Showing papers on "Coalition government published in 1993"
Book•
01 Jan 1993
TL;DR: The Politics of Continuity as discussed by the authors examines the foreign policy of the British Labour government in the aftermath of the Second World War and exposes Britain's complicity in the creation of the Cold War and emphasizes the continuity between Labour's policies and those of Churchill's coalition government.
Abstract: This original and lucid book examines the foreign policy of the British Labour government in the aftermath of the Second World War It exposes Britain's complicity in the creation of the Cold War and emphasizes the continuity between Labour's policies and those of Churchill's coalition government, underscoring the political influence exercised by senior members of the Foreign Office Drawing on substantial new research, Saville focuses on the role of Ernest Bevin and his differences with Clement Atlee, particularly with regard to Middle East Countering the widely held view that Bevin sought accommodation with the Soviet Union, he reveals Labour's Foreign Secretary as a fervent ideologue, wholly in agreement with the deep-seated anti-Sovietism of his permanent officials Saville moves beyond the 'revolutionist' American scholarship of the 1960s and 70s to show th2 Foreign Office, under Bevin's generalship, vigorously encouraging and then collaborating with the Americans in the pursuit of Cold War policies The Politics of Continuity opens new avenues in the post-war diplomatic record It will create a wide-ranging debate among historians and prove to be necessary work of reference for all those interested in international relations
29 citations
TL;DR: This article examines the policies adopted by the former Likud government--and largely continued by the present Labour-led coalition government which took office in the second half of 1992--to absorb the 400,000 new immigrants who arrived in Israel between 1989 and 1992.
Abstract: This article examines the policies adopted by the former Likud government--and largely continued by the present Labour-led coalition government which took office in the second half of 1992--to absorb the 400000 new immigrants (most from the former Soviet Union) who arrived in Israel between 1989 and 1992. As part of that examination we will critically review the major features of current absorption policies such as the policy of direct absorption the basket of absorption services provided as a right to new immigrants and immigration-related housing policies. In addition we will explore the effects of employment policy on the new immigrant population. (SUMMARY IN FRE AND SPA) (EXCERPT)
25 citations
01 Jan 1993
TL;DR: The impact of the single-party/coalition distinction in accounting for differences among types of cabinets has long been singled out, indeed somewhat exaggeratedly, as it appears to relate closely to the effect on governments, and in particular to the stability of these governments.
Abstract: Of the general variables that might help to account for differences in cabinet decision-making processes, the single-party/coalition distinction is the one that appears intuitively to be the most important. The impact of the single-party/coalition distinction in accounting for differences among types of cabinets has long been singled out, indeed somewhat exaggeratedly, as it appears to relate closely to the effect on governments, and in particular to the stability of these governments; to the distinction between two-party systems and systems of more than one party; as well as to the effect on governments of the distinction between majority electoral laws and proportional representation. The stability aspect of the problem has now been systematically examined and the (somewhat limited) relationship with the party composition of the government is well documented.1 These matters do not need further analysis.
17 citations
01 Jan 1993
TL;DR: The assessment of the role of political actors is notoriously difficult: there is still no truly conclusive evidence that leaders do make a difference, let alone what the extent of this difference is as discussed by the authors.
Abstract: The assessment of the role of political actors is notoriously difficult: there is still no truly conclusive evidence that leaders do make a difference’, let alone what the extent of this difference is.1 The question of the role of ministers in cabinet decision-making therefore poses major problems. There are practical obstacles: only detailed participant observation would reveal fully how each minister behaves. There are methodological difficulties as well: students of political leadership have for instance not been able so far to discover indicators that would measure the respective contribution made by individuals and by the environment.2
17 citations
01 Jan 1993
TL;DR: The collective and collegial leadership of the executive branch is a basic principle of parliamentary systems, as we know; but, as as discussed by the authors also noted, this principle is flouted for many structural reasons as well as because the ministers themselves are far from being always eager to participate, or at least to participate fully, in collective and collaborative decision-making.
Abstract: The collective and collegial leadership of the executive branch is a basic principle of parliamentary systems, as we know; but, as we also noted, this principle is flouted for many structural reasons as well as because the ministers themselves are far from being always eager to participate, or at least to participate fully, in collective and collegial decision-making.
13 citations
Journal Article•
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors argue that strong influence of organized interests, the functional relevance of self-governing associations, and the intensive interlocks between different levels of government or barriers caused by the mechanisms of coalition government cannot be regarded exclusively as restraints to governmental action in health policy.
Abstract: Research into German health policy has been dominated by doubts about government's capacity for reform. These skeptical views were based on assumptions such as the strong influence of organized interests, the functional relevance of self-governing associations, the intensive interlocks between different levels of government or barriers caused by the mechanisms of coalition government. lt is argued in this paper that these policy conditions, although relevant for suppressing radical reforms, cannot be regarded exclusively as restraints to governmental action in health policy. Rather these institutional characteristics can be employed by the federal government for an incremental strategy of corporatizing the health sector. The corporatization strategy has gained ideological credibility and political momentum because it is based on an already established and widely acknowledged mode of governance: resource allocation through negotiations between peak associations. This paper shows how the federal government has slowly, but perceptively, transferred this governance model from its origins in ambulatory care to the hospital and pharmaceutical sectors since the late 1970s.
12 citations
01 Jan 1993
TL;DR: The personal staff of prime ministers have come to play a large part in Western European governments, a part that is sometimes regarded as excessive in that it appears to have undermined the nature of cabinet decision-making as discussed by the authors.
Abstract: The personal staff of prime ministers have come to play a large part in Western European governments, a part that is sometimes regarded as excessive in that it appears to have undermined the nature of cabinet decision-making. Cabinet government may no longer be collective and collegial in most Western European countries for a variety of other reasons, but the existence of prime ministerial staffs seems to have contributed to a substantial extent to the phenomenon.1
11 citations
Book•
02 Dec 1993
TL;DR: The coalition government and post-war conscription, the continuation of the call-up 1947-1948 the military argument for conscription the1947 national service act, the politics of the naitonal service act the convertibility crisis and its aftermath the onset of the Cold War defence policy, national service and the cold war 1949-1951.
Abstract: The coalition government and post-war conscription the continuation of the call-up 1947-1948 the military argument for conscription the1947 national service act the politics of the naitonal service act the convertibility crisis and its aftermath the onset of the Cold War defence policy, national service and the Cold War 1949-1951. Appendices: strength of the armed forces and women's services of the United Kingdom, 1938-1951 demobilization summary of 1947-1948 national service scheme breakdown of national service intake, 1929-1933 army organization - pre-war comparisons principal persons.
11 citations
01 Jan 1993
TL;DR: The traditional British view suggests that the cabinet is central; yet, even in Britain, when Labour is in power, this "axiom" becomes a mere postulate about which there is some doubt as discussed by the authors.
Abstract: Almost as soon as parties emerged, the assessment of the impact of these bodies on the composition, functioning, structure, and output of cabinets was a subject of concern and controversy. This impact is so marked that cabinet government is indeed often described as being party government:1
The battle between cabinet and parties is a battle to occupy the centre of the political terrain. The traditional (British) view suggests that the cabinet is central; yet, even in Britain, when Labour is in power, this ‘axiom’ becomes a mere postulate about which there is some doubt. The validity of the postulate is even more questionable when one considers Belgium, Finland, Italy, Germany, or the Netherlands.2
8 citations
Journal Article•
TL;DR: In the late 1980s, Poland appeared to be unified in its ten-year journey from the "Soviet sphere of influence" toward being a free and democratic nation-state once again this paper.
Abstract: In the late 1980s, Poland appeared to be unified in its ten-year journey from the "Soviet sphere of influence" toward being a free and democratic nation-state once again. Solidarity led the country in a blatant rejection of the Communist regime. The nation elected Solidarity representatives to fill 99 of the one hundred newly established Senate seats and to fill all 161 seats available to it in the Sejm. The election was a dramatic demonstration of national unity and consensus. Few Poles, however, in the midst of the 1989 victory over the communists ? seeing victory within their grasp as free presidential elections were promised ? would have anticipated that three years later they would have difficulty forming a successful coalition government. Poland's silent revolution of the 1980s has given way to new political dynamics. The initial outpouring of nationalist and patriotic sentiment that put the crown back on the head of the Polish eagle and sent statues of communist leaders tumbling, has been replaced by contentious debate over national issues that were ignored for nearly five decades. The "spiritual community" and militant optimism evident even up to the first truly general and direct presidential elections in 1990 have been replaced by the realities of economic hardship, devastating environmental degradation, and the challenge of rebuilding a democratic society. At the same time, Polish leaders have been faced with a multitude of unresolved claims and competing interests. As totalitarian constraints were removed throughout the Soviet sphere of influence, in most countries class, ideological, ethnic, and religious tensions surfaced. In Poland, however, the ideological conflicts and competing values and interests that emerged did not seem to have a clear basis in ethnic, class or religious differences, at least up to 1991. For example, Nowak (1981)2 and
3 citations
TL;DR: In this article, the authors focus on the beginning of problems back in 1985 when Sweden began to deregulate its financial markets, which ultimately plunged the economy into recession and further financial blunders which compounded the problem.
Abstract: Poses the question: “What has gone wrong?” in a country which was envied for its full employment and high standard of living and which now has rising unemployment and recently has suffered a major currency crisis. Pinpoints the beginning of problems back in 1985 when Sweden began to deregulate its financial markets, which ultimately plunged the economy into recession. Details further financial blunders which compounded the problem. By 1991 a tight budgetary policy had reduced inflation but at the cost of destroying one‐fifth of all industrial jobs and a four‐fold rise in unemployment. Assesses the content of three rescue packages put together by the coalition Government and the Social Democratic Party (SAP). All the proposals cut into citizens′ welfare benefits and undermine their living standards. Views these proposals as courting disaster and makes suggestions for alternative approaches to the problem, based on Keynesian theory.
TL;DR: The year 1992 was indeed dramatic for Thailand as mentioned in this paper, which saw two elections, three prime ministers, four governments, massive public demonstrations on the streets of Bangkok and a brutal military crackdown on civilians.
Abstract: The year 1992 was indeed dramatic for Thailand. Within a period of six months, the country saw two elections, three prime ministers, four governments, massive public demonstrations on the streets of Bangkok and a brutal military crackdown on civilians. As 1992 began, people looked to the scheduled March 1992 elections with mixed feelings but still with hope that the country would return to democracy. But it was soon clear that the elections in fact constituted an attempt by the military to continue with its hold on political power, albeit in a slightly different form. The military triumphed in the elections through its own political party, Samakkhi Tham Party (STP), which won the most parliamentary seats. With the STP serving as the core of a coalition government, the military seemed set to achieve its political goal. Unfortunately for the military, its hunger for political power was ill-disguised and it miscalculated the strength of the public reaction which followed. The bloody crackdown on demonstrations between 17 and 20 May resulted in the political demise of General Suchinda Kraprayoon's military clique and the disbanding of the STP. Democracy was restored following the 13 September election as the four pro-democracy parties won a majority to form a government.
TL;DR: The general election in the Republic of Ireland, held on 25 November 1992, resulted in a spectacular success for the Labour Party, the largest of the three left wing parties in the Dail, the National Assembly as mentioned in this paper.
01 Jan 1993
TL;DR: Gottwald, however, put Communists or their fellow travellers in all the key ministries, including Interior, Defence, Information, Agriculture and Finance, and the Communists were in a similar minority in the Cabinet.
Abstract: President Benes returned to Prague on 18 May 1945, nine days after its liberation by the Soviet army.1 In view of his betrayal at Munich in 1938, Benes was understandably more inclined to trust the USSR than the West. Stalin invited him to form a government, so he nominated a Provisional National Assembly which elected him President, pending a general election. This was duly held on 26 May 1946, and the Communists won 2,695,293 votes (38.7 per cent of the total). As this made them the largest single party, Benes appointed the Communist leader, Klement Gottwald, as Premier of a Coalition government from all the six parties which had stood in the election. The other parties accepted this with confidence because, provided that they stuck together, they held a commanding majority (61.3 per cent). The Communists were in a similar minority in the Cabinet. Gottwald, however, put Communists or their fellow travellers in all the key ministries, including Interior, Defence, Information, Agriculture and Finance.2