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Showing papers in "The Sociological Review in 1979"


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In qualitative research, concepts tend to be fluid and emergent as mentioned in this paper, whereas in quantitative social research they tend to remain fixed and pre-formed, whereas in qualitative research they are fluid and fluid.
Abstract: The question arises: do problems of concept-formation in such research differ from those in quantitative social research? It has often been maintained that this is so. While in quantitative social research concepts tend to be pre-formed and fixed (it is argued), in qualitative research they tend to be fluid and emergent. Herbert Blumer’s classic paper, ‘What is wrong with social theory?’ (1954), in which he distinguished between definitive and sensitising concepts provides a clear statement of this view.

474 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, the problems and possibilities for the analysis of qualitative data in sociological data are discussed. But immediately a problem arises: each different approach has its own conception of what is qualitative about sodal data and what are the problems.
Abstract: But immediately a problem arises. Sociology is a pluralistic discipline, characterized by numerous alternative conceptions of theory, explanation and data, that is, by different sodological approaches (or perspectives or orientations or paradigms).* Each different approach has its own conception of what is qualitative about sodal data and what are the problems and possibilities for the analysis of qualitative data.

230 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, the authors analyse the tactics used by parapsychologists in their efforts to gain scientific recognition for their discipline and its findings, and the tactic used by orthodox scientists to deny them this stamp of legitimacy.
Abstract: RECENT studies have exposed the social components involved in the assessment of the validity of scientific findings, a process normally thought of as being in some way immune to social forces. This programme has developed from the work of Wittgenstein I through the 'Copernican Revolution' in the history and philosophy of science, associated with the writing of Kuhn, Lakatos, Feyerabend, and Lakatos and Musgrave,\" to an explicitly relativistic sociologyof science, as argued, for instance, by Barnes, and Collins and Cox.\" Detailed case-studies of the social processes involved in knowledge production have been carried out by the present authors. Collins' has attempted to show the social component involved in the process of 'testing' findings by the replication of experiments in the case of the physical phenomena of gravity waves, and extended this analysis to the case of replication in parapsychology.5 Pinch,\" by considering the part played by a particular proof, has attempted to show the social components associated with the rejection of the work of the physicist, David Bohm, on the foundations of quantum theory. In this paper we will be concerned with examining the processes involved in the attempt to establish the existence of a certain class of phenomena referred to as paranormal phenomena. In particular we intend to analyse the tactics used by parapsychologists in their efforts to gain scientific recognition for their discipline and its findings, and the tactics used by orthodox scientists to deny them this stamp of legitimacy. In analysing these tactics it is hoped that something will

202 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
Mark Philp1
TL;DR: Theoretical support for social work has been a hot topic in recent years as discussed by the authors, with a concern with sociology, social policy, philosophy, and so on, which has led to an apparent plethora of theoretical perspectives being made available to social workers.
Abstract: The theoretical base of social work appears to have undergone a considerable expansion in recent years. The era of the 'psychiatric deluge\" seems to have passed and a concern with sociology, social policy, philosophy, and so on, has led to an apparent plethora of theoretical perspectives being made available to social workers. Theorists in social work have consequently concerned themselves with attempting to 'rescue' social work from confusion by proposing means by which ±is new theoretical eclecticism can be transformed into a set of coherent practices. These attempts can be seen as beginning with Halmos, whose Faith of the Counsellors^ can be seen as double edged, being both an analysis and a eulogy, followed by Nokes's' attempt to replace philosophy with primarily administrative and practical skill. The major present attempts are centred around Marxist formulations on the one hand^ and the unitary and integrated perspectives' on the other. However, in making these 'rescue' attempts, these conflicting theories may in fact share a common philosophical problem, namely, epistemological idealism. The radical critique of social work, for example, sees the caseworker as an integral part of professional culture :

158 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, the authors discuss the practical problems involved in interpretation of personal documents collected from life histories are briefly discussed, and the challenge is to transform sometimes thousands of pages of typed script interviews biographies diaries diaries dreams and observations into a coherent valid and analytically sound presentation.
Abstract: The practical problems involved in interpretation of personal documents collected from life histories are briefly discussed. Technical problems in data collection may involve choice of data gathering method interviewing dealing with transcriptions and problems of validity and representativeness but analysis of data problems when doing life histories involves intervention that must be acknowledged as tampering with the data. The degree of interpretation of raw data must be recognized. The challenge is to transform sometimes thousands of pages of typed script interviews biographies diaries dreams and observations into a coherent valid and analytically sound presentation. Two major interpreters are the interviewee and the sociologist. The sociologist has his/her own theories and constructs. The analytical problem involves the determination of the extent to which the sociologist progressively imposes second-order constructs on the understandings of the subjects and the extent to which the subjects own rational constructions of the word are understood by the sociologist. The continuum of contamination ranges from the original transcripts to the edited personal document to systematic thematic analysis to verification by anecdotes and generation of sociological theories of labeling identity drive reduction or otherwise. The location of the sociological input on the continuum determines the extent of sociological imposition on the original data. In life history analysis the end of the continuum on theory building would not occur unless it involved the subjects own accounts. A sociologists verification by anecdotes does not allow for the subjects point of view because there is usually no justification given for why some quotes are used and what ones are discarded. Systematic thematic analysis more closely approximates the appropriate life history method of analysis.

147 citations



Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In the literature on small firms, social relations both between workers themselves and between workers and their employers are frequently seen as mutually satisfying and conflict free as mentioned in this paper, and this view is argued in sociological* and non-sociological discussions alike.
Abstract: A recurrent theme in the literature on small firms is .that workers in such firms escape many of the deprivations experienced by workers in larger enterprises. In the small firm, social relations both between workers themselves and between workers and their employers are frequently seen as mutually satisfying and conflict free. This view is argued in sociological* and non-sociological^ discussions alike. The present paper examines these views and sociological research held to support them and, on the basis of findings from a recent study of small and large firm workers in the printing and electronics indusitries, argues that they are highly questionable. Perhaps the best known recent non-sociological formulation of these ideas is that of Schumacher^ whose somewhat romantic view of social relations in the small firm is summed up in his catch-phrase 'small is beautiful'. The government sponsored Committee of Inquiry on Small Firms, which reported in 1971, made similarly optimistic assumptions:

64 citations



Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: A biography of the research, which principally focusses on 24 families with an epileptic child, is presented to illustrate changing perspectives, emergent problems and some of the solutions, or attempted solutions, to overcome them.
Abstract: This research was never conceived within a formal theoretical framework though of course there were, and are, sensitizing concepts which have guided the investigation and directed attention towards particular kinds of issue. I make no apologies for this but rather suggest that early reservations about too neat a theoretical package have been amply substantiated during the course of field-work and analysis. In short, I have been continually forced' back to the data to reconsider interpretations which at one time at least seemed less problematic. Essentially, the problem revolves round the distinction between the content of accounts, which at face value might be used to support Various propositions, and what peoide are 'doing' with their talk. The dilemma remains and I suspect I move uneasily from one position to the other, but perhaps both can be employed to advantage; the former by invoking some notion of validity or plausibility established by Denzin's principle of 'triangulationV the latter by recognizing the situated nature of accounts and treating them as procedures, resources or methods by which people *do' interpretative work within particular contexts.' Though necessarily selective, I want to present a biography of the research which principally focusses on 24 families with an epileptic child, to illustrate changing perspectives, emergent problems and some of the solutions, or attempted solutions, to overcome them, indicating my position then as it was; and how, in the light

43 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The Forgotten Middle Qass as discussed by the authors is a group of professionals who have not been recognized as constituting a distinct social class, with a unique identity and ideology, but have been type-cast in supporting roles as allies of the aristocracy or of the business classes or even of the working classes.
Abstract: The emergence of industrial society in England in the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries signalled the dissolution of traditional social relationships based on dependence and deference. The perceptions of reality and values of the ruling aristocracy lost their hegemony, as other classes began to develop competing ideological systems/ Each class tried to construct a vision of society in which it and its values were central. The traditional interpretations of this process recognize two main contenders for ideological dominance in nineteenth century England —the old landed aristocracy and the new entrepreneurial classes, with the working classes waiting in the wings for their chance. A fourth group, the professions, while never completely ignored, have usually been relegated to a rather peripheral position in this whole process of social and ideological competition. As a result, one scholar has recently called them the 'Forgotten Middle Qass'.^ They have not been entirely forgotten, but nevertheless the professions have rarely been recognized as constituting a distinct social class, with a unique identity and ideology. On i3ie contrary—the members of the professions have become type-cast in supporting roles as allies of the aristocracy, or of the business classes, or even of the working classes.' The portrayal of the nineteendi century precessions as no more than auxiliary social groups is perhaps a logical consequence of the difficulties encountered by scholars who have tried to identify, describe, and define these occupations. Sociologists have struggled unsuccessfully to isolate those diaracteristics wfaich distinguish the professions from other occupational groups.̂ The professions have continually defied attempts to locate diem within the context of traditional social categories.'̂ Professional men were respectable and even gentlemanly, but they worked for a living. They did not conform fully to the ideals

41 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: This paper identifies a number of common themes and concepts as the key research interests and describes the methods and some of the problems of analysis and explanation associated with the contextualist style of research the authors have adopted.
Abstract: O ut research on integration and regulation in organizations is based upon concerns we share about the way organizations adapt or, rather, fail to adapt in our society. We have observed situations in many kinds of organizations where most people are aware that values are not being served, concerns are not being met and issues are not being resolved, but where either no action is taken or, if it is, it fails to achieve desired results. We call these situations social deadlocks and our long-term normative interest is to see whether they can be broken.̂ Although this paper is addressed to methodological aspects of our work, we hope to demonstrate how the design of our research project and the concepts and methods we use are guided by these concerns. Starting with a very brief outline of three of the cases, we then identify a number of common themes and concepts as the key research interests. Some of the problems of pursuing these interests are raised in terms of problems of definition, the collection of evidence and of inference. We argue that attempts to deal with these problems lead us to adopt a particular jocus, design and approach for research. The paper then moves to a description of our methods and to some of the problems of analysis and explanation associated with the contextualist style of research we have adopted. Finally, we go back to the cases to demonstrate how our concepts and theories are refined by the research process, which is essentially a dialectic between emergent and imposed frameworks.


Journal ArticleDOI
Uta Gerhardt1
TL;DR: Critics have recently stressed the implicit and ezplidt conservative nature of medical sodology, and it seems necessary to return to Parsons's work and establish the contents and context of his medical sociology.
Abstract: Critics have recently stressed the implicit and ezplidt conservative nature of medical sodology. Manfred Pflanz' dq>lores the lack of an autonomous conception in medical sodology of how .the existing two-dass medical system could be overcome and one-class health care established. Ronald Frankenberg^ relates this deficiency to the dominance of theoretical models in medical sodology which serve a primarily conservative function. The criticism is directed mainly against Talcott Parsons and Eliot Freidson but it is pointed out that most other authors follow their theoretical paradigms. The same point is made by Malcolm Johnson,\" who derives the conservative function of Parsonian and other medical sociology from the fact that it identifies widi the medical profession instead of developing its own professional identity. This argument is carried further by Margaret Gold,* who analyses all research articles published in a well-known journal of medical sodology during 1960-1976 and comes to the conclusion that the conservative nature of the overwhelming part of the analysed publications derives from the absence of a professional identity of medical sociology. As an indicator for conservative bias. Gold uses the question whether or not the analysed material was based on a Parsonian paradigm of illness. In order to investigate the justification of this criticism, it seems necessary to return to Parsons's work and establish the contents and context of his medical sociology. Before the question can be discussed whe&ei Parsons is adequately placed when addressed as conservative (on the basis of his identification with the medical profession), Parsons's iUness paradigm should be delineated in enough detail to make visible its structure and implications.

Journal ArticleDOI
Terry D. Evans1
TL;DR: In this article, the authors studied the effect of early sex-role socialisation on children's creativity in pre-school and primary schools with respect to the teachers' perceptions of the creativity of their pupils.
Abstract: This paper is concerned with how tlie process oi sex-role socialisation operates in pre-sdiools (kindergartens) and primary schools with respect to the teachers' perceptions of the creativity ctf their pupils. Creativity may be seen here as die child's ability to provide new or original products of ideas which are valued by the teacher as ioiaginative and worthwhile in the particular context. The material is taken from a wider study by the author into the 'Sociology of Creativity', based upon empirical data gathered in classes of children aged four (pre-schools) or seven to eleven (primary schools). Previous studies have shown that sex role identification and creative performance may be linked to the extent that there is some alteration, reversal or rejection of traditional sex-role norms by creative persons.* Berlotti has also drawn attention to the effect of early sex-rdle socialisation on females and has stated that:


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: Looking critically at why certain knowledge-claims were rejected by nineteenth-century medical men discovers that there are other factors than objective truth or falsity that determine whether knowledge is accepted or rejected by medical men.
Abstract: WHY has some knowledge been accepted by the medical community and other knowledge rejected? Most historians of medicine have assumed that knowledge-claims are eventually accepted if they correspond to scientific truth, and rejected if they do not. This 'correspondence' view of verification is implicit in the dominant tradition in the history of medicine which conceives of it, at least in modem times, as a march of progress toward truth, led by the discoveries of heroic physician-scientists. In this view, rational scepticism or misguided opposition sometimes prevails for a short period after the announcement of a discovery-the classic example being the resistance to Harvey's discovery of the circulation of the blood-but in time, truth prevails. In contrast to the heroes of science, purveyors of false knowledge are usually portrayed as unscrupulous charlatans or befuddled eccentrics, whose lives may have vexed their orthodox contemporaries, but which now provide us with amusing anecdotes. If, however, one looks critically at why certain knowledge-claims were rejected by nineteenth-century medical men, one discovers that there are other factors than objective truth or falsity that determine whether knowledge is accepted or rejected by medical men. In two recent papers, Dr. Jacques Quen has investigated unorthodox medical therapies which were anathema to the great majority of medical men in nineteenth-century Europe and America. Dr. Quen concludes each paper with suggestive questions. In 'Case Studies in Nineteenth Century Scientific Rejection: Mesmerism, Perkinism, and Acupuncture,' Dr. Quen notes:

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The social service departments (SSDs) of England and Wales were set up following the recommendations of the Seebohm Committee (1968) and the subsequent Social Services Act (1970) as mentioned in this paper, which integrated local authority welfare and children's departments with parts of their health departments under a director of social services who would answer to a social services committee of the elected local council.
Abstract: The late 1960s and the 1970s in Britain have been marked not only by a faltering economy but also by attempts to le-oidei the administration of social services—education, health and personal social services among them. They have also seen a reorganization of local government, and the introduction of 'corporate management' practices into some local authorities. We shall not join the debate about the political economy of public spending and taxation.^ Our concern is, more narrowly, with the hierarchical form that re-ordering has taken in the personal social services: whether it is defensible in the terms proposed by its most influential apologists; and why hierarchy, rather than some other principle of organization has taken root there. The social service departments (SSDs) of England and Wales were set up following the recommendations of the Seebohm Committee (1968) and the subsequent Social Services Act (1970).^ This move integrated local authority welfare and children's departments with parts of their health departments under a director of social services who would answer to a social services committee of the elected local council. The immediate response to Seebohm among many involved in social work was to debate how the new departments might be organized. Several models were published and many more discussed in small circles. A central ±eme in the debate was whether there should be a single line of command—a hierarchy—^headed by the director whose appointment was required by the Act of 1970. The Social Services Organization Research Unit (SSORU) of the Brunei Institute for Oiganization and Social Studies (BIOSS) entered the lists early. This followed sponsorship, first, from the Home Office in 1969 and, later, the Department of Health and Social Security, to research the organizational and management problems of departments in several local authorities. The Institute is based in the new technological university

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The authors examine critically the main sociological analysis of white-collar trade unions and, by a detailed examination of one particular union, the Association of Scientific, Technical and Managerial Staffs (ASTMS), to suggest an alternative approach.
Abstract: This article is an attempt to examine critically the main sociological analysis of white collar trade unions and, by a detailed examination of one particular union, the Association of Scientific, Technical and Managerial Staffs (ASTMS), to suggest an alternative approach. There is now a vast amount of published material relating to white collar unions, much of it concerned with the relationship between social class and unionization.̂ This relationship has not, however, been the subject of any vigorous theoretical debate within sociology.^ The dominant sociological view, as represented by Blackburn and Prandy,̂ refleots the 'common sense' view: white collar unions are middle class and are less militant ±an manual unions. The recent discussions by Braverman and others on the nature of the middle class have thrown some doubt on the idea that the white collar worker can be easily categorized as middle dass.^ These discussions, however, have not included the significance of such an analysis on unionization. The concentration has been on the functions of workers in the labour process. To state the position crudely, and without doing justice to the differences between the writers concerned, it is argued that the middle class in industry consist of those employees who, while not owners or controllers of the means of production, and who are therefore themselves subject to control and supervision, nevertheless act as agents of the owners of industry, by supervising other workers. Tbk analysis designates the majority of members of most white collar unions as middle class, as does that of Blackburn and Prandy. The concept of middle class it offers, however, provides a more satisfactory framework within which to study white collar trade unionism.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors examined the problem of securing information about anomalous events in general, and how such a system works to transmit reports of anomalous sightings, which is the major concern here.
Abstract: IN recent years Western society has shown a very strong interest in controversial anomalies like UFOs, the Loch Ness Monster, Bigfoot, and so forth. This resurgence of interest in possible 'deviant' phenomena has generated a large literature of varying quality, arguing for, or (in a minority of cases) against, the existence of the anomaliesin question.' A major concern of this literature has been the quality of the evidence supporting the anomaly's existence in each case. Whether the evidence has been eyewitness testimony, physical 'traces', or instrumental records like photographs, the problem has virtually always been the same: does the evidence provide convincing proof of the anomaly's existence? There is, however, a more basic question: where does the evidence come from in the first place? How is it that we get the 'cases' over which an argument about the anomaly's existencecan take place? Specific cases or 'sightings' are of course not the only basis for deciding that a given hypothetical anomaly exists or does not exist. The state of scientific knowledge, current intellectual or scientific fashions, and cultural traditions in the form of legends or folk-tales also enter into such a decision. But specific sightings or groups of sightings are the focal point for the social negotiation of the reality of a given type of anomalous event. Hence, it is crucial to discover what the sources of these sighting reports are. If reports are indeed used as the decisive pieces of evidence, then knowing how reports reach us and which reports reach us are of the utmost importance. Elsewhere\" the author has referred to the sum of channels by which reports reach a given decision-maker as a 'social intelligence system'. How such a system works to transmit reports of anomaly sightings will be our major concern here. The problem of knowledge about sea-serpents will be used as a specific example to illustrate the difficulties of securing information about anomalous events in general. In other papers the author has examined this problem in relation to knowledge about meteorites\"and Unidentified Flying Objects.'



Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The authors compare their own material on political relationships in 'Ballybeg' in Northern Ireland with that of M. Bax on political relationship in 'Patricksville' in southern Eire.
Abstract: I n this brief essay I want to compare my own material on political relationships in 'Ballybeg' in Northern Ireland* with that of M. Bax on political relationships in 'Patricksville' in southern Eire.' In terms of many aspects of their formal political struaure and in the explicit character of the major interest groups in the two areas (in the days of the old Stormont Parliament in Northern Ireland) Patricksville and Bellyb^ differed fundamentally. The interest of 'anthropological' analyses, however, is that they show certain fundamental similarities between the two places. In particular this approach, which looks beyond narrowly 'political' relationships to those which include kinship and neighbourhood ties, shows that in each area there is a fundamental political dichotomy, that this dichotomy has been generated by past violence, and that certain social characteristics which encourage the perpetuation of the memory of this violence, even when conditions are apparently peaceful, preserve the social divisions on which the political dichotomy is based.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors present the statistics of Inequality, Sociological Review, Vol. 22, No. 1, Feb 1974, and the Central Statistical Office: Social Trends, H.M.S.O.
Abstract: 1 Registrar General: Decennial Supplement, England and Wales, 1961, H.M.S.O., London, 1971, Occupational Mortality Tables. 2 Barbara Preston: 'Statistics of Inequality', Sociological Review, Vol. 22, No. 1, Feb 1974. 3 Registrar General: Decennial Supplement, England and Wales, 1970-72, H.M.S.O., London 1978. 4 Department of Employment: New Earnings Survey, H.M.S.O., London. 5 A. B. Atkinson: The Economics of Inequality, Clarendon Press, Oxford, 1975. 6 Central Statistical Office: Social Trends, H.M.S.O., 1976.


Journal ArticleDOI

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The research design andods that were used in a study of the pregnancy careers of single women and some of the problems, both practical and theoretical, that were encountered in conducting this study are described.
Abstract: I n this paper I describe the research design and me±ods that I used in a study of the pregnancy careers of single women and mention some of the problems, both practical and theoretical, that I encountered in conducting this study. I will not attempt to cover all the features of the research design and methods used, but will rather focus selectively on certain issues that we were asked to discuss at this workshop.*


Journal ArticleDOI
A. J. Webster1
TL;DR: The notion of socio-cognitive metonymy was introduced by as mentioned in this paper to explain the social and conceptual factors effective within the evolution of scientific disciplines and specialisms in the context of scientific controversy.
Abstract: CONTEMPORARY research in the sociology of science expresses a strong though theoretically diverse commitment to an explanation of the social and conceptual factors effective within the evolution of scientific disciplines and specialisms.' Recent work has been especially interested in such issues as: how is the conceptual marginality of fields defined according to the jurisdictional boundaries between scientific professionsj ;\" under what conditions is conceptual migration stimulated and when does it generate new areas of researchr ;\" to what extent does the speed and direction of research within and between disciplines depend on the cognitive structure of those disciplines>;' and so on. Such questions have promoted an increasing interest in scientific controversies wherein the complex relationship between social and conceptual factors is perhaps more visibly displayed, expressed in terms of explicit (at times, hostile), negotiation over particular orthodox and heterodox knowledge-claims advanced by identifiable groups.\" The specific processes associated with scientific conflict and controversy reveal general socio-cognitive patterns describing the promotion and degeneration of scientific specialisms. With this in mind, this paper reports on the current controversy within Western allopathic medicine over the status of Chinese acupuncture. This paper introduces the notion of 'socio-cognitive metonymy'. As a figure of speech a metonymic expression occurs when a part stands for the whole, and where that which signifies the whole is intrinsically correspondent with or contiguous to the signified: for example, within a monarchy a crown is a sign for sovereignty. Though contiguous the elements of the expression are not necessarily reducible to one another. Accordingly, the phrase 'socio-cognitive metonymy' posits a contiguous but non-reducible relationship between cognitive and social pro-

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: For example, the authors argues that the Bible is interpreted as partially allegorical or perhaps as only relating to things spiritual, and some kind of theistic evolution is adopted, in other words evolution is accepted as the Creator's way of doing things.
Abstract: WHETHER or not one agrees with the general theoretical position of Thomas Kuhn in The Structure of Scientific Reoolutions' there can be little doubt that the theory of evolution does constitute an overwhelmingly pervasive paradigm not just for modem science but for almost the whole of modem thought. There are, however, those who operate outside the paradigm, rejecting evolution and all the assumptions and implications of that perspective, adhering instead to a fundamentalist view of the Bible and accepting as literal the account of Creation as it is presented in Genesis and elsewhere in the Scriptures. The particular conflict between science and religion which was engendered by the publication of Darwin's The Origin of Species' has been faced in a variety of ways which basically involve either accommodation or rejection.~ The accommodators believe that evolutionarytheory and Christianity can be seen as compatible. The Bible is interpreted as partially allegorical or perhaps as only relating to things spiritual, and some kind of theistic evolution is adopted. In other words evolution is accepted as the Creator's way of doing things. The rejectors continue to argue that Christianity and Evolution are incompatible and as a consequence deny the truth either of religion or of evolutionary theory. Those who reject evolution may do so unobtrusively, withdrawing from situations in which their beliefs will be questioned or threatened by the 'domain assumptions\" of the community at large. The division of labour, the general compartmentalisation and the heterogeneity of contemporary industrial society allow an individual Creationist to lead

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The authors consider the condition of sociology with regud to peripheral areas oi Britain, and the publication of a new collection of research papers provides the opportunity to do so for Wales in particular.
Abstract: It is now quite widely tecognized that a major lestructuring of the economic and social map of Europe has been in process in recent years, wi± transnational and multinational corporations playing a leading role.' The proliferation of supranational organizations and political arrangements has had the paradoxical effea of lending greatei significance to the study of relatively peripheral regions within the advanced societies. The erosion of established national boundaries by movements of capital, labour, and cultural influence is dosdy assod' ated with die upsurge of a variety of regionalist, subnational and national movements. These forces of internationalization and denationalization have begun to produce some overdue revisions of customary social science assumptions. 'National' integration is no longer so readily taken for granted as a property of the industrialized societies, nor as the ultimate destination of die less developed. Recognition of the obduracy of inequality and cultural diversity between regions has thrown into question the aspadal standpoint of sociology and the tendency to regard local variation as entirely secondary to overwhelming societal trends.* 'Ethnicity' has become something of a vogue word, and its application, far from being confined to archaic and vanishing relics of previous eras, is increasing|ly debated with reference to the most developed and seemingly unitary societies/ In Britain, the political successes of nationalist parties in the 1970s, and the ensuing debate about devolution, have given new confideoce to those working in the periphery that their contribution to social science need not be automatically rdepted to the category of the quaint and parochial collection of more 'tassels from the Celtic fringe'.' Britain has also been shown to display obstinately persistent regional differentiation, and this has been related in turn to the perceived threat to the vaunted unity of the British state.* It is a propitious time, then, to consider the condition of sociology with regud to peripheral areas oi Britain, and the publication of a new collection of research papers afEords the opportunity to do so for Wales in particular.^ On