Showing papers in "The Sociological Review in 1970"

Black Boxism and the Sociology of Science: A Discussion of the Major Developments in the Field

Abstract: Science as an important area of human activity has attracted the attention of historians and philosophers as well as sociologists. However, sociologists in their attempt to establish an independent sub discipline, the Sociology of Science, have too often disregarded work in the History and Philosophy of Science. Moreover they have separated the Sociology of Science from the Sociology of Knowledge. All these have resulted in a conception of the sub discipline that suggests it should be devoted to the study of the producers of science without much or any reference to the internal cognitive nature and fonn of science. I believe it is essential to understand the relationship between these two to have a sound Sociology of Science, and that a separation of the study of the producers of certain cultural artifacts, that is of science, without reference to the fonn and substance of science itself is mistaken. To illustrate my observation that sociologists of science are preoccupied with the producers in a way that takes little account of what is being produced, I should like to refer to Storer (1966: 3-9) who sees the sociology of science as being concerned with the behaviour and organization of scientists. The internal organization of science, science as a social institution, as a profession and as a communication system are the chief areas of study. A similar view is expressed by Cole (1970). He states that the analysis of the social conditions which affect the processes of discovery, evaluation and diffusion of ideas comprise the domain of the sociology of science. These approaches, which are characteristic of North American work, exclude any discussion of the subject matter of science. Ignoring the cognitive aspect of scientists' activities, they restrict sociology to discussion of social relations and processes. Ideas are taken as given, they are objectified as citation or paper counts where each paper is taken to

Durkheim as a review critic

Abstract: During the course of his academic career Durkheim wrote a very large number of book reviews. Most of these review writings have remained little known. They provide, however, a valuable source of insight into the themes documented at length in his major works. Durkheim often used reviews as a platform for the elucidation of his own theories, and for rebuttal of the attacks of his critics. The object of this article is to indicate some of the issues covered by Durkheim in the course of his activities as a reviewer. All of Durkheim's reviews are written in the same direct, severe style which is characteristic (tf his longer works: there is no humour, little rhetoric, and only rare flashes of irony. But neither is there any surplus content: many of the reviews are in fact wholly descriptive, and simply present an outline of what the reviewer takes to be the most significant contributions made by the author in question. It is not my intention, however, to discuss Durkheim's skill as a critic, nor to comment upon his literary style, but simply to describe a few of the ways in which the reviews which he wrote d the works of others expand upon and illuminate his own conception of sociology. The bulk of Durkheim's reviews were written in two separate periods. The first phase ran from the middle of the i88os up to the publication ot The Division of Labour in Society in 1893. Durkheim's earliest published writings, in faa, consist of reviews (which appeared in 1885) of books by Schaffle and Gumplowicz.' During this phase, Durkheim also published a compendious three-part review artide concenwd with the works of these and other German sodal thinkers. The second period spanned the time during which Durkheim was involved with the Annee Sodologique. Throughout this latter period—as the guiding spirit of the journal—Durkheim undertook the arduous task of reviewing books and articles in several broad areas of sociology.

Communication and the Reward System of Science: A Study of a National ‘Invisible College’:

Abstract: Choices by others 0 0 0 0 0 (9) Own choices 0 0 0 0 0 Differences 0 0 0 0 0 Experimentalists: Bubble Chamber Choices by others 0 0 2 4 I (52) Own choices 0 0 0 0 0 Differences 0 0 +2 +4 +1 Counter/Spark Chamber Choices by others I 6 2 4 2 (80) Own choices 3 4 3 5 4 Differences -2 +2 -I -I -2 The connection between the organization of the informal communication system and the reward system may be seen by looking at data which shows which type of groups are, on the average, 'over' recognised for their scientific productivity and which are 'under' recognised. The regression of recognition scores on the number of publications gives an indication of 'over' or 'under' recognition. The 36 +1.19 + .85 ·74 Communication and the Reward System of Science mean residuals from this regression for the five types of research groups are as follows: Theorists Phenomenologists Intermediate Abstract Experimentalists Bubble chamber .46 Counter/Spark chamber .35

The operation of science journals: two case studies in british social science

Abstract: The rdle of archival journals in the communication system of science has been recognized as important by many writers.' The nature of the scientific reward system and the ideology of pure science ensures that public communication is central to the social system of science.\" Therefore, to understand how rewards are allocated in science and how scientific knowledge grows, it is essential to study how information is communicated to the scientific community. Journal publication is one of the first steps toward scientific recognition and personal advancement for the young academic. Also, it is a major way in which research is publicly acknowledged to contribute to the existing body of knowledge.^ Because they affect the authors' careers and what is seen as constituting legitimate scientific knowledge, the factors relating to the editorial decisions on submitted manuscripts are of interest. The factors considered in this study, discussed in more detail in the next section, are: the professional attributes of the authors, what kind of papers they submit, the professional attributes of the editorial referees who advise the journal editors on whether to publish the submitted manuscripts, and the time taken for these decisions. It is suggested that these variables are major factors relating to the perceived quality of the submissions, which in turn affects the final editorial decision. Briefly, scientists with certain combinations of professional characteristics are likely to submit certain sorts of papers which are then evaluated by referees with certain combinations of proprofessional charaaeristics, who advise editors on the disposition of the papers. This study attempts to find out what combinations of professional attributes of authors produce what types of papers and how different types of referees reaa.

Cybernetics: a case study of a scientific subject-complex

Abstract: Cybernetics is a topic which claims attention from those whose interest is in science itself as a subject of study, including sociologists of science, for several reasons. Firstly because it is sometimes claimed that cybernetics is likely to play a crucial role in the future development of science. Secondly because cybernetics appears to be odd in various ways, and the history of science has shown repeatedly that a study of the odd can be more fruitful than a study of the normal. In what way is cybernetics odd? To start with, as shown in the quotations at the beginning of the paper, extreme claims have been made both for and against it. There is even disagreement about whether the word is meaningful or not. Furthermore, it seems that few people doing research in cybernetics will admit to being 'cyberneticians' or 'cyberneticists' (even the term has yet to be standardised). Such researchers usually seem to see themselves as, for example, engineers or mathematicians or psychologists who happen to use cybernetic concepts or techniques in their work. This is related to the protean nature of cybernetics which is involved in different ways in many different subjects. It could even be asserted that everything that is claimed as a contribution of cybernetics can equally be claimed as a contribution of some other discipline. In this light cybernetics is no more than a predator, an intellectual jackdaw. If cybernetics were simply a methodology like statistics, there would be no mystery in its relevance to a large number of different fields. It is, however, not just a methodology: it is not neutral in the way that

From Scientist to Manager

Abstract: The aim of this paper is to explore some of the problems involved when scientists are faced with the challenge of taking on managerial tasks and responsibilities. It is sometimes argued that, because of their education and interests, scientists are typically reluctant to give up a technical role for a managerial one, that this is a type of role-change which entails such a radical alteration of occupational identity that is rarely made without some degree of inner struggle. As one writer claims: 'Scientists ... nearly always view the decision to enter management as a major one, difficult to make and having significant consequences on their entire lives. They have spent many years in intense preparation for a given career. Their friends, their colleagues, their interests and tastes all revolve around science and the carrying out of research. Entering management means desertion, in a sense, and it will be so viewed by their former colleagues.'2

The political sociology of science: a critique of current orthodoxies

Abstract: Within professional sociology, whether one likes it or not, it is undeniable that the current orthodoxy in the sociology of science is provided by the work of Robert Merton and his more or less faithful disciples. In particular, Merton's famous essay 'Science and Democratic Social Structure' has to a great extent defined the context of the development of the sociology of science, both methodologically and ideologically. In this paper my purpose will be to augment some recent attacks on the Mertonian orthodoxy; and to assess how far the charge that most of this orthodoxy is bourgeois ideology hiding behind 'scientific sociology', can be maintained. Here, I shall concentrate mainly on Merton's four famous norms of science, leaving aside his account of the origins of Western science and the more general theoretical features of his theory of science, both of which have recently been reviewed in a most interesting fashion by Michael King (1971). These aspects are, in any case, characteristic of much of modern sociology as a whole, and I want in this essay to restrict myself to a discussion of how, in particular, Merton's norms of science serve a specific set of ends.

Adolescence: a study of stereotyping *

Abstract: A great deal of empirical work on stereotyping has been carried out in the field of race relations. Typical of this approach is the work of van den Berghe.' The study of stereotypes has been extended to other substantive areas such as those of crime and drug addiction, but such work is much less prolific' The purpose of this paper is to consider stereotyping procedures in relation to another substantive area: that of adolescence. The main conclusions which can be drawn from empirical studies of racial stereotypes is that stereotypes have a considerable ability to resist change and to remain unaffected by new information.' There can be little doubt as to the tenacity of racial stereotypes. However to argue that they are never subject to change in any degree is to misunderstand the import of empirical findings. Gilbert's study of students' racial stereotypes,* while demonstrating the considerable stability of stereotypes over time, nevertheless observed that change had taken place. Other studies\" have shown that, under some circumstances, contact with ethnic groups can alter racial stereotypes. ScheS,' working in the medical field, argues that ± e diagnostic stereotypes held by doctors vary according to the organisational context within which they work. Clearly stereotypes must adjust to changing conditions. If the great mass of the information which a person receives cannot readily be interpreted by his existing stereotypes, if indeed the information he receives calls into question the validity of a stereotype, there comes a point beyond which it cannot be maintained. Nevertheless, stereotypes are not changed easily. Since infonnation is interpreted through stereotyping procedures, the way a person perceives that information will depend upon the relevant stereotypes which he holds. Information which contradicts the stereotype is liable either to be rejected as untrue or to be dismissed as an exception to the general rule. Information which is in general agreement with the stereotype but which implies changes in emphasis or modifications in

Appraisal interviews and the structure of colleague relations

Abstract: Persons in charge of manning organizations have to think of succession to senior posts as a continuous task, with each appointment generating new vacancies below. Each appointment has further implications for the likely future capacity of the staff member: while one type of move may simply require him to exercise a skill he already possesses, another may broaden his experience and provide him with opportunities for development of more skills relevant to the organization. Rather than leave this process to chance and individual inclination, many senior managements have in recent years embarked on systematic schemes for management development. These are applied at least to a selected elite, sometimes with and sometimes without their knowledge. In such schemes, before a man is moved, the question is asked how far this is likely to contribute to his preparation for his probable long-term destination; and new placements are, whereever possible, combined with formal schooling deemed appropriate for the individual at his particular career and life-cycle stage. The continuing necessity to identify talent leads, further, to the maintenance of records of the capacities, performance and potential of existing staff as estimated by those of their seniors in closest working contaa with them.

Comte, Marx and Political Economy

Abstract: From the student Left, over the last few years, has come the charge that sociology is a form of bourgeois ideology, its function defined as the legitimation of the status quo, in so far as it ignores or minimises the r61e of class conflict in society and fails to grasp the dialectical character of social change.' Marxism is counterposed to sociology as constituting a more viable social theory; one which strives both to comprehend and to change the world. Most sociologists emphatically reject the view that their science is ideological and criticise Marxism as outdated, dogmatic and wholly ideological. Yet Lenin himself equated the dialectical method of Marxism with the method used in sociology.\" Why then should sociology and Alarxism be antagonistic, for both attempt to analyse the social world objectively, to provide an empirically verifiable account of the processes of social change, of the persistence of social structures, of the major social institutions and their consequences for individuals? It might perhaps be argued that any difference is merely a matter of emphasis, that Marxists and 'bourgeois' sociologists study certain selected aspects of society and that it is a question of perspective. If so, then the problem might be solved through synthesis; the 'true' parts of Marx being added to the 'true' parts of Durkheim and Weber, with the finished product called the 'genuine' social science.\" This paper will argue, following Weber,* that no such joining together of perspectives is possible and that the aucial difference between Marxism and sociology must be sought for both historically and at the level of method. It will be claimed that sociology through Comte, and Marxism through Marx were originally in opposition as social theory through their contrasting treatment of political economy.

Science and Antiscience

Abstract: This article highlights some of the points made by the author in the inaugural Bernal Lecture* delivered at the Royal Society on March 4, 1971.

The democratization of the antique: meanings of antiques and dealers' perceptions of customers†

Abstract: To study antiques as a form of social behaviour is not as far-fetched as it might seem. For example in suggesting 'strategies for discovering urban theory', Strauss has recommended the study of the unusual, including antique auctions.' Earlier, Marie Jahoda reported a market research study concerning the attitudes of consumers toward furniture; she notes that 'the very wealthy [Englishmen] have a stock of antiques, are brought up in antiques, and influenced in their outlook by this tradition in such a way as to prefer it.\"' American researchers have used the presence of certain living room items as predictive of social class positions.' The contents of living rooms have been studied as indicators of styles of life and as associated with mobility and traditionalism in behaviour.' Most recently, Biimier has invited sociologists 'to take seriously the topic of fashion'.^ In discussing 'ideological equalitarianism', Lipset and Bendix write that 'Americans frequently think of the differences of status and power, not as being what they really are, but rather as differences in the distribution of material goods.\" Blau and Duncan continue this line of analysis, commenting that 'the elevation of material possessions into the most important distinguishing feature of differential status diminishes the significance of ascribed criteria of status and enhances the significance of achieved, which implies achievable, criteria of status.\" Consequently consumer goods become important as symbols of social status. The antique is defined differently at the various class levels, which

A study of a self‐governing work group *

Abstract: This paper describes a study' by a participant observer carried out in 1966 in a new airport in the United Kingdom. The object was to observe the behaviour of the general hands (manual workers) at the airport in relation to the emergence of a social organisation. The behavioural patterns recorded are reported here and are then discussed in terms of different approaches to the understanding and explatiation of organisational behaviour; particularly the socio-technical approach of Rice' atid others, and the analyses by Fox,'' Lupton,' and others, of determinants of behaviour in organisations. The research findings are also linked to the work of Sykes,^ Lockwood,\" Wright Mills,' and Cunnison,' in respect of the collective and individual responses to the work situation of different groups of workers. The author worked for a period of twelve weeks as a general hand at a new municipal airport. The old airport serving this particular area had needed replacing and accordingly a new one was planned and developed. The change-over occurred smoothly with the new airport becoming operational just as the old airport closed down. The old airport, in terms of manual worker staff (i.e. baggage loaders, baggage sorters and porters), had been manned by employees of the different airlines using the airport. The new airport, being municipal, had to provide its own manual workers, and this it did by recruiting in the local labour market by means of press advertisements and the labour exchange, and by recruiting corporation employees from other corporation departments. Some of the manual workers from the old airport did transfer but they were a relatively small proportion of the total manual work force. The general hands at the new airport had been brought together