Press Start Player Perspectives
Press Start 2016 | Volume 3 | Issue 2
ISSN: 2055-8198
URL: http://press-start.gla.ac.uk
Press Start is an open access student journal that publishes the best
undergraduate and postgraduate research, essays and dissertations from across
the multidisciplinary subject of game studies. Press Start is published by HATII
at the University of Glasgow.
Player Perspectives: What It Means to Be a
Gamer
Aditya Deshbandhu
Department of Communication, University of Hyderabad, India
Abstract
The term gamer has been applied in various, often simplistic ways to
anyone who plays video games as a preferred leisure activity. Being
heavily value-laden both socially and culturally, the term has spawned
fiery debates on a variety of issues ranging from perpetuation of
stereotypes to gender inequality. This paper seeks to understand the
gamer tag by charting and critically analysing the gaming journeys of
three video game players in an everyday context.
The paper uses an ethnographic approach, based on in-depth interviews
with and observation of the gaming activity of three individuals over a
year. Drawing from Nick Couldry’s Media as Practice approach the
gaming practices of the players were examined in relation to how they
themselves reflect upon their experience and its various components,
and the ways in which they construct and express their gamer/gaming
identity. The emergent themes from the analysis have been used to
build a tentative framework that could enable a more holistic
understanding of the gamer within the gaming world and more generally
in popular culture.
Keywords
gamer; video games; everyday gaming; gaming culture; gaming
experience; ethnography;
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ISSN: 2055-8198 49
URL: http://press-start.gla.ac.uk
Introduction
Central to the world of gaming is the gamer, and while considerable
attention has been paid to the structure and role of games, to the
relationship of games with the real world, and the social/psychology of
gaming, there has been relatively less focus on the figure of the gamer.
To understand what it means to be a gamer, scholars such as Shaw and
Taylor have reshaped de Beauvoir’s iconic phrase: “one is not born a
gamer, one becomes one” (Shaw, 2013; Taylor, 2009; cf. Beauvoir
1989 [1949]). On a superficial level this simply means that one chooses
to be a gamer and can be identified as one by engaging with video
games. However, the tag ‘gamer’ in popular culture implies much more
about an individual than a neutral label applied to someone who plays
video games. The most popular stereotype of gamers and gaming
activity is aptly described by Williams as “isolated, pale-skinned teenage
boys [who] sit hunched forward on a sofa in some dark basement space,
obsessively mashing buttons” (Williams, 2005 p. 2).
Gaming scholarship and mainstream culture have debunked the popular
stereotype of the gamer as a white, male, teenager (Williams et al.,
2008). Kowert et al. (2012) state that gamers are often viewed as
incompetent and undesirable and have found that the stereotype of
gamers often centres around four main themes: (un)popularity,
(un)attractiveness, (non)dominance, and social (in)competence (Kowert
et. al, 2012) --stereotypes that have been reinforced in popular
television shows such as The Big Bang Theory (Lorre et al. 2007-
present; Bednarek, 2012), South Park (Parker, Stone 1997-present) and
Chuck (Schwartz, Fedak 2007-12). This paper seeks to unpack the term
from the perspective of self-identified gamers, drawing upon their
insights and experiences of engaging with video games over time. It
builds on their definitions and understanding of their gaming experience
to arrive at a broader understanding of what it means to be a gamer
from the perspectives of players. Specifically, it draws on gamers in the
Indian context—again, a geography that is under-represented in games
studies
To begin with, if we were to focus on the term gamer, the video game
industry constructs it as one who needs to engage with video games on
a ‘hardcore’ level and wants to play the latest and greatest at all times
in order to remain worthy of the label (Kerr, 2006). Most gamer
stereotypes in popular culture stem from this construction of the ideal
hardcore gamer. The notion of hardcore gamers has also led to the
creation of casual players which in turn has spawned the serious
gaming/casual playing binary among players of video games. Scholars
like Consalvo feel that due to this binary the gaming pursuits of casual
players have not been given adequate attention (Consalvo, 2009).
Jesper Juul understands the casual player as someone who prefers
positive and pleasant fictions, plays a few video games, is willing to
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ISSN: 2055-8198 50
URL: http://press-start.gla.ac.uk
commit small amounts of time and resources toward playing video
games, and dislikes difficult games (Juul, 2010 p. 29). On the other
hand, he views the hardcore gamer as someone seeking emotionally
negative fictions, playing a large number of video games, investing large
amounts of time and resources toward playing video games, and
enjoying difficult games (Juul, 2010 p. 29). Juul’s definitions concur with
the understanding of the video game industry and popular culture that
there are many players of video games but only a select few of them
can be called ‘gamers’.
Method
This paper draws from a larger ethnographic project that studies gaming
experience in a hermeneutical context of everydayness. Borrowing from
Nick Couldry’s Media as Practice approach this paper and the larger
study seek to understand what players do to/with video games on a
daily basis as a practice (Couldry, 2004). The larger study, which is in
progress, uses snowball sampling to chart the gaming journeys of
thirteen players over a year (February 2015 - March 2016). Interviews,
participant observation and co-playing sessions (where the researcher
played with and against the respondent) were used to understand
gaming experiences (Boellstorff, 2012 p. 65). Each respondent was
interviewed and observed at play seven times in the course of the year.
An interview guide with a broad set of questions was used in the first
two sessions to gain a basic understanding of the participants’ gaming
practices. Context-specific questions were then developed for each
respondent after the second session to enable an emic understanding of
their composite ludic journeys. The data from the interviews and co-
playing sessions was transcribed and then thematically analysed.
The specific questions used to elicit the data presented in this paper
were:
Considering the term gamer, what are your opinions about the term?
a. What do you think are the qualities/attributes one must have
in order to be called a gamer?
b. Would you call yourself a gamer?
c. Is there a gamer you look up to, someone you would consider
an ideal gamer? Describe your concept of an ideal gamer.
d. What do you think makes him/her ideal?
e. Would you like to emulate your ideal?
There have been attempts by scholars to categorise gamers by style and
purpose of play (Bartle, 1996; Yee, 2005) but by and large these have
resulted in imposed or deductive typologies. In this paper, I attempt to
derive an emic perspective of gamer identity, based on how the
respondents describe themselves and their activity. Data from the larger
pool of respondents (13) suggests that the (self) shaping of identity is
an individualised process that is fuelled by the dynamics of the in-game
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URL: http://press-start.gla.ac.uk
and off-game lives that each player leads. The three cases used here are
illustrative of this process and can be considered to be ideal-types
(Weber, 1949) as the varied context and experiences provide us with a
more holistic understanding of the phenomenon. They have been
selected based on their distinctiveness while also allowing us to
understand the process of (self) identity creation on a more general
level.
The first respondent, Bhargav, plays single player games and is
someone whom Juul would classify as a ‘hardcore’ gamer, (Juul, 2010 p.
29) the second, Radhika, is a console and mobile player who plays only
a few selected games and whose gaming experiences would be labelled
casual and the third, Ishaan, is a professional video game reviewer who
has access to the latest and greatest and would also fit Juul’s label of
the hardcore gamer. The next section looks at the profiles of the three
respondents and outlines their gaming lives and experiences in order to
establish the context and the circumstances that helped shape their
journeys of play.
1
Player Profiles
The identification codes used below, such as ‘Bhargav – the Explorer’,
are titles that respondents have given themselves while reflecting upon
the playing styles and preferences they most identify with.
1. Bhargav – the Explorer
Bhargav (21) began playing on a Sega Genesis console when he was in
kindergarten, graduating from games such as Mario, Contra and
Wolfenstein to DOS based games such as Prince, Dave and DesertStrike
on the PC. He spends about three hours a day on his time PlayStation 4
playing FIFA, Assassins Creed, FarCry and Batman. Bhargav spends
hours exploring game-worlds in search of adventure:
Collecting newer perks and enhancing my characters’ abilities, is
something I really look forward to in the games I play. I spend
hours at a time experimenting with the various skills and
combinations available to find the right balance to clear a
particular level. To sustain these levels of engagement I always
look for games with good stories as often the story drives you to
be a better player. (Bhargav)
2. Radhika – the Slasher
Radhika (25) began her journey with video games by playing Super
Mario 64 on the Nintendo 64 and soon moved up to the Nintendo
Gameboy. She is a console veteran and has been playing on her Xbox
360 for close to a decade. She also spends a considerable amount of
1
The respondents have waived their right to remain anonymous.
However, the author has only identified them by first names and has
refrained from providing any other identity markers.
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time playing games on her Android phone and tablet. Radhika plays a
number of games at the same time across platforms and devices and
the ease with which she picks up right from where she left off is key to
understanding her videogame pursuits.
One of her favourite games is Mortal Kombat for its simple game format
and extremely high re-play value. On her handheld device(s), Radhika
makes it a point to play a new game every month and has a keen
interest in the niche genre of Diner games she also rigorously plays Just
Dance and Zumba using the Kinect functionality to stay physically fit.
I like to really dive into the games I play and don’t spend much
time delving into the story and other fine print. I crave action in
the games I play and firmly believe that the best way to learn a
game is to die/fail a few times. Experience is the best teacher;
how hard can a game be? (Radhika)
3. Ishaan – the Reviewer
Ishaan (25) is a professional video game reviewer who contributes to
one of south India’s largest circulated English news dailies and runs a
gaming website. He spends a lot of time talking and thinking about
games and the video game industry both professionally and as a player.
Having begun his gaming life with games like Math Blaster and Reader
Rabbit, Ishaan today is a cross platform player who plays a plethora of
games on a daily basis. Games are an important aspect of both his work
and leisure. He views gaming as his most important activity and has a
penchant for first person shooters (FPS) and role playing games (RPGs).
While he accepts that he is a gamer first, he is conscientious about
retaining his objectivity as a reviewer.
“My work is playing and it feels great when you are paid to do
something you really love. Gaming is a habit and a routine of
sorts, my entire day is structured around the games I am playing
for work and then the games I want to play. Livestreaming the
games, I play (on Twitch and YouTube Gaming) is also an
important part of the daily schedule.” (Ishaan)
The three proposed gamer categories (Explorer, Slasher and Reviewer)
are further elucidated below, in the discussion section.
Gaming in the Everyday
This paper seeks to situate the activity of playing video games in the
context of the everyday, drawing largely from of the work of Bourdieu,
Wittgenstein and Schatzki. Nick Couldry (2004), speaking of Media as
Practice, understands everyday rituals, habits and activities as practices
that are situated in socio-cultural contexts (Bourdieu, 1977;
Wittgenstein, 1978; Schatzki, 1996; Couldry, 2004). Couldry builds on
the work of Wittgenstein and Schatzki to look at how an act becomes a