Understanding Pathways to Crime: Can Anomie Theory
Explain Higher Crime Rates Among Refugees? - Current
Findings from a Swiss Survey
Monika Simmler
1,2
& Isabelle Plassard
3
&
Noëmie Schär
3
& Maximilian Schuster
4
#
Springer Science+Business Media B.V. 2017
Abstract This study explores the extent to which the comparatively high crime rates
among refugees in Switzerland can be explained once anomie theory is employed to
take in dividual and social factors into account. The discrepancy between expectations
and internalized goals on the one hand, and accessible legal opportunities on the other,
may lead to heightened personal strain and anomic reactions such as innovation and
deviance. This research tested this notion via statistical data and a survey of refugees in
Switzerland. The results offer moderate support to anomie-centered explanations of
crime a mong refugees.
Keywords Anomie theory
.
Asylum
.
Deviance
.
Migration
.
Refugees
Eur J Crim Policy Res
DOI 10.1007/s10610-017-9351-4
* Monika Simmler
monika.simmler@access.uzh.ch
Isabelle Plassard
isabelle.plassard@student.unisg.ch
Noëmie Schär
noemie.schaer@student.unisg.ch
Maximilian Schuster
maximilianjoseph.schuster@student.unisg.ch
1
University of Oxford, Oxford, UK
2
University of Zurich, Zurich, Switzerland
3
Law School, University of St. Gallen, St. Gallen, Switzerland
4
School of Management, University of St. Gallen, St. Gallen, Switzerland
Introduction
Statistical data from Switzerland and other European countries suggest that asylum seekers
face a disproportionate risk of being identified as offenders (Aebi et al. 2014: 78). Under-
standing the risk factors associated with the social status of asylum seekers and their involve-
ment in delinquency should now be a high priority, given the rising number of refugees
throughout Europe and increasing public concern about crimes committed by immigrants.
Considering the sensitivity of the subject, any analysis of crime rates among this population
must be undertaken with great care, in order to prevent biased and empty generalizations. The
terms Brefugee^ and Basylum seeker^ have many different connotations. The highly variable
backgrounds and individual narratives of different refugees should therefore also be examined
carefully.
Anomie theory — one of the most influential theories of deviant behavior — offers a
promising means of understanding refugees’ pathways to deviance, by linking their social
position in Western society to their general life circumstances and behaviors. The distance
between expectations and actual prospects might explain, at least to some extent, the differ-
ences in crime rates among the various segments of the Swiss population. This nexus was
examined in this research through the survey presented and analyzed below. Anomie theory,
similar to other sociological models, strives to overcome individualistic explanations of
different rates of deviant behavior among subgroups of the population (as is the case with
theories focusing on pathological personality traits). Instead, anomie theory focuses on the
relevance of pressure and its relationship to socially deviant behaviors within certain social and
cultural structures (Merton 1938:672;Merton1968: 216). Our perspective in this research is
sociological; we locate a particularly vulnerable group experiencing strain from social depri-
vation and evaluate whether that strain leads to a disproportionate rate of deviant activity.
According to the principles of anomie theory and sociological concepts in general, deviant
behavior can, like conformist conduct, be seen as a product of social structure (Merton 1938;
672; Merton 1968: 185). Understanding the tensions, contradictions, discrepancies, and strains
that accompany such behavior may help researchers to understand deviance and develop
strategies to prevent anomie. Moreover, this work should assist in evaluating the value of
anomie theory as it pertains to the work of policymakers and therefore complement existing
studies using the theory in different context (e.g., Cao 2004; Halpern 2001;Jensen2002;
Karstedt and Farrall 2006). In the following section, certain concepts derived from anomie
theory are introduced. Then, the survey of refugees in Switzerland and its methodology, is
presented. Next, the official data used to assess refugee involvement in police-recorded crime
is discussed. In the final section we provide explanations for refugee offenses using the data
collected on migrants’ behaviors, their views of the future, and their current life circumstances.
Hypothesizing the Relationship Between Anomie Theory and Refugee
Deviance
The Basic Theoretical Framework of Anomie Theory
As discussed above, this study’s approach is based on the theoretical foundation of
anomie theory, one of the most enduring a nd heavily-researched ideas in criminological
research (Maguire et al. 2007: 8). The current study hypothesizes a relationship between
M. Simmler et al.
the main assumptions of this theory and the increased crime r ates among refugees. To
test this hypothesis, anomie theory had to be translated into certain variables and
transformed into a model. Therefore, the basic variations of anomie theory, adopted
fundamentals, and definitions of the variables are introduced below.
Referring to a condition of normlessness in society, the term anomie was established by
Émile Durkheim (Durkheim 1897) to explain deviance by means of social structure (Kozlova
2015: 80). Durkheim’s theory was that anomie, and thus criminality, existed because society
had insufficient resources to satisfy all of its members’ desires (Farley and Flota 2012:308).
Within the context of anomie, Durkheim addressed questions of personal happiness and
fortune, and the premises upon which individuals construct their society (Ortmann 2000:
87); he argued that happiness was not possible if there was an imbalance between needs and
the means of their satisfaction (Durkheim 1966: 394). Humans, as compared to animals, have
no natural boundaries for their needs (Lamnek 1979: 110). Hence, they tend to live in a
permanent state of dissatisfaction that can only be solved by aspiring to limitation and balance
with regard to human wants (Ortmann 2000:97,102).
Although Durkheim coined the term anomie, it was Robert K. Merton who directed the
theoretical focus to the relationship between anomie and deviant behavior. Merton added the
essential elaboration that anomie is a socially fostered state of discontent and deregulation that
generates crime as part of the routine function of a society by denying universal and equal
access to the social means of reaching cultural goals (Merton 1938:672ff;Merton1968,185ff
and 215ff; Maguire et al. 2007: 9; Farley and Flota 2012: 308). If those needs and means do
not equate and cultural emphasis and social structure drift apart, a Bmassive, sudden^
disruption of balance and anomie will arise and manifest itself as a state of Bdisorder and
normlessness^ in society (Lamnek 1979: 108; Ortmann 2000:99).Oncethisanomicstate
emerges, no collective Bobligations, expectations and rules^ remain to govern the interactions
among the various members of society (Lamnek 1979: 110). Deviant behavior, therefore,
occurs because of the unsatisfied needs that individuals cannot legitimately meet (Imhof 2010:
42). In that sense, deviant behavior is not based on voluntariness, but rather on constraints
blocking the lawful satisfaction of desires (Cloward 1968:316).
According to Merton (1938 and 1968), society has both social and cultural structures. The
cultural structure defines those goals that should be desired by all social participants. It also
describes the legitimate means of achieving them (Lamnek 1979: 115). In contrast, the social
structure determines the distribution of institutionalized means, and therewith decides whether
individuals can realistically and lawfully achieve these culturally appointed goals (Lamnek
1979: 116). Consequently, Merton’s theory asserts that the social environment constructed by
the cultural structure determines both the goals and the legitimate ways of pursuing them
(Ortmann 2000: 78). Indeed, there can be no true equality of opportunity in current society, due
to pervasive socio-economic conditions. These conditions inevitably lead to inequalities
regarding different positions of origination along the path to achieving these goals (Ortmann
2000:78).
It is generally assumed that Bbeing successful^ is something of great importance to
each member of modern society (Ortmann 2000:
77). Even though Bsucces s^ enjoys a
wide variety of definitions, it is usually associated with well-paid work and access to
higher education. Kozlova (2 015: 140) determined that immigrants — and probably
refugees in particular — are remarkably poorly positioned regarding education, job
position, and earning capacity. This assumption is supported in Switzerland by official
statistics showing that foreigners are much more likely to depend on social welfare than
Understanding Pathways to Crime: Can Anomie Theory Explain Higher Crime...
are th e native Swiss. This is just one of many examples that speak in favor of Merton’s
argument that some social classes are disadvantaged as a result of the pervasive social
structure (Merton 1938 and 1968;Ortmann2000:78).
In both presented conceptions of anomie theory , deviance is triggered by a disturbance in
the societal equilibrium, and in particular, lower social classes facing a disproportionately high
level of pressure to search for illegitimate means of reaching their goals (Baier 2005: 384;
Lamnek 1979:116;Ortmann2000: 77f). Different responses and adaptions to anomic states
include conformity, innovation, ritualism, social retreat, and rebellion (Merton 1938: 676;
Merton 1968: 193f; Lamnek 1979: 118). Innovation, as an adaptive behavior, is of particular
interest to this investigation. Innovation is characterized as the acceptance of culturally-defined
goals that exists alongside a simultaneous rejection of the paths deemed legitimate to achieve
these aims (Farley and Flota 2012:308;Lamnek1979: 119; Ortmann 2000: 82). Of all the
custom modes of response to anomie, this is the one most likely to lead to deviance. More
precisely, this reaction type is often associated with a high likelihood of property-related crime
(Lamnek 1979:120;Ortmann2000:82).
In its effort to hypothesize a relationship between anomic pressure and offenses committed
by refugees in Switzerland, this theoretical foundation has yielded the assumption that refugees
arrive in the country with high and often exaggerated hopes; thus, many resort to criminal
activity, a behavior attributable to the gap between aspirations and expectations on the one
hand and the actual possibilities available on the other hand (Siebert 2008:19).Indeed,
poverty, financial disadvantages, and large differences in the income and wealth distribution
have been identified as causing many of the diverse social problems witnessed since the
nineteenth century (Killias et al. 2012: 213). Within the context of the current research
question, the temptation to simplify the cause of refugee crime rates to financial limitation is
strong. However, this approach is too linear and does not deal with the issue’s full complexity.
As Killias et al. (2012: 213) have suggested, especially with regard to the class system in India,
it is not the lack of financial resources so much as the social tension associated with that lack
and with the inherent inequalities. Therefore, the focus must not only be on the absence of
resources itself, but also on the gap between aspirations to success and actual means of
realization (Killias et al. 2012: 214; Kozlova 2015:81).
Of course, other theories a re associated wit h explaini ng differences in crime rates
among certain populations. Especially in the context of migration an d crime, other
explanatory variables cannot be ignored and provide further specifications. Although this
research focuses on socio-economic factors, other well-known influences shall not be
ignored. Th erefore, potential biases of the rates as f or example by age and gender
distribution within the population or differences in the general level of education shall
be considered, as these variables are known to significantly impact deviance (Kuhn 2013:
5). Furthermore, there is no doubt that personal narratives are highly i nfluential and have
to be taken into account. It has f or example been proved that personally experienced
violence and witnessing armed conflicts generally make people more violence prone
themselves (Couttenier et al. 2017: 1). This so-called Bbrutalization^ is often mentioned
— among other variables — in the context of migrants’ higher crime rates (Kuhn 201 3:5).
These factors are by no means ignored within this study. However, the main aim is to
provide a further understanding of the suggestions made by anomie theoretical concepts.
Therefore, the focus lies on these social m echani sms and so ciolog ical explanatio ns,
following the persuasion that these social factors play a major role and are particularly
suitable for leading crime policy due to their higher potential changeability.
M. Simmler et al.
Empirical Approach: Combining Societal and Individual Components of Deviance
The primary aim of this work is to discover how certain social structures exert definite pressure
on refugees, and therefore motivate them to engage in unlawful conduct (Merton 1938 and
1968). Following a pure sociological approach, priority is placed on variations in crime rates
and not on single incidents. As stated above, anomie is a breakdown in the cultural structure
that occurs when there is a disjunction between cultural norms and goals and the socially
structured capacity of a group to act in accordance with each (Merton 1968: 216). On a macro-
level, an anomic situation can in fact be understood as subjectively experienced, but it
generally describes an objective condition of a social class or group. The question, then, is
how the relationship between anomie as a societal condition and individual behavior should be
characterized in order to facilitate a greater understanding of its effect (Shoemaker 2010:127).
Merton located the answer to this question in the interaction patterns generated by individuals
who collectively live in varying degrees of anomie (Merton 1964; Shoemaker 2010:127).
Merton’s notion of strain might be structural, but strain can also be individual. Individual strain
refers to the friction and pain experienced by people trying to satisfy their needs within a
specific society (Cohen 1997: 59f).
At this point, a d istinction should be made between certain subsets of anomie, which
include pure micro-theories, pure macro-theories, and theories that combine both indi-
vidual factors and macro-level variables (Diekmann and Opp 1979: 330). Since M erton,
many different variations of anomie theory have been tested. However, it is still debat-
able whether anomie the ory should be considered a matt er of the ind ividual or th e
collective, and thus whether it should be examined from a psychological or sociological
perspective (Ortmann 2000: 115). By following Opp’s explication of the theory intro-
duced in the upcoming section and testing the described variables therein, this study
follows a macro-approach in the sense that it targets statements about an entire popula-
tion. However, although pursuing a sociological method, this work avoids ignoring
socio-psychological mechanisms. Consequently, anomie, as a g roup condition, can also
be linked to and explained by individual lives. However, it is important to note that the
following chapters only examine how anomie theory can be used to explain higher crime
rates among a specific social group; this work does not suggest that certain individuals
are or are more likely to become delinquent.
Methodology
Research Concept and Defined Variables
It is an important implication of anomie theory that it is not poverty itself that generates
deviant behavior, but poverty surrounded by wealth in a s ociety in which wealth (or at
least pursuing wealth) is the norm (Farley and Flota 2012: 308). However, it remains a
challenge to obtain data on goals and patterns of access to opportunities. In fact, one of
themainchallengestoconductingproperempirical research on anomie theory is
obtaining data that reflects the combination of high aspirations and minimal opportunity
that occurs with varying levels of frequency in different social groups (Merton 1968:
214). To overcome this challenge, the present stud y has followed the model developed
by Karl-Dieter Opp (1968, 1975, 1979). In this model, the individuals’ deviant behavior
Understanding Pathways to Crime: Can Anomie Theory Explain Higher Crime...
