Showing papers in "The Political Quarterly in 2020"
TL;DR: Covid‐19 might still turn out to have been a seismic shock to existing policy processes and policy frames (such as austerity), and if so, there are grounds for hope that in the future, governments and voters might be less short‐term in their outlook.
Abstract: The Covid-19 pandemic has seen most governments worldwide having to think on their feet rather than implementing detailed and well-rehearsed plans. This is notwithstanding the fact that a pandemic was bound to happen, sooner or later (and will happen again). The effectiveness of national responses has varied enormously. Globally, New Zealand has been perceived as setting the gold standard in 'curve crushing', and for a short period achieved Covid-free status. For this achievement, much credit is due to the New Zealand government, especially to Prime Minister, Jacinda Ardern. However, post-lockdown the New Zealand government has encountered a number of Covid policy implementation problems (many of which could have been anticipated). Nevertheless, Covid-19 might still turn out to have been a seismic shock to existing policy processes and policy frames (such as austerity). If so, there are grounds for hope that in the future, governments and voters might be less short-term in their outlook. Perhaps anticipatory, rather than reactive policy making, might become more fashionable?
61 citations
58 citations
TL;DR: This article traces the British government's record in providing information about its policies and performance, and compares this with the public’s use of the mainstream news media, and considers how these two sources of information affected trust in government and public compliance with social distancing and lockdown rules.
Abstract: It is commonly said that the lockdowns and social distancing necessary to control coronavirus pandemics will only work if the general population trusts its government, believes the information it provides, and has confidence in its policies. This article traces the British government's record in providing information about its policies and performance, and compares this with the public's use of the mainstream news media. It then considers how these two sources of information affected trust in government and public compliance with social distancing and lockdown rules. Lastly, it compares Covid-19 with Brexit and draws conclusions about how beliefs and behaviour are formed when individuals are personally faced with a serious threat.
53 citations
TL;DR: In this paper, the impact of Brexit on the 2019 general election result is investigated. But the authors focus on aggregate-level data to conduct an initial exploration of the vote and show that although the Conservatives made gains deep into Labour's working-class heartlands, these gains have been a long time coming, reflected in Labour's weakening relationship with working class Britain.
Abstract: The outcome of the 2019 general election—a resounding Conservative majority and an unprecedented defeat for Labour – delivered a decisive electoral verdict for the first time in recent years following a period where British politics has been characterised by instability and indecision. In this article, we draw on aggregate-level data to conduct an initial exploration of the vote. What was the impact of Brexit on the 2019 general election result? How far has Brexit reshaped electoral politics? Was 2019 a ‘realignment election’? And, if so, what are the implications? We show that although the Conservatives made gains deep into Labour’s working-class heartlands, these gains have been a long time coming, reflected in Labour’s weakening relationship with working-class Britain. As such, 2019 is not a critical election but a continuation of longer-term trends of dealignment and realignment in British politics.
52 citations
TL;DR: The authors assess the evolution of policy thinking on how to make climate transitions happen; the potential of the European Green Deal; and how progressives need to shape it and any UK counterpart to meet the challenges of modern society.
Abstract: Covid-19 has highlighted our fragile relationship with the planet. But it represents a minor challenge compared to the permanent havoc that runaway climate change threatens. Politicians and governments—some at least—are beginning to recognise the scale of the danger. In this article we assess the evolution of policy thinking on how to make climate transitions happen; the potential of the European Green Deal; and how progressives need to shape it and any UK counterpart to meet the challenges of modern society. The European initiative arises from a broad coalition spanning the political spectrum. Yet, its central thrust of active government offers the prospect of reviving a battered social democracy. We indicate the openings here for a pluralist, ecological left. The run-up to the next global climate conference—COP26—will be a vital period which will show whether parties and governments across the world are prepared to meet the climate change challenge.
44 citations
TL;DR: The UUK’s proposal to restrict undergraduate enrolment per university to stop institutions poaching students is not in the interests of the most highly regarded universities, or that of students.
Abstract: Universities UK (UUK) has suggested that there may be very significant losses to higher education as a consequence of Covid-19. However, losses are likely to be substantially lower than the potential losses estimated by UUK. But the magnitude of losses is very uncertain. The UUK's proposal to restrict undergraduate enrolment per university to stop institutions poaching students is not in the interests of the most highly regarded universities, or that of students. Some rationalisation of the sector should be the price of further government support. Now is also the time to reconsider how university research is funded.
34 citations
TL;DR: It is argued that the UK system of governance has proved itself vulnerable to failure at the time when its citizens most needed it.
Abstract: More urgently than ever we need an answer to the question posed by the late Mick Moran in The Political Quarterly nearly two decades ago: 'if government now invests huge resources in trying to be smart why does it often act so dumb?'. We reflect on this question in the context of governmental responses to Covid-19 in four steps. First, we argue that blunders occur because of systemic weaknesses that stimulate poor policy choices. Second, we review and assess the performance of governments on Covid-19 across a range of advanced democracies. Third, in the light of these comparisons we argue that the UK system of governance has proved itself vulnerable to failure at the time when its citizens most needed it. Finally, we outline an agenda of reform that seeks to rectify structural weaknesses of that governance capacity.
31 citations
TL;DR: The authors argue that the appeal of meritocracy is plain to see, because it appears to promote equality of opportunity, and that people see their own lives as ''meritocratic'' rather than ascribed, and argue that such values are deeply embedded in popular life.
Abstract: The appeal of meritocracy is plain to see, because it appears to promote equality of opportunity.
However, in this paper we argue that meritocracy is also a deeply elitist project. Firstly,
we place Michael Young in context to show how his critique of meritocracy should be understood
as a socialist vision to ameliorate class divides. Secondly, we show how economic
inequality in the UK has not generated systematic resistance: in fact, inequality and belief in
meritocracy have gone hand in hand. Thirdly, we argue that people see their own lives as
meritocratic rather than ascribed, and that such values are deeply embedded in popular life.
We offer two explanations for how such views have come about, and show how they have
helped construct a more unequal society.
28 citations
TL;DR: Examining how the experiences of China and South Korea as early responder states influenced the subsequent coronavirus crisis management in Germany finds that German actors failed to understand that some of the earlier Chinese and Korean responses required a precondition—namely public willingness to sacrifice privacy for public health—that is absent in the German case.
Abstract: The global threat of the coronavirus pandemic has forced policy makers to react quickly with totally new policy-making approaches under conditions of uncertainty. This article focuses on such crisis-driven policy learning, examining how the experiences of China and South Korea as early responder states influenced the subsequent coronavirus crisis management in Germany. The first reaction of the German core executive was the quick concentration of decision-making power at the top of the political hierarchy. Asserting the prerogatives of the executive included the radical simplification of the relationship between politics, law and science. State actors took emergency measures by recourse to a single piece of legislation-the 'infection protection law' (Infektionsschutzgesetz)-overriding other elements of the legal order. They also limited the government's use of scientific expertise to a small number of advisors, thereby cutting short debates about the appropriateness or otherwise of the government's crisis measures. Finally, German actors failed to understand that some of the earlier Chinese and Korean responses required a precondition-namely public willingness to sacrifice privacy for public health-that is absent in the German case.
27 citations
23 citations
TL;DR: Two cases in which the UK government followed flawed expert advice are considered: intelligence assessments and military advice leading up to the 2003 Iraq War and the role of SAGE during the first stages of the Covid‐19 pandemic in 2020.
Abstract: The challenge for experts in government is often described as one of speaking unwelcome truths to a resistant power. Yet, just as problematic can be instances where the advice is welcome and so left unchallenged. Two such cases in which the UK government followed flawed expert advice are considered: intelligence assessments and military advice leading up to the 2003 Iraq War and the role of SAGE (the Scientific Advisory Group for Emergencies) during the first stages of the Covid-19 pandemic in 2020. Governments need to interrogate advice and make sure that they understand its underlying assumptions and implications. It remains vital to protect the independence of the experts, but to get the best out of their advice early and active political engagement is required rather than an arms-length relationship.
TL;DR: The authors found that four in every ten candidates experienced at least one type of harassment and intimidation during the 2017 UK general election and that women and young candidates were more likely to experience harassment.
Abstract: The use of political violence to attain political goals has long been a source of concern. Once thought to be exclusive to countries with high levels of general violence, recent evidence suggests that harassment and intimidation of political elites in the UK is more widespread than previously thought. Using data from the 2017 general election candidate survey, we find that four in every ten candidates experienced at least one type of harassment. Evidence suggests that women and young candidates are more likely to suffer from harassment and intimidation. We conclude by formulating an agenda for future research, focussing, in particular, on the perception of harassment and the effect of harassment on political careers.
TL;DR: This article sets out the advantages of deliberation that prioritises dialogue (over, say, opinion change) in the context of the UK government’s responses to Covid‐19; both the confused decision making evident to date, and the forthcoming re‐opening phases that will prioritise or advantage some constituencies over others.
Abstract: Rather than aiming to produce more 'rational' or more 'other-regarding' citizen judgements (the outcome of which is uncertain), deliberative democratic exercises should be re-designed to maximise democratic participation To do this, they must involve citizens and experts, a novel arrangement that will benefit both cohorts For the former, a more inclusive form of deliberation will offer an opportunity to contribute to political discussion and be listened to by people with political or policy-based authority For the latter, it will provide a venue through which expertise can be brought to bear on democratic decision making without risk of scapegoating or politicisation More broadly, deliberation that prioritises dialogue (over, say, opinion change) affirms the principle that political decisions reflect value judgements rather than technically 'right' or technically 'wrong' answers-judgements that are legitimate if arrived at through discussion involving the people due to be affected by the resultant policy This article sets out the advantages of this form of deliberation-which bears some similarity to certain types of citizen science-in the context of the UK government's responses to Covid-19; both the confused decision making evident to date, and the forthcoming re-opening phases that will prioritise or advantage some constituencies over others
TL;DR: It is argued that research has narrowly focussed on the short-term, corrective effects of individual fact checks, largely ignoring the multiple ways fact checkers conceive of their impact and the cultural and systemic changes that fact checker pursue.
Abstract: The fact checking field has grown tremendously in the past decade, as has academic interest in the practice, with dozens of studies testing the effectiveness of corrections However, research on fact checking is not yet optimised to help fact checkers address the global challenges of mis- and disinformation In this paper, we review the literature on fact checking?s effects and identify two key gaps First, we discuss the limited diversity and external validity of existing studies, which have overwhelmingly been conducted in Western countries and under artificial, experimental conditions Second, we argue that research has narrowly focussed on the short-term, corrective effects of individual fact checks, largely ignoring the multiple ways fact checkers conceive of their impact Thus, research has overlooked the cultural and systemic changes that fact checkers pursue We conclude by highlighting opportunities for further research and for improving communication between academics and fact checkers
TL;DR: In this article, the authors examine two supposed tipping points concerning crises in the production of value in capitalism and in the availability of and attachment to work, and demonstrate that the stories contained in post-work discourses about business models, technologies, labour markets and workers are not empirically sustainable.
Abstract: Post-work politics, with a focus on universal basic income, rather than an agenda of saving jobs and improving the quality of work, has been a growth area on the left. This article challenges the views of proponents that their claims are ‘on trend’ with developments in markets and technology. It does so by examining two supposed ‘tipping points’ concerning crises in the production of value in capitalism and in the availability of and attachment to work. Through a rigorous examination of available evidence, the article demonstrates that the stories contained in post-work discourses about business models, technologies, labour markets and workers are not empirically sustainable. Suggestions are then made about what more credible accounts of actually existing capital, technology and labour might look like, and what the direction of alternative, progressive policy agendas might be.
Journal Article•
TL;DR: What happens in Neom may provide insights into how AI will impact the world beyond a cross-road built on sand, as Saudi Arabia diversifies its economy by becoming a global technological hub.
Abstract: Saudi Arabia is diversifying its economy by becoming a global technological hub. Driven by its Vision 2030 initiative, it has embarked on the most ambitious and far-reaching transformation plan in the kingdom's history. At the core of this transformation are the investment and development of artificial intelligence (AI) and its integration into a new mega-city Neom. Currently under construction, Neom is seeking to integrate robotics and AI seamlessly into every aspect of citizens lives in a bid to generate revenues from key economic sectors for the future. This transition from an economy base on hydrocarbons to AI is, however, more than economic. It is a bid to secure the survival of the House of Saud and meet the growing challenges of constructing a state around oil. Nevertheless, what happens in Neom may provide insights into how AI will impact the world beyond a cross-road built on sand.
TL;DR: Drawing upon an analysis of how intergovernmental relationships are structured in five other countries, the authors offer a number of suggestions for the reconfiguration of the UK model and argue against the assumption that England can be represented adequately by the UK administration.
Abstract: Brexit and the coronavirus pandemic have put relationships between the UK government and its devolved counterparts under growing strain. Tensions generated by both of these developments have exposed the inadequacies of the existing, under-developed system for bringing governments together in the UK. The limitations of the current system include the ad hoc nature of intergovernmental meetings, and their consultative rather than decision-making character. Drawing upon an analysis of how intergovernmental relationships are structured in five other countries, the authors offer a number of suggestions for the reconfiguration of the UK model. They explore different ways of enabling joint decision making by its governments, and argue against the assumption that England can be represented adequately by the UK administration. Without a serious attempt to address this dysfunctional part of the UK's territorial constitution, there is every prospect that relations between these different governments will continue to deteriorate.
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors argue that the focus on individual "antisemites" rather than on the broader problem of antisemitism has been mischaracterised and suggest that a more accurate and sophisticated understanding of antisemeitism offers a way forward.
Abstract: In this article, we argue that Labour’s antisemitism crisis has been misunderstood. We suggest that a more accurate and sophisticated understanding of antisemitism offers a way forward. There are three elements to this claim. First, by drawing on existing data on attitudes towards Jews, we criticise the widespread focus on individual ‘antisemites’, rather than on the broader problem of antisemitism. In turn, we conceive of antisemitism not as a virus or poison, as in so many formulations, but rather, as a reservoir of readily available images and ideas that subsist in our political culture. Second, following on from this understanding, we offer five ways forward. Finally, we set this analysis in the context of a historical parting of the ways between anti‐racism and opposition to antisemitism. An anti‐racism defined solely by conceptions of whiteness and power, we argue, has proven unable to fully acknowledge and account for anti‐Jewish racism.
TL;DR: In this paper, a critical analysis has been developed on the relationship between gender inequality and Universal Basic Income (UBI) by reflecting on the feminist arguments in favour of UBI and then problematises some of these points by also reflecting on other available policies.
Abstract: Despite extensive attention being paid to the effects of the Universal Basic Income (UBI) on society at large, little critical analysis has been developed on the relationship between gender inequality and UBI. The purpose of this article is to first reflect on the feminist arguments in favour of UBI and then problematises some of these points by also reflecting on other available policies. By looking into the role of women’s work in both productive and reproductive activities, it is argued that UBI should not be disregarded as a social policy. However, its transformative capacity to empower women and to strengthen their role in society should not be overestimated. In order to address this gap, policymakers should address misconceptions around gender norms and acknowledge the multiple forms of women’s work across the social relations of production and reproduction.
TL;DR: In this paper, a special issue on the politics of post-work and post-capitalism is presented, considering the theoretical foundations, empirical perspectives and political ramifications of claims made about a coming "post-work" or "postcapitalist" society, mapping existing debates through a discussion of two key recent texts, Paul Mason's Clear Bright Future and Aaron Bastani's Fully Automated Luxury Communism.
Abstract: This article introduces the special issue on the politics of postcapitalism. Considering the theoretical foundations, empirical perspectives and political ramifications of claims made about a coming ‘post-work’ or ‘postcapitalist’ society, it maps existing debates through a discussion of two key recent texts, Paul Mason’s Clear Bright Future and Aaron Bastani’s Fully Automated Luxury Communism. It first surveys how the relationship between labour market trends, technological change and wider political-economic shifts is articulated in the postcapitalist literature. It then explores how concepts from Marx are deployed to depict social relations as a constraint on technological development and its utopian potentialities, leading to political demands for new class actors and electoral blocs centring on the new forms of economic and political activity associated with digital networks. It also considers the role of the state and how this theoretical and political approach envisions historical change, situating utopian visions of an incipient postcapitalist alternative to capitalism within the contemporary political context of authoritarian populism and challenges to liberal democracy. Finally, it explores the continuing relevance of humanism as a critical counterpoint to the social and philosophical agenda of present day ‘posthumanism’. It concludes that, in unfavourable political conditions, it would be strategically unwise to stake too much on an over-optimistic approach to the unfolding future. This outlook, it is suggested, carries considerable risks and consequences for a contemporary left in search of a viable electoral coalition and route back to power.
TL;DR: The battle to soften the labour market impact of the pandemic has thrown up some unlikely bedfellows, with trade union leaders competing with business chiefs over who can most fulsomely praise the government's economic response as discussed by the authors.
Abstract: The battle to soften the labour market impact of the pandemic has thrown up some unlikely bedfellows, with trade union leaders competing with business chiefs over who can most fulsomely praise the government’s economic response. But does this entente really presage a new era of ‘Covid‐corporatism’? Crises like Covid‐19 can provide opportunities for temporary social pacts, even in countries lacking the labour market institutions needed to sustain these in normal times, and the ‘social partners’ have shown an unusual willingness to be bold and constructive. But cracks are already appearing over how and when the state should begin its withdrawal from the economy. Unions face structural weaknesses and recruitment problems that will hamper their ability to take full advantage of what will likely prove to be only a temporary lull in hostilities.
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors analyse the successful Conservative election campaign of 2019 and how it took advantage of a fractured political and economic landscape, and argue that Boris Johnson's messaging was carefully tailored towards the demands of voters in the'red wall' seats.
Abstract: This article analyses the successful Conservative election campaign of 2019 and how it took advantage of a fractured political and economic landscape. It reviews the unique circumstances around the 2019 election and the ‘surprising death’ of a no-deal Brexit. We then analyse the divergent political communication strategies in the 2017 and 2019 Conservative campaigns showing how the latter was much more coherent and politically unorthodox. Drawing on socioeconomic, demographic and British Election Study data, we argue that Boris Johnson’s messaging was carefully tailored towards the demands of voters in the ‘red wall’ seats. Conservative success was built around an appeal to voters in these economically depressed ‘geographies of discontent’. But while tremendously successful, the coalition this created is potentially fragile. An unconventional, ‘leftish’ Conservative campaign built a new, diverse bloc of voters. It includes a number of left-wingers expecting change alongside traditional Conservative supporters, and will be hard to keep together given the economic turbulence ahead.
TL;DR: In this article, the authors discuss the structural constraints that critical scholars of race and gender identity work against in the UK university system, highlighting the barriers and tentative opportunities to effective decolonisation work.
Abstract: Decolonisation of the curriculum is a burgeoning yet controversial project of radical change, gaining slow but steady traction in higher education politics departments across the country. At its heart is the acknowledgement and systematic unravelling of colonial and imperial practices in the UK university system. This article pins down what decolonisation is and is not, highlighting the barriers and tentative opportunities to effective decolonisation work. This is discussed in the context of the structural constraints that critical scholars of race — particularly those at the intersection of marginalised racial and gender identities — work against in the academy.
TL;DR: The authors examines the process of extinction of former remainer Conservative MPs who followed different paths in the run-up to the 2019 general election: either choosing to stay loyal and merge with the rest of the parliamentary party, or to express their discontent and leave the party.
Abstract: This article examines the process of extinction of former remainer Conservative MPs who followed different paths in the run‐up to the 2019 general election: either choosing to stay loyal and merge with the rest of the parliamentary party, or to express their discontent and leave the party. When they chose to rebel against the leadership, only a small minority dared to vindicate their position. The other rebels constantly played down their identity as remainers and justified their views in an apologetic way. More remarkably, they were treated differently by Boris Johnson, who eventually suspended the last remainers and called for a general election to renew the composition of the party. The consequences of this last move are crucial in order to understand the radical transformation of the Conservative Party into the actual (and only) ‘party of Brexit’.
TL;DR: The essays in this special section explore the importance of information and the fundamental role of fact checkers in understanding how information flows, why mistakes are made, and how to counteract them.
Abstract: The Covid‐19 pandemic has revealed and accelerated an information crisis as well as a health one. What we discover about Covid 19, how it spreads, to whom and why and how best to mitigate it—all depend on information. The essays in this special section, which this article introduces, explore the importance of information and the fundamental role of fact checkers in understanding how information flows, why mistakes are made, and how to counteract them. Fact checking as an idea and a practice emerged in the early twenty‐first century, developed as a positive beacon to counteract a growing sense that information could no longer be trusted. Now, more than a decade after its creation, fact checking sits within a far more complex and chaotic media context, and its expertise and understanding has never been so important. We need to understand what fact checkers do because they are grappling with how to tether us to reality.
TL;DR: This article reviewed geographical research on labour market changes that pose a challenge to "work" as a compelling category of analysis, drawing inspiration from feminist scholarship that has sought to develop a frame for thinking about the concept of work so that other activities outside employment are recognized.
Abstract: This article reviews geographical research on labour market changes that pose a challenge to ‘work’ as a compelling category of analysis. Drawing inspiration from feminist scholarship that has sought to develop a frame for thinking about the concept of work so that other activities outside employment are recognised, it critically considers what everyday practices of work, including domestic and reproductive labour, can teach us about the realities and futures of contemporary capitalism. While ‘work’ has long served as a presumed norm or telos of ‘development’, this article considers the prospect of the ‘end of work’ and of a specific type of accompanying capitalist society. It outlines the challenges for policy making in bringing forth a ‘postwork’ world without cementing social and economic inequality.