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Showing papers in "The Journal of Peasant Studies in 1982"


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, an attempt to question and revise the conceptualisation of village Java is made, which represents it as an endless number of homogeneous communities of cultivators, living closely and harmoniously together, with a high degree of institutional self-sufficiency.
Abstract: This essay represents an attempt to question and revise the conceptualisation of village Java‐especilally prevalent in the colonial literature‐which represents it as an endless number of homogeneous communities of cultivators, living closely and harmoniously together, with a high degree of institutional self‐sufficiency. The emphasis in the essay is upon the pattern of vertical relations and horizontal diversity. The existence of considerable internal differentiation is stressed, and it is argued that the Javanese village has never been marked by the homogeneity and static rigidity which has been ascribed to it so often.

89 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, an attempt to explore whether energy analysis can be fitted into the Marxist framework, and their conclusion is that Marxism would have to be much revised since there are epistemological obstacles (the use of categories from Political Economy, such as ‘production’, ‘labour value, and ideological obstacles).
Abstract: This article reviews some recent work on the energy analysis of agriculture, which shows that the efficiency of ‘modern’ agriculture is inferior to that of ‘traditional’ agriculture. We consider one of the first examples of energy accounting in agriculture (published by Sergei Podolinsky one hundred years ago), and we evaluate Engels’ reaction to it, in correspondence with Marx. This article is, then, an attempt to explore whether energy analysis can be fitted into the Marxist framework, and our conclusion is that Marxism would have to be much revised since there are epistemological obstacles (the use of categories from Political Economy, such as ‘production’, ‘labour‐value’, ‘capital') and ideological obstacles (the vision of a two‐stage transition to communist abundance and equality). Although some Marxist anthropologists have used energy analysis, most Marxist economic historians and economists have not, i. e. they have not looked critically at the notion of ‘development of productive forces’. We trace...

60 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, the components of agrarian class structure in India, particularly in terms of use of hired labour and the significant distinction of participation or non-participation in manual work, are discussed.
Abstract: In this paper we first discuss, both analytically and empirically, the components of agrarian class structure in India, particularly in terms of use of hired labour and the significant distinction of participation or non‐participation in manual work. We then assess the relationship between agricultural growth and rural proletarianization (with reference to both intertemporal and cross‐section variations), the role of labour market segmentation (when the markets for credit and social insurance are inadequately formed) and the development of class consciousness.

43 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, the authors argue that the separation of subsistence production from social production is fundamentally necessary for accumulation, and that this separation is not compensated by capital, but by housewives and peasants who form the consolidated mass of the industrial reserve army.
Abstract: The present paper deals with what is considered to be the basic contradiction within the capitalist mode of production: the separation of subsistence production from social production. In the following some theses concerning how this separation works for accumulation and the way it is reproduced together with capital are presented. The central argument is that the separation is fundamentally necessary for accumulation. Within our present capitalist world economy housewives on the one hand and peasants (both men and women) on the other are the main subsistence producers. In different concrete forms both reproduce labour power for capital but are not compensated by capital. The way in which these two groups are integrated into the capitalist mode of production is through their marginalization, i.e. they form the consolidated mass of the industrial reserve army. As such they are continuously reproduced together with the process of extended reproduction of capital. They are two basic forms of capitalist relat...

35 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The Punjab has often been described as a land of small peasant proprietors as mentioned in this paper and this description may have been true when the British completed the colonization of India by conquering the Punjab in 1850.
Abstract: The Punjab has often been described as a land of small peasant proprietors. This description may have been true when the British completed the colonization of India by conquering the Punjab in 1850. But this certainly was not the case at the end of British rule a hundred years later when less than four per cent of the agricultural population owned more than 50 per cent of the land while poor peasants, landless sharecroppers and agricultural labourers accounted for 80 per cent of the population. This paper documents this dramatic transformation and examines the process by which it came about.

27 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, the authors analyse the progress and impact of commercialisation in agriculture in late nineteenth-century Bombay and Punjab and argue that late nineteenthcentury agriculture was characterized by stagnation rather than growth, and that preconditions for the displacement of merchant capital by a rising class of commercial rich peasantry were absent during this period.
Abstract: This paper seeks to analyse the progress and impact of commercialisation in agriculture in late nineteenth‐century Bombay and Punjab. It argues, contrary to accepted wisdom, that late nineteenth‐century Bombay agriculture was characterised by stagnation rather than growth, and that preconditions for the displacement of merchant capital by a rising class of commercial rich peasantry were absent during this period. The Bombay rural economy was an example of commercialisation without progressive peasant differentiation. In contrast, Punjab agriculture, under the aegis of State intervention, produced a nouveau riche peasantry which, by the end of the nineteenth century, took over many of the functions previously performed by a specialised merchant capitalist class. The paper is a part of a larger study of the pattern and causes of agricultural growth and stagnation in Bombay and Punjab between 1881 and 1972.

24 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
J.E. Archer1
TL;DR: Archer as mentioned in this paper argues that the arguments put forward by Wells and Charlesworth are overemphatic and premature because research on the 1800-30 period is still far from complete.
Abstract: In this brief comment Archer responds to the debate between Wells, (Journal of Peasant Studies, Vol. 6, No. 2, January, 1979 and Vol. 8, No. 4, July, 1981) and Charlesworth (Journal of Peasant Studies, Vol. 8, No. 1, October, 1980). He identifies a lack of communication between the two protagonists and also suggests that, in the case of Norfolk and Suffolk, incendiarism only became endemic after 1830. He also notes that covert and overt collective protest occurred simultaneously after 1830. In his conclusion Archer believes the arguments put forward by Wells and Charlesworth are overemphatic and premature because research on the 1800–30 period is still far from complete.

19 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The authors describes the evolution of the relationship between elite and mass over the past century in a small town in rural northeastern Brazil, and presents a more complex scheme for capitalist penetration of peripheral agriculture.
Abstract: This paper describes the evolution of the relationship between elite and mass over the past century in a small town in rural northeastern Brazil. Evolving patterns of class opposition and alliance directly reflect the state of the articulation of capitalist and pre‐capitalist modes of production. Thus, the ‘patron‐client’ complex, the standard ethnographic description of elite‐mass relations, is neither static nor a cultural survival, but a vital aspect of an emerging capitalist mode of appropriation. Theoretically, the article is close to the position of Pierre‐Phillipe Rey, but presents a more complex scheme for capitalist penetration of peripheral agriculture.

14 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The relationship between pioneer frontier and state in Brazil is discussed in this article, where the authors argue that only by specifying the political content of such mediations can analytical distinctions be drawn between different forms of capitalist State.
Abstract: The essay addresses the relationship between pioneer frontier and State in Brazil: departing from an empirical investigation of the roles of law, bureaucracy and violence on the frontier itself, on the one hand, and an assessment of the major interpretations of the State, on the other, the argument focuses on the forms of mediation which characterize the State, and which constitute the social forces in struggle — both on the frontier and elsewhere in the society. It concludes that only by specifying the political content of such mediations can analytical distinctions be drawn between different forms of capitalist State.

11 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors examined the role of women in dairy production until the 1880s and examined the factors which determined their being pushed out of this sort of work and the problems and consequences with which women (and men) were faced when the transition to cooperatives dairies gave rise to an entirely new pattern of working and sex roles.
Abstract: Around 1860–80 all the central areas of rural women's work in Denmark – spinning, weaving and baking – were gradually taken over by the growing industry in the towns. During the 1880s, also, women's dairy work became a field of male labour in the newly‐established cooperative dairies around the country. The sale of dairy products has played a great role in Danish agriculture and in the national economy from the 1860s until today. The article throws light on the place of women in dairy production until the 1880s and examines the factors which determined their being pressed out of this sort of work. Finally the problems and consequences with which women (and men) were faced when the transition to cooperatives dairies gave rise to an entirely new pattern of work and sex roles are examined.

10 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: Dale as discussed by the authors argued that the Mappila outbreaks of the nineteenth century, culminating in the rebellion of 1921, have usually been seen as fundamentally either economic or religious phenomena, and have been treated in isolation from rural protest and revolt elsewhere in India.
Abstract: Stephen Frederic Dale, Islamic Society on the South Asian Frontier: The Mappilas of Malabar, 1498–1922, Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1980, pp. 290, £17.50. The Mappila outbreaks of the nineteenth century, culminating in the rebellion of 1921, have usually been seen as fundamentally either economic or religious phenomena, and have been treated in isolation from rural protest and revolt elsewhere in India. It is argued here that the outbreaks can best be understood in a specifically peasant context and constituted only one of several forms or strategies of Mappila peasant mobilization and protest: they shared, moreover, characteristics with many other peasant movements in India. In such a context religion and economics are not alternative causations, but intimately interwoven elements of peasant perceptions and self‐expression.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors analyse the local ruling cliques of several communities in Central Sardinia and find that the pre-World War II cliques differ markedly from those after the war, but they all have in common that they monopolise, at the local level, access to the state apparatus, that they are its local representatives, and that they organize, and organize other classes, on the basis of kinship.
Abstract: It is argued here that much of the literature on patron‐client relations is unsatisfactory because it tends to conceptualise the ruling classes of underdeveloped areas as individualised power brokers or ‘strong men’. Instead, one must identify those specific means of production which mark the class position of patrons, and which ultimately, are the basis of their power. Clientelism therefore not only refers to the economic position of the patrons, but also to a specific form of political power which is defined by the patron's relationship to the state. The paper addresses these questions by analysing the local ruling cliques of several communities in Central Sardinia. The pre‐World War II cliques differ markedly from those after the war, but they all have in common that they monopolise, at the local level, access to the state apparatus, that they are its local representatives, and that they are organised, and organise other classes, on the basis of kinship.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, the origin and functioning of the Kisan Sabha is examined, and the authors discuss the leadership and organisational structure of the kisan Sabha and discuss the reaction of the peasants to economic, social and political forces acting on them.
Abstract: Bihar, one of the most backward areas in India, has been the scene of almost continous agrarian unrest since the beginning of the twentieth century. The issues have been many and diverse at different points in time and in different geographical areas of the state. The nature and forms of peasant protest, too, were different at different times. Mostly peasant movements have been sporadic and spontaneous, but the 1930s saw the emergence in Bihar of a massive peasant organisation, the Kisan Sabha. The paper examines the origin and functioning of that peasant organisation. It starts with an examination of the agrarian economy of Bihar at the turn of the century and the peasants’ reaction to economic, social and political forces acting on them. It briefly discusses the famous Champaran Satyagraha as one of the first peasant movements carried out under the leadership of ‘outsiders’ and traces the origins of the Kisan Sabha. It goes on to discuss the leadership and organisational structure of the Kisan Sabha and...

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: For example, the authors argued that the nature of life and work of agricultural labourers does, indeed, put them among peasants, but the fact that many of them have no land and few other assets and work with means of production owned by others puts them among those who have nothing but their own labour.
Abstract: Rarely are agricultural labourers included within discussions of the peasantry There seems to be some confusion as to whether they are to be included among peasants or classed as ‘rural proletarians’ There are of course, well‐founded reasons for this confusion: the nature of life and work of agricultural labourers does, indeed, put them among peasants, but the fact that many of them have no land and few other assets and work with means of production owned by others puts them among those who have nothing but their own labour If the exclusion of agricultural labourers from discussions of the peasantry is common, it is more so in the context of peasant movements Again, the reasoning is understandable for the issues that agitate peasants and agricultural labourers are different and sometimes even mutually contradictory Rarely have agricultural labourers been included in peasant organisations or their demands among the demands of peasant movements And yet, as agricultural labourers constitute an importa

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: Bager as mentioned in this paper argued that the data presented in these books confirm that a middle peasantry preponderates in areas outside the White Highlands, although one of the authors, Carlsen, asserts the contrary.
Abstract: Torben Bager, Marketing Cooperatives and Peasants in Kenya Scandinavian Institute of African Studies, Uppsala, 1980, pp. 116. No price. John Carlsen, Economic and Social transformation in Rural Kenya Scandinavian Institute of African Studies, Uppsala, 1980, pp. 230. No price. Frederick Cooper, From Slaves to Squatters: Plantation Labour and Agriculture in Zanzibar and Coastal Kenya, 1890–1925, Yale University Press, New Haven, 1980, pp. 328, £15.75. The author discusses three recent books on agrarian Kenya: Marketing Cooperatives and Peasants in Kenya by Torben Bager, Economic and Social Transformation in Rural Kenya by John Carlsen, and From Slaves to Squatters: Plantation Labour and Agriculture in Zanzibar and Coastal Kenya 1880–1925 by Frederick Cooper. It is argued that the data presented in these books confirm that a middle peasantry preponderates in areas outside the White Highlands, although one of the authors, Carlsen, asserts the contrary. Some fundamental methodological issues with respect to th...


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The interaction between a highly capitalist land settlement and a social structure that was much too primitive, gave rise to agrarian conflicts from the very beginning of colonial rule as mentioned in this paper, and by around the 1930s they crystallised into an organised and widespread movement led by the Kisan Sabha.
Abstract: The interaction between a highly capitalist land settlement and a social structure that was much too primitive, gave rise to agrarian conflicts from the very beginning of colonial rule. Tensions increased sharply in the twentieth century for a multiplicity of reasons. By around the 1930s they crystallised into an organised and widespread movement led by the ‘Kisan Sabha’. The Kisan Sabha, during its short life, has undergone various experiences in programme formulation, organisational layout and interaction with various political parties, while remaining the most political force in Bihar. It was ultimately successful in bringing down the old and unsuitable settlement after the country won freedom. But only the better‐off among the peasants could reap the benefit; the misery of the poorer section increased, even though the independent government announced that it would undertake land reform measures. In the post‐colonial period, differentiation of the peasantry proceeded at a fast rate, and consequently ag...

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: Continuity existed between Marx and Lenin on the peasant problem as discussed by the authors, and their ideas were entirely consonant with the views of Marx and Engels on the problem of the peasantry.
Abstract: Continuity existed between Marx and Lenin on the peasant problem. Marx recognized that the capitalist peasant, the tenant‐farmer, would not support a proletarian revolution, but the capitalist peasant could be a revolutionary force in a liberal revolution. Marx felt that if a liberal revolution was found to be progressive for the proletariat, an alliance could be formed between proletariat and tenant‐farmers in the bourgeois revolution. Moreover, in Vol. III of Das Kapital Marx discerned the evolution of an agricultural proletariat. These agricultural wage‐labourers would support a proletarian revolution, and thus were allies of the urban proletariat in a socialist revolution. Lenin was familiar with the arguments of Vol. III of Das Kapital and incorporated them in his Development of Capitalism in Russia (composed in 1898). And certainly by 1901, and not in the revolution of 1905 as most commentators maintain, Lenin's ideas on the peasantry had fully matured and were entirely consonant with the views of M...

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: Bhojpur, a district in south Bihar, is now considered as one of the main rural bastions of Maoism in India as mentioned in this paper, due to the presence of the British-built Sone Canal.
Abstract: Bhojpur, a district in south Bihar, is now considered as one of the main rural bastions of Maoism in India. In reality, however, it had been chosen by the planners of the Intensive Area Development Project (IA DP) under the overall sweep of the Third Five Year Plan as one of the districts in India for the Green Revolution. Its main consideration: the presence of the British‐built Sone Canal. While the benefits of the IADP turned Saltar — the model block of Bhojpur — prosperous, it also triggered off disenchantment among the lower castes and resentment among the rich, upper castes. Dovetailed with the rise of the Socialists in Bhojpur, the banks of the Sone bred Maoism. In short, only a decade (1967–1977) was enough to turn the ‘Haryana of Bihar’ into the ‘Naxalbari of Bihar’. The chapter, ‘For Reasons of State’, extracted from Kalyan Mukherjee and Rajendra Singh Yadav's “Bhojpur: Naxalism in the plains of Bihar”, records the attempts by the state government, landlords and the Sarvodaya to stamp out the ru...

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, Hardiman's interpretation of the Bardoli campaign of 1928 and its implications for understanding rural agitations in British India are critically examined, and the emergence of a more flexible agrarian economy and society which, whilst not necessarily ‘capitalist, renders redundant the concept of a traditional middle peasantry.
Abstract: This constitutes a reply to David Hardiman's recent criticism of my article on the middle peasant thesis and its applicability to late colonial India. It challenges Hardiman's notion of the middle peasantry as too narrow and not the indisputable Leninist definition. Further, it emphasizes the emergence of a more flexible agrarian economy and society which, whilst not necessarily ‘capitalist’, renders redundant the concept of a traditional middle peasantry. Finally, Hardiman's interpretation of the Bardoli campaign of 1928 and its implications for understanding rural agitations in British India are critically examined.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, a letter and poems written by Antonio Garcia Gonzales, a Mexican peasant from Ixtlan, Mexico, are translated into English, where they are introduced by some biographical remarks about Antonio and accompanied by a commentary.
Abstract: In this article, a letter and poems written by Antonio Garcia Gonzales, a Mexican peasant from Ixtlan, Mexico, are translated. The letter was written in October, 1971, a few weeks after his arrest for involvement in certain revolutionary activities, and the poems during the early years of his imprisonment (1971–73). They are introduced by some biographical remarks about Antonio and accompanied by a commentary.