken by the decision makers with the intention of achieving longrange goals and short-term objectives. Action is constrained by the perceived circumstances of the state on behalf of which the decision makers are acting-its geography, its economy, its demography, its political culture, culture and tradition, its military-strategic situation."3 In effect, the definition overtly or covertly describes the multilayer prerequisites for a policy-making efficiency framework as well as the desired institutional, cognitive, organizational and operational ground on which common approaches to foreign policy and security issues had to be formulated.In the process, the EU has not clearly set a defined "long-range goal", which directly refers to its teleological ambiguity. European political elites have not defined the eventual aim of the integration process, a fact that per se makes foreign policy goals unclear and allows them to be formulated on a state-centric axis actually supported by the EU's institutional setting. After the end of the Second World War this was defined within the then geopolitical setting and the need to establish "an ever closer union of peoples". Today this has been achieved. Yet, despite the realization of the original goal, Europe has failed to define its post-Cold War objective, a reformed raison d'etre in the new changing international setting under the emerging pressure on polarity and power distribution. This vagueness was evident in several regional crises such as the Balkans, Lebanon and at a later stage during the events that caused the Arab Spring turmoil. …

Palestínske odbojové hnutie v libanone a „káhirská dohoda 1969“ (the palestinian resistance movement in lebanon and “the cairo agreement of 1969”)

Abstract: V obdobi po junovej vojne si palestinske odbojove hnutie vybudovalo v rozlicných castiach Libanonu, najma v oblastiach hraniciacich s Izraelom a Sýriou zakladne, a tak dochadzalo k zražkam medzi libanonskou armadou a palestinskymi partizanmi. Vlada a armada to pociťovali ako stratu suverenity nad týmito citlivými oblasťami a bolo to neprijateľne aj pre znacnu casť verejnej mienky. Keď zražky medzi armadou a partizanmi pokracovali, radikalne arabske režimy vystupili na podporu palestinskych partizanov a otvorene odsudili usilie libanonskej armady zlikvidovať partizanske hnutie. Pod tlakom Organizacie pre oslobodenie Palestiny (OOP) zacali aj konzervativne arabske režimy postupne obhajovať pokracujucu pritomnosť palestinskeho odbojoveho hnutia v Libanone. Režim prezidenta Sārila Ḥulwa (Charles Helou) bol nakoniec nutený tolerovať daný stav a delegacia libanonskej armady, ktoru viedol jej veliteľ general Imīl Bustānī odcestovala do Kahiry, kde sa zisla s delegaciou OOP vedenou Jāsirom cArafātom, v pritomnosti egyptských ministrov obrany a zahranicných veci, ktori zastupovali prezidenta Džamāla cAbdannāṣira. Výsledkom schodze bola tzv. Kahirska dohoda, ktoru 3. novembra 1969 podpisali veduci oboch delegacii. (In the period after the June war the Palestinian resistance movement established its bases in various parts of Lebanon, particularly in the areas adjacent to Israel and Syria. There occurred violent clashes between the Lebanese Army and the Palestinian militias. The fact that the Lebanese State had ceased to exercise its rightful sovereignty over these sensitive areas, was as intolerable to the Lebanese Army as it was to considerable part of the Lebanese public opinion. As the clashes between the Lebanese Army and the Palestinian militias continued, the radical Arab regimes rose to the support of the Palestinian commando cause, and openly condemned the efforts of the Lebanese Army to liquidate the Palestinian commando movement in Lebanon. Even conservative Arab regimes, under the pressure from the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO), began – one after another – to pronounce themselves in favor of the continued existence of the commando movement in Lebanon. In the end, the regime of Shāril Ḥulw (Charles Helou) was forced to agree and a Lebanese Army delegation, headed by General Imīl Bustānī, proceeded to Cairo where it met with a PLO delegation headed by Yāsir cArafāt in the presence of the Egyptian Ministers of War and of Foreign Affairs, representing President Jamāl cAbdannāṣir. The outcome of the meeting was the so-called Cairo Agreement, which was signed on 3rd November 1969 by Imīl Bustānī and Yāsir cArafāt.)

Implementasi Counter-trafficking International Organization for Migration (Iom) Dalam Menanggulangi Perdagangan Manusia Di Indonesia Tahun 2007-2013

Abstract: In human trafficking, Indonesia as a country not only act as a source, but also a transit and a destination. The number of human trafficking cases have been increasing since Indian Ocean tsunami occured. According to Trafficking in Persons (TIP), Indonesia’s position is at Tier 2, meaning that Indonesia governement has not met the minimum standards of Trafficking Victims Protection Act (TVPA), but still showing some efforts to meet the standards. To combat human trafficking, Indonesia has cooperated with IOM through one of its law enforcement body, Indonesian National Police (INP). This research aims to analyze the cause of the increasing number of human trafficking cases although several IOM’s countertrafficking efforts have been placed throughout 2007-2013 period. This research employs theory of international cooperation and international organization with neoliberalism paradigm to analyze the data collected through literature studies, documentation, and interview as well. The result shows that the ineffective implementation of IOM’s counter-trafficking efforts was not necessarily caused by the abscence of mutual interests, but by the inavailability of quick feedback to deal with the constraints occuring during the cooperation.

Analisis penggunaan pesawat tanpa awak (drone) dalam kebijakan kontraterorisme amerika serikat di pakistan pasca 9/11

Abstract: As a part of counterterrorism tool, the CIA’s armed drone was first seen attack Al Qaeda in Pakistan on 2004. Some of criticism from humanitarian organization claimed that the attacks are inhumane, violate the international law and constitute a war crime. However, the US government denied and contending that the drone attacks complied with all applicable law, including the laws of war and that the method of attack is effective. This research attempts to explicate how the US drone attacks in Pakistan and It also analyzes the factors that encourage the US to keep using drones as a weapon in counterterrorism in Pakistan despite the fact that the drone attacks have caused the deaths of civilians in Pakistan.

Obama and US Democracy Promotion in Cuba: New Strategies Old Goals

Abstract: The promotion of democracy in Cuba has been, especially after the Cold War, a distinguishing feature of US foreign policy towards Havana. This article analyzes the evolution in US democracy promotion in Cuba, especially after the latest openings to Cuba (December 2014). Regarding the promotion of democracy on the island, the so-called 'abandonment of democracy' in US foreign policy never took place, and this implies a renovated effort to foster regime change - or at least a regime evolution - in Cuba. Obama resisted the virulent and invasive rhetoric of the 'Bush doctrine', and introduced some changes in US-Cuba state-to-state relations, while giving a strong relevance to the 'people-to-people's diplomacy' and 'public diplomacy', still perceived as tools to foster a political change on the island.

The united states strategic interests: the centrality of east asia, the importance of the pivot and the risk of distraction

Abstract: The article examines the strategic dilemma faced by the United States (U.S.) concerning the conflicting interests in the Middle East and East Asia. The article focuses on analysing U.S. policy towards East Asia within the context of Obama’s Pivot to Asia and the possibility of militarised counter-terrorism in the context of primarily the Islamic State. The article argues that East Asia represents immense strategic value for the U.S., while the Middle East comparatively offers only limited strategic concerns. Thus the article concludes that the U.S. should devote its attention to East Asia, focusing on the successful execution of the pivot, while remaining restrained in its engagement with the Middle East. The methodology used is based on evaluating government policy along two main avenues: is the goal significant enough to be pursued, and is the policy adopted effective in achieving said goal? In the case of East Asia, both the goals are crucial to pursuing and the method adopted, the pivot is effective. In the case of the Middle East, the goals fail to demonstrate the same importance and the method employed demonstrates a highly ineffective approach.

Kerjasama polri dan iom dalam menanggulangi perdagangan manusia di indonesia tahun 2007-2013

Abstract: For several years, Indonesia has become the source, transit, and destination country for human trafficking. According to IOM, Indonesia is South-East Asia’s second largest country for human trafficking case after Thailand. To fight human trafficking in Indonesia, INP, as part of law enforcement body in Indonesia, has cooperated with IOM and givenspecial attention to this issue. This research aims to analyse thesupporting andobstructing factors to such cooperation, considering the fluctuative number of human trafficking case in Indonesia between 2007-2013. This research employs theory of transnational crime, human rights, and liberal institusionalism to describtively analysedata collected through interview as well as other related literatures. The result shows that there are obstructing factors such as coordination, internal problem of INP, and time management, which hinder this cooperation from achieving its optimum outcome.

Economic Impact of China’s Investments in Mali’s Construction Sector on Mali

Abstract: While Russia, a few European countries and Asian nations have entered into joint venture with African nations by providing them foreign funding, China has been one of the predominant players. Mali is one of those countries that have been benefitted from this foreign investment. The major areas of Chinese funding include the textiles sector, construction among others. The noteworthy constructions in Mali that are the outcome of Chinese investment include the stadium for hosting 2002 Africa Cup, the bridge across Niger River, the expressway at the capital of Mali and as well as a conference center in the prime location of this African city. There are mixed reactions among the indigenous Malian population regarding this Chinese investment in Malian economy. Although some understand that the local textile and furniture industry will be at jeopardy due to the inflow of cheaper and imported clothes and furniture, the increment in employment opportunity growth of GDP and overall increment in economic emancipation of economy cannot be underestimated.

Agresi amerika serikat terhadap irak periode 2003-2010

Abstract: United States of America aggression raises many questions about the explanations on why US aggression against Iraq. The trigger factors to declare war against Iraq were multifaceted, include: political, economic, ideological, and strategic position. This undergraduate thesis aims to find the factors that cause aggression of US military forces against Iraq as well as the US government policy toward Iraq which was based on a various interests. This research analysis uses the theory of realism in international relations that based on the pursuit of national interest and national security. The research concluded that the US aggression to Iraq period 2003-2010 was based on the interest of US hegemony in the Middle East.

Mapping India's Look North Policy: Why Central Asia Matters

Abstract: Central Asia is a buffer between two nuclear powers-the Russian Federation and China. Major geopolitical massifs-the Eurasian, Islamic, Chinese, and Indian- intersect here. Central Asia is also the geographical center of Asia where four world civilizations-Islam, Buddhism, Christianity and Hinduism-meet. India being the proximate player has some immediate geopolitical and geostrategic interests. The goodwill gesture from Central Asia was well received and reciprocated by India through certain favorable policy initiatives in the early 1990s. However, the economic slowdown in India and global power competition in Central Asia have discouraged India from playing a major role in the region for a larger part of the 1990s. However, the 21st century has brought a new aroma in India-Central Asia relationship. Yet, bilateral and multilateral engagements between both the proximate neighbors are far from satisfactory. India requires strategic clarity and importantly out-of-the-box thinking to forge and foster economic integration and political cooperation with the North-Central Asia.IntroductionIndia is a power on the rise; a symbol of global shift from Europe to Asia, from the Atlantic to the Indian Ocean, from the North to the South. After China, India is Asia's second-largest power and will soon be the largest demographic power on the planet; it is part of BRIC (Brazil, Russia, India, China), which comprises the "emerging" powers of the world; its economic dynamism is impressive. Emerging India is poised to be 'Brand India' in the coming years as explained by the Prime Minister Narendra Modi. Nevertheless, New Delhi cannot leapfrog to the global high table without taking into confidence its neighbors and particularly the regions where its national interests are at stake.At a time when India is speedily coming out of its foreign policy slumber under the dynamic leadership of Prime Minister Modi, it is important for several reasons to push New Delhi's policy towards Central Asia. It is high time India revived its long overdue Look North Policy to remain engaged with the heartland region, which Brzezinski calls the Grand Chess board. Among several reasons why India must stake its claims in Central Asia and rejuvenate its policy initiative towards the region, the foremost is to gain substantial footprint on the hydrocarbon map of the region; to check the rise of radical Islamic agenda of Pakistan to hinder India's security interests; to keep a watch on drug trafficking and potential weapon proliferation seriously afflicting India's security interests; and to promote India's interests in the commercial arena. Besides, Central Asian countries can provide active and full support for India's emerging regional/global power status; India's claim for permanent membership of the UN Security Council; countering Pakistan's anti-India rhetoric and importantly, provide India with a grand stage alongside the US, Russia and China to play a greater role in Asia's regional dynamics. India, as of now, cannot leapfrog to the global high table without demonstrating effective initiative at the regional level-Central Asia being an important regional constituent. This paper in this direction is a modest attempt to emphasize India's Look North Policy- an obvious corollary to India's "Look-East Policy" initiative taken years back to connect India with the energy-rich nations of Central Asia. An effort has also been made to know how Look North Policy is crucial for India in mapping its global strategic vision. Why India should breathe life into this policy and maneuver it has been discussed in detail in this paper.A PreludeFollowing the Soviet collapse, Central Asian countries have considered India as one of the big and legitimate stakeholders to offset the conflicting forces in the region- a reason why the leaders of these states chose India to be the first country outside the former Soviet bloc for their State visit in 1992. …

Imigranti a francúzska spoločnosť: prípad alžírčanov a maročanov (immigrants and the french society: the case of algerians and moroccans)

Abstract: V sucasnom obdobi iba niekoľko tem podnietilo taku odozvu vo verejnej diskusii a oficialnych cinoch ako medzinarodna migracia. Intenzivny výskum sa vykonava najma v oblasti socialnych, ekonomických a politických vplyvov imigracie do hostiteľských krajin. Cieľom tohto clanku je prispieť k smerovaniu tohto výskumu a analyzovať percepciu migracných tendencii vo francuzskej spolocnosti. Obsah studie zahŕňa analýzu imigrantov z africkeho priestoru, najma Alžirska a Maroka, ktori maju najvacsie zastupenie medzi imigrantmi vo Francuzsku. (Few subjects in recent decades have aroused more public debate and official action than international migration. Particularly intensive research has been carried out in the fields of social, economic, and political impacts of immigration on host countries. The aim of this paper is to contribute to this stream of research and analyze the perception of migration tendencies in the French society. The scope of the present study includes the analysis of immigrants from Africa, especially from Algeria and Morocco which constitute the largest share of immigrants in France.)