Q2. What is the role of the CCP programme in the governance of climate change?
The CCP programme is not only engaged in rescaling relations between existing and emerging scalar constructs and institutions, but is also creating a new „sphere of authority‟ (Rosenau 1997) within which the governance of climate change is taking shape.
Q3. What is the main argument for the scale debate?
It is argued that, given that the CCP programme involves recasting a „global‟ environmental problem in a „local‟ light, insights from the scale debate provide a useful starting point for considering the configurations of environmental governance to which such networksgive rise.
Q4. What is the main meaning of non-state actors in the process of environmental governance?
in the main, the significance of non-state actors lies in the extent to which they shape, facilitate or change the behaviour of nation-states within international regimes (Auer 2000; Bulkeley and Betsill 2003; Litfin 1993).
Q5. What is the argument that a new spatial grammar of environmental governance needs to make space?
The argument is made that a new spatial grammar of environmental governance needs to make space both for processes of scaling the state (and other institutions) and for network forms of governing.
Q6. What is the main argument for the argument that scalar boundaries are fluid and contested?
A recognition that scalar boundaries are fluid and contested, and that networks are bounded too, may provide the basis for further constructive dialogue.
Q7. What is the main difference between the three perspectives?
Despite differences in approach, all three perspectives suggest that the “politics of scale” is a key element in understanding shifts in the nature of the state and its authority, and hence for the nature of environmental governance.
Q8. What are the main assumptions about the nature of the state?
While such perspectives call into question liberal notions of political economy and the neutrality of science, and acknowledge the redistribution of state functions towards new institutions and to non-state actors, in the main assumptions about the nature of the state remain under-examined.
Q9. What is the main focus of the analysis of the emergence of networks within global civil society?
his analysis of the emergence of networks within global civil society is primarily concerned with the links being forged between non-state actors across different places and at different scales, with the role of state entities significant in so far as they facilitate or impede this process (Lipschutz 1996: 98).
Q10. What are the main characteristics of the theory of global environmental governance?
Though there are further positions which lie between and beyond these characterisations, as the pre-dominant approaches each provides insight into the ways in which particular concepts of space and scale are deployed in the analysis of global environmental governance.