Q2. What is the role of the attractor in the definition of unemployment?
In São Paulo, informal activities that bring varying levels of income have a specific attractor role, which sustains the definitions of situation that combine the contribution to family solidarity, the economic benefits of the activity practiced and projection towards more official or better paid jobs.
Q3. What is the distribution of the target groups?
Whichever of the target groups the authors consider (managers, workers, mothers, youngsters), the distribution on the map is widely scattered, and never confined to one or other of the subspaces.
Q4. What are the specificities of the biographical narratives?
While these specificities arise from biographical narratives, they are also reflections of the forms in which statuses and activities are codified and classified, and of the means used to manage joblessness.
Q5. What are the characteristics of the mothers who differ from the disparate forms of withdrawal?
In these two contexts, the mothers who differ most sharply from the disparate forms of withdrawal, and who show the greatest motivation to find work, are also those who are closest to the managers in their characteristics (in terms of education and career history), as if these social factors mitigated the influence of gender-based social relations.
Q6. What are the differences between workers and managers?
These differences between workers and managers reflect inequalities in employability and employer appeal, which help to mold the biographical experience of unemployment.
Q7. What led us to outline clusters of meanings?
This led us to outline clusters of meanings, which the authors sought to connect and situate in relation to each other, in a dual process of organization of the material and gradual theoretical formulation.