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We conclude that the embedded nature of the BJP as a party with social movement characteristics, combined with the poor developmental performance of many Indian states for their most disadvantaged populations, opens a spatially and politically differentiated niche for a social-provisioning electoral strategy.
Our results suggest that, in the absence of a disulfide bridge, most BJP CLs are probably mobile in solution.
This Note claims that the BJP was electorally successful on account of its ability to forge a coalition between religious groups and the middle classes.
It was supported by the extent of the control exercised by the BJP over a significant fraction of the media.
The paper argues, however, that the nuclear tests were triggered by the weakness of the BJP in India's centrist Political landscapes.
The findings show that in the run up to the polling days, the BJP occupied the most political space across the four papers.
The article finds that through leading the NDA government, the BJP made trends that had been normalising prior to 1998 and mainstreamed them in Indian domestic politics.
We conclude that the BJP can be very fruitfully included in comparative research on right-wing populist parties and propose a series of concrete ways in which this could be pursued.
At the all-India level, we find some evidence that voters who received benefits under Ujjwala, Jan Dhan Yojana or Awas Yojana schemes were more likely to vote for the BJP, whereas recipients of pensions or MGNREGA were less likely to support the BJP.