Showing papers on "Democracy published in 1991"
Book•
01 Jan 1991
TL;DR: The third wave of democratization in the late 1970s and early 1990s as mentioned in this paper is the most important political trend in the last half of the 20th century, according to the authors.
Abstract: Between 1974 and 1990 more than thirty countries in southern Europe, Latin America, East Asia, and Eastern Europe shifted from authoritarian to democratic systems of government. This global democratic revolution is probably the most important political trend in the late twentieth century. In The Third Wave, Samuel P. Huntington analyzes the causes and nature of these democratic transitions, evaluates the prospects for stability of the new democracies, and explores the possibility of more countries becoming democratic. The recent transitions, he argues, are the third major wave of democratization in the modem world. Each of the two previous waves was followed by a reverse wave in which some countries shifted back to authoritarian government. Using concrete examples, empirical evidence, and insightful analysis, Huntington provides neither a theory nor a history of the third wave, but an explanation of why and how it occurred.Factors responsible for the democratic trend include the legitimacy dilemmas of authoritarian regimes; economic and social development; the changed role of the Catholic Church; the impact of the United States, the European Community, and the Soviet Union; and the ""snowballing"" phenomenon: change in one country stimulating change in others. Five key elite groups within and outside the nondemocratic regime played roles in shaping the various ways democratization occurred. Compromise was key to all democratizations, and elections and nonviolent tactics also were central. New democracies must deal with the ""torturer problem"" and the ""praetorian problem"" and attempt to develop democratic values and processes. Disillusionment with democracy, Huntington argues, is necessary to consolidating democracy. He concludes the book with an analysis of the political, economic, and cultural factors that will decide whether or not the third wave continues. Several ""Guidelines for Democratizers"" offer specific, practical suggestions for initiating and carrying out reform. Huntington's emphasis on practical application makes this book a valuable tool for anyone engaged in the democratization process. At this volatile time in history, Huntington's assessment of the processes of democratization is indispensable to understanding the future of democracy in the world.
6,968 citations
Book•
01 Jan 1991TL;DR: The authors analyzes recent transitions to democracy and market-oriented economic reforms in Eastern Europe and Latin America, drawing in a quite distinctive way on models derived from political philosophy, economics, and game theory.
Abstract: The quest for freedom from hunger and repression has triggered in recent years a dramatic, worldwide reform of political and economic systems. Never have so many people enjoyed, or at least experimented with democratic institutions. However, many strategies for economic development in Eastern Europe and Latin America have failed with the result that entire economic systems on both continents are being transformed. This major book analyzes recent transitions to democracy and market-oriented economic reforms in Eastern Europe and Latin America. Drawing in a quite distinctive way on models derived from political philosophy, economics, and game theory, Professor Przeworski also considers specific data on individual countries. Among the questions raised by the book are: What should we expect from these experiments in democracy and market economy? What new economic systems will emerge? Will these transitions result in new democracies or old dictatorships?
2,397 citations
TL;DR: A group of Native Canadian writers decided to ask Cameron to, in their words, "move over" on the grounds that her writings are disempowering for Native authors as mentioned in this paper.
Abstract: dian women. She writes them in first person and assumes a Native identity. At the 1988 International Feminist Book Fair in Montreal a group of Native Canadian writers decided to ask Cameron to, in their words, "move over" on the grounds that her writings are disempowering for Native authors. She agrees.' 2. After the 1989 elections in Panama are overturned by Manuel Noriega, President Bush of the United States declares in a public address that Noriega's actions constitute an "outrageous fraud" and that "the voice of the Panamanian people has spoken." "The Panamanian people," he tells us, "want democracy and not tyranny, and want Noriega out." He proceeds to plan the invasion of Panama.
1,683 citations
01 Jan 1991
TL;DR: For example, this paper argued that free elections are more than just a prerequisite of democracy, they are democracy, so that authoritarian regimes may be said to be ‘democratised' when they introduce multi-party elections.
Abstract: From the instrumental point of view, the key to liberal democracy is some system of voting. Democracy and electoral competition are regarded as virtually synonymous, with interparty competition being definitionally vital. Free elections are more than just a prerequisite of democracy, they are democracy, so that authoritarian regimes may be said to be ‘democratised’ when they introduce multi-party elections. Ostensibly non-ideological, the instrumentalists focus exclusively on the machinery of the election process. As from this understanding, liberal democracy is less about governing than about the selection of governors, the mechanics of that selection are clearly critical. The conditions for ‘free’ elections may extend beyond the range of choices available, or the procedural matters described in the previous chapter, to include the consequences of exercising that choice (i.e., would a vote against the party in power be likely to attract the attention of the secret police?).1 Scores of ‘applied’ studies therefore set out to explain democracy in terms of an electoral contest and a strategy of campaigning.2
1,162 citations
Book•
25 Dec 1991
TL;DR: The authors proposed a new kind of democracy for the modern era, one that not only gives citizens more power but also allows them more opportunities to exercise this power thoughtfully, in particular within our presidential nomination system.
Abstract: This book proposes a new kind of democracy for the modern era, one that not only gives citizens more power but also allows them more opportunities to exercise this power thoughtfully. James S. Fishkin here suggests an innovative solution to the problem of inadequate deliberation, in particular within our presidential nomination system. His reform involves a well-publicized national caucus in which a representative sample of American citizens would interact directly with presidential contenders in order to reflect and vote on the issues and candidates. In adapting democracy to the large scale nation state, says Fishkin, Americans have previously had two choices. They could participate directly through primaries and referenda or they could depend on elite groups-such as party conventions and legislatures-to represent them. The first choice offers political equality but little chance for deliberation; the second offers the participants an opportunity to deliberate but provides less political equality for the electorate. The national caucus that Fishkin proposes-an example of what he calls a "deliberative opinion poll"-combines deliberation with political equality and reveals what the public would think if it had better conditions and information with which to explore and define the issues with the candidates. Arguing persuasively for the usefulness of deliberative opinion polls, Fishkin places them within the history of democratic theory and practice, exploring models of democracy ranging form ancient Athens and the debates of the American founders to contemporary transitions toward democracy in Eastern Europe.
1,070 citations
TL;DR: Schmitter et al. as discussed by the authors presented an analysis of the role of the United States Agency for International Development (UID) in the development of the European Union's Lisbon Treaty of Lisbon.
Abstract: Philippe C. Schmitter is professor of political science and director of the Center for European Studies at Stanford University. Terry Lynn Karl is associate professor of political science and director of the Center for Latin American Studies at the same institution. The original, longer version of this essay was written at the request of the United States Agency for International Development, which is not responsible for its content.
969 citations
Book•
01 Jan 1991TL;DR: Feenberg as discussed by the authors discusses the possibility of a radical reform of industrial society and challenges the assumption that modern society, with its emphasis on technological reasoning, has condemned its members to mindless work and subservience to the dictates of management.
Abstract: Feenberg discusses the possibility of a radical reform of industrial society. He challenges the assumption that modern society, with its emphasis on technological reasoning, has condemned its members to mindless work and subservience to the dictates of management. In doing so, he presents a new interpretation of the relationship between technology, rationality, and democracy.
870 citations
TL;DR: In this article, a second look at HUNTINGTON'S THIRD WAVE THESIS is presented, where the authors discuss the challenges of the third wave of the Third Wave of DemOCRATIZATION.
Abstract: DEMOCRATISATION S THIRD WAVE AND THE CHALLENGES OF. HUNTINGTON DEMOCRACYS THIRD WAVE TAIWAN AUTHORITARIANISM. WHAT IS THIRD WAVE DEMOCRACY WHAT DOES THIRD YOUTUBE. BASIC INCOME’S THIRD WAVE OPENDEMOCRACY. WAVES OF DEMOCRATIZATION SPRINGERLINK. THE THIRD WAVE OF DEMOCRATIZATION IN LATIN AMERICA. THE THREE WAVES OF DEMOCRATIZATION ACADEMIA EDU. DEMOCRACY’S THIRD WAVE BY SAMUEL P HUNTINGTON TAVAANA. THIRD WAVE DEMOCRACY REVOLVY. DEMOCRACY’S THIRD WAVE LESSONS AND LEGACIES. HUNTINGTON S 1991 DEMOCRACY S THIRD WAVE TAIWAN. THE THIRD WAVE OF DEMOCRATIZATION THE FULL WIKI. WAVE OF DEMOCRACY WIKIPEDIA. THE THIRD WAVE DEMOCRATIZATION IN THE LATE TWENTIETH. THE THIRD WAVE BY SAMUEL HUNTINGTON A BOOK REVIEW BY. MODERNIZATION THEORY AND “THIRD WAVE DEMOCRACY” INTERNAL. THE THIRD WAVE DEMOCRATIZATION IN THE LATE 20TH CENTURY. THE ARAB SPRING A FOURTH WAVE OF DEMOCRATIZATION. JOD AT 25 YEARS DEMOCRACY’S THIRD WAVE BY SAMUEL P. THE THIRD WAVE DEMOCRATIZATION IN THE LATE TWENTIETH. SAMUEL HUNTINGTON THE THIRD WAVE PDF WORDPRESS COM. CIVIL SOCIETY IN DEMOCRACY S THIRD WAVE IMPLICATIONSFOR. DEMOCRACY S THIRD WAVE NATIONAL ENDOWMENT FOR DEMOCRACY. COMMONLIT THE THIRD WAVE FREE READING PASSAGES AND. DEMOCRACY S THIRD WAVE ?LIM VE MEDENIYET. DEMOCRACY S THIRD WAVE SUMMARY BY RAQUELMALDO1. DEMOCRACY S THIRD WAVE HUNTINGTONSAMUEL P THE THIRD. WHAT IS THE THIRD WAVE OF DEMOCRACY ANSWERS COM. WHAT IS DEMOCRACY DEMOCRACY S THIRD WAVE. THE THIRD WAVE DEMOCRATIZATION IN THE LATE TWENTIETH. DEMOCRACY’S FOURTH WAVE PHIL HOWARD. IS THE THIRD WAVE OVER UNIVERSITY OF ARIZONA. THIRD WAVE DEMOCRACY NEWIKIS COM. THIRD WAVE DEMOCRACY DEFINITION OF THIRD WAVE DEMOCRACY. REVIEW – A SECOND LOOK AT HUNTINGTON’S THIRD WAVE THESIS. THE FLOW AND EBB OF DEMOCRACY S THIRD WAVE MONGOLIAJOL. THE THIRD WAVE OF DEMOCRACY IN EASTERN EUROPE. MODERNIZATION THEORY AND “THIRD WAVE DEMOCRACY” INTERNAL. C5 DEMOCRACYS THIRD WAVE SLIDESHARE. THIRD WAVE DEMOCRACY REVOLVY. THE ARAB SPRING A FOURTH WAVE OF DEMOCRATIZATION. TRACKING DEMOCRACY S THIRD WAVE WITH THE POLITY III. DEMOCRACY’S THIRD WAVE SAMUEL HUNTINGTON. DEMOCRACY S THIRD WAVE SAMUEL HUNTINGTON FLASHCARDS QUIZLET. PROJECT MUSE IS THE THIRD WAVE OVER. DEMOCRACY S THIRD WAVE TODAY DIAMOND LARRY CURRENT. CIVIL SOCIETY IN DEMOCRACY S THIRD WAVE IMPLICATIONS FOR. PROJECT MUSE DEMOCRACY S THIRD WAVE
863 citations
TL;DR: In this article, three reactionaries and three reactionary theses are compared and compared in a Synoptic Table with a comparison of the three Theses' effects on the French Revolution and the Universal Suffrage movement.
Abstract: * Preface *1. Two Hundred Years of Reactionary Rhetoric * Three Reactions and Three Reactionary Theses * A Note on the Term "Reaction" *2. The Perversity Thesis * The French Revolution and Proclamation of the Perverse Effect * Universal Suffrage and Its Alleged Perverse Effects * The Poor Laws and the Welfare State * Reflections on the Perversity Thesis *3. The Futility Thesis * Questioning the Extent of Change Wrought by the French Revolution: Tocqueville * Questioning the Extent of Change Likely to Follow from Universal Suffrage: Mosca and Pareto * Questioning the Extent to Which the Welfare State Delivers the Goods to the Poor * Reflections on the Futility Thesis *4. The Jeopardy Thesis * Democracy as a Threat to Liberty * The Welfare State as a Threat to Liberty and Democracy * Reflections on the Jeopardy Thesis *5. The Three Theses Compared and Combined * A Synoptic Table * The Comparative Influence of the Theses * Some Simple Interactions * A More Complex Interaction *6. From Reactionary to Progressive Rhetoric * The Synergy Illusion and the Imminent-Danger Thesis *"Having History on One's Side" * Counterparts of the Perversity Thesis *7. Beyond Intransigence * A Turnabout in Argument? * How Not to Argue in a Democracy * Notes * Acknowledgments * Index
852 citations
31 Dec 1991
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors address the question "What conditions make democracy possible and what conditions make it thrive?" and argue that it is no longer adequate to examine regime transitions writ large, that is, from the general category of authoritarian rule to that of democracy.
Abstract: The demise of authoritarian rule in Argentina, Bolivia, Brazil, Chile, Ecuador, Peru, and Uruguay, when combined with efforts at political liberalization in Mexico and the recent election of civilian presidents in Guatemala, El Salvador, Honduras, and Nicaragua, represents a political watershed in Latin America. This wave of regime changes in the 1980s places a number of questions on the intellectual and political agenda for the continent. Will these newly emergent and fragile democracies in South America be able to survive, especially in the context of the worst economic recession since the 1930s? Can the liberalization of authoritarian rule in Central America and the possible prospect of honest competitive elections in Mexico be transformed into genuine democratic transitions? Will previously consolidated political democracies such as Venezuela and Costa Rica be able to extend the basic principles of citizenship into economic and social realms, or will they be "deconsolidated" by this challenge and revert to a sole preoccupation with survivability?' Behind such questions lies a central concern expressed by Dankwart A. Rustow almost twenty years ago: "What conditions make democracy possible and what conditions make it thrive?"2 This article addresses Rustow's query by arguing the following. First, the manner in which theorists of comparative politics have sought to understand democracy in developing countries has changed as the once-dominant search for prerequisites of democracy has given way to a more process-oriented emphasis on contingent choice. Having undergone this evolution, theorists should now develop an interactive approach that seeks explicitly to relate structural constraints to the shaping of contingent choice. Second, it is no longer adequate to examine regime transitions writ large, that is, from the general category of authoritarian rule to that of democracy. Such broad-gauged efforts must be complemented by the identification of different types of democracy that emerge from distinctive modes of regime transition as well as an analysis of their potential political, economic, and social consequences. Before these issues and their implications for the study of Latin America can be addressed, however, a definition of democracy must be established.
Book•
01 Sep 1991
TL;DR: Fals-Borda et al. as discussed by the authors presented a self-review of PAR and the struggle of Afro-Colombians for public service. But they did not discuss the role of the computer in this process.
Abstract: Preface vii PARTI: INTRODUCTION 1. Some Basic Ingredients, Orlando Fals-Borda 3 2. The Theoretical Standpoint of PAR, Muhammad Anisur Rahman 13 3. A Self-Review of PAR, Muhammad Anisur Rahman and Orlando Fals-Borda 24 PART II: VIVENCIAS 4. Together Against the Computer: PAR and the Struggle of Afro-Colombians for Public Service, Gustavo I. de Roux 37 5. Young Laborers in Bogota: Breaking Authoritarian Ramparts, Maria Cristina Salazar 54 6. Action and Participatory Research: A Case of Peasant Organization, Vera Gianotten and Ton de Wit 64 7. Glimpses of the "Other Africa," Muhammad Anisur Rahman 84 8. People's Power in Zimbabwe, Sithembiso Nyoni 109 vi Action and Knowledge 9. Toward a Knowledge Democracy: Viewpoints on Participatory Research in North America, JohnGaventa 121 PARTm: STEPS IN PRAXIOLOGY 10. Stimulation of Self-Reliant Initiatives by Sensitized Agents: Some Lessons from Practice, S. Tilakaratna 135 11. Remaking Knowledge, Orlando Fals-Borda 146 References and Further Reading 167 About the Co-authors 181
TL;DR: A review essay by as discussed by the authors explores the relation between quantification and democratic government and argues that democratic power is calculated power, calculating power, and requiring citizens who calculate about power, arguing that there is an intrinsic relation between political problematizations and attempts to make them calculate through numerical technologies.
Abstract: This review essay considers the relations between quantification and democratic government. Previous studies have demonstrated that the relation between numbers and politics is mutually constitutive: the exercise of politics depends upon numbers; acts of social quantification are politicized; our images of political life are shaped by the realities that statistics appear to disclose. The essay explores the specific links between democracy , as a mentality of government and a technology of rule, and quantification, numeracy and statistics. It argues that democratic power is calculated power, calculating power and requiring citizens who calculate about power. The essay considers the links between the promulgation of numeracy in eighteenth-century U.S. and programmes to produce a certain type of disciplined subjectivity in citizens. Some aspects of the history of the census are examined to demonstrate the ways in which the exercise of democratic government in the nineteenth century came to be seen as dependent upon statistical knowledge and the role that the census had in “making up” the polity of a democratic nation. It examines the case of National Income Accounting in the context of an argument that there is an intrinsic relation between political problematizations and attempts to make them calculate through numerical technologies. And it considers the ways in which neo-liberal mentalities of government depend upon the existence of a public habitat of numbers, upon a population of actors who calculate and upon an expertise of number. Democracy, in its modern mass liberal forms, requires numerate and calculating citizens, numericized civic discourse and a numericized programmatics of government.
Book•
08 Oct 1991
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors present a very important contribution toward the study of ethnicity and nationalism in multi-ethnic societies, especially in India, based on a rather extensive study of the historical and political processes in multiethnic societies.
Abstract: "[This book] It is provocative and bold. Brass bases his theories on his rather extensive study of the historical and political processes in multi-ethnic societies, especially India. There is much truth in his identification of the problem in the state of Punjab and elsewhere in India, in relentless centralization and, often, some questionable interventionist policies of the central government." --International Migration Review "Ethnicity and Nationalism is most timely and relevant. . . . This book offers many positives. It is provocative and bold. Paul Brass bases his theories on his rather extensive study of the historical and political processes in multiethnic societies, especially in India. There is much truth in his identification of the problem in the state of Punjab and elsewhere in India." --International Migration Review "The present volume is a very important contribution toward the study of ethnicity and nationalism. The book would be of interest to a wide range of scholars, particularly those with a South Asian focus." --Asian and Pacific Migration Journal "This volume is a very important contribution toward the study of ethnicity and nationalism. The book would be of interest to a wide range of scholars, particularly those with a South Asian focus." --Asia and Pacific Mirgration Journal Ethnicity and nationalism, interethnic conflicts, and secessionist movements have been major forces shaping the modern world and the structure and stability of contemporary states. In the closing decades of the twentieth century, such forces and movements have emerged with new intensity. Drawing his examples in this major study from a wide variety of multiethnic situations around the world, with special emphasis on South Asia, Eastern Europe, and the Soviet Union, Paul Brass presents a distinctive theory concerning the origins of ethnic identity and modern nationalism. The author bases his theory on two focal arguments: one, that ethnicity and nationalism are not "givens," but are social and political constructions. The second is that ethnicity and nationalism are modern phenomena inseparably connected with the activities of the modern centralizing state. Examples and case studies from India comprise the heart of this volume. Three chapters focus specifically on two minority groups in India: north India Muslims and the Sikhs of Punjab. A second and substantial source of illustrations, which substantiate the theoretical arguments, is Eastern Europe and the Soviet Union. The author also presents a direct comparison of language-based ethnic problems in India and the Soviet Union. An original perspective on the major themes and arguments concerning ethnicity and nationalism, this book is essential reading for scholars and academics in the fields of ethnic studies, comparative politics, development studies, and anthropology. "Brass's work is a significant contribution to the study of ethnicity and nationalism. His work draws our attention to the complexity of the politics of identity. Students of Indian politics will find the book extremely useful and the people who in recent years are trying to invent a primordial basis for the Indian nation will find it disconcerting." --The Indian Economic and Social History Review "This timely volume....will be of considerable interest to students of South Asian politics for its clarity and commitment." --International Journal of Punjab Studies "When a major writer shifts the focus on his inquiry, it becomes the cause of a certain excitement within the discipline as a whole. Such is the case with Ethnicity and Nationalism where Paul Brass, long a familiar name for students of Indian politics, questions the applicability of the consociational model as an effective method of achieving democratic political order in multi-ethnic societies." --Journal of Commonwealth and Comparative Politics "This is a useful book for it brings together Paul Brass' writings on the subject of ethnicity and politics between 1978 and 1990." --Contributions to Indian Sociology "By virtue of the theoretical and empirical assertions it makes and the political controversy it is bound to give rise to, Ethnicity and Nationalism is an important addition to Indian and comparative politics. The book can be read with profit." --Journal of Commonwealth and Comparative Politics "This is a valuable addition to the literature on ethnicity and nationalism. But more than just an addition, it illumines the multi-layered social grid in multi-ethnic societies consisting of majorities and minorities, conflicts of interests, and the key role played by both the State and various elites in the formation of ethnicity and nationalism." --Media Development
TL;DR: Can a society as deeply divided as South Africa become democratic? In as mentioned in this paper, the author points to the conditions that make democracy an improbably outcome in South Africa and identifies ways to overcome these obstacles and describes institutions that offer constitution-makers the best chance for a democratic future.
Abstract: Can a society as deeply divided as South Africa become democratic? In this work, the author points to the conditions that make democracy an improbably outcome in South Africa. At the same time, he identifies ways to overcome these obstacles and he describes institutions that offer constitution-makers the best chance for a democratic future. The author also wrote "Ethnic Groups in Conflict".
Book•
01 May 1991
TL;DR: Schlesinger as mentioned in this paper examines the international dimension and the lessons of one polyglot country after another tearing itself apart or on the brink of doing so: among them the former Yugoslavia, Nigeria, even Canada.
Abstract: The classic image of the American nation - a melting pot in which differences of race, wealth, religion, and nationality are submerged in democracy - is being replaced by an orthodoxy that celebrates difference and abandons assimilation. While this upsurge in ethnic awareness has had many healthy consequences in a nation shamed by a history of prejudice, the cult of ethnicity, if pressed too far, threatens to fragment American society to a dangerous degree. Two-time Pulitzer Prize winner in history and adviser to the Kennedy and other administrations, Arthur M. Schlesinger, Jr., is uniquely positioned to wave the caution flag in the race to a politics of identity. Using a broader canvas in this updated and expanded edition, he examines the international dimension and the lessons of one polyglot country after another tearing itself apart or on the brink of doing so: among them the former Yugoslavia, Nigeria, even Canada. Closer to home, he finds troubling new evidence that multiculturalism gone awry here in the United States threatens to do the same. "One of the most devastating and articulate attacks on multiculturalism yet to appear."-Wall Street Journal "A brilliant book ...we owe Arthur Schlesinger a great debt of gratitude. "-C. Vann Woodward, New Republic
TL;DR: This paper studied the relationship between the internal dynamics and success of a population of intense work groups, professional string quartets in Great Britain, and observed three basic paradoxes: leadership versus democracy, the paradox of the second violinist, and confrontation versus compromise.
Abstract: Portions of this paper were written while the first author was a Fellow at the Center for Advanced Study in the Behavioral Sciences. We are grateful for the financial support provided by the National Science Foundation (#BNS87-00864 and SES88-15566), the Russell Sage Foundation, and the Research Board of the Graduate College of the University of Illinois. This study was conducted while the first author was a visiting professor of Business Studies at Warwick University. We sincerely thank Andrew Pettigrew and Cynthia Hardy for encouragement, support, and direction; Guillermo Perich for music school contacts; Anne Copay, Gina Gargano, and Stephan Ahadi for research assistance; Max Bazerman, Cynthia Hardy, Greg Oldham, Bob Sutton, and three anonymous reviewers for constructive comments; and Dick Boland and Linda Pike for their invaluable stimulation of our ideas. This paper focuses on the relationship between the internal dynamics and success of a population of intense work groups, professional string quartets in Great Britain. We observed three basic paradoxes: leadership versus democracy, the paradox of the second violinist, and confrontation versus compromise. The central findings indicate that the more successful quartets recognized but did not openly discuss the paradoxes. Instead, they managed these inherent contradictions implicitly and did not try to resolve them. The discussion addresses the study of intense work groups, the forces that drive these paradoxes, and potential applications to other organizational groups.'
Book•
01 Jan 1991TL;DR: The classic image of the republic is that of the melting pot where differences of race, wealth, religion and nationality are submerged in democracy, but now there is a new orthodoxy: America as a collection of self-interest groups, celebrating difference and abandoning the idea of assimilation as discussed by the authors.
Abstract: Arthur Schlesinger Jr asks in this book "What does it mean to be an American?". The classic image of the republic is that of the melting pot where differences of race, wealth, religion and nationality are submerged in democracy. But now there is a new orthodoxy: America as a collection of self-interest groups, celebrating difference and abandoning the idea of assimilation. Now published in paperback, this book addresses multiculturalism and political correctness.
TL;DR: The authors examined the effects of economic crisis on electoral outcomes in Latin America from 1982 to 1990 and found that crisis conditions undermine support for incumbents and provoke high levels of electoral volatility but without necessarily fostering the growth of political extremism or the exhaustion of elite consensus associated with the breakdown of democracy.
Abstract: Research on the political implications of economic conditions is separated into two relatively distinct bodies of literature. I bridge the theoretical gap between them by examining the effects of economic crisis on electoral outcomes in Latin America from 1982 to 1990. An analysis of 21 competitive elections indicates that crisis conditions undermine support for incumbents and provoke high levels of electoral volatility but without necessarily fostering the growth of political extremism or the exhaustion of elite consensus associated with the breakdown of democracy. The results also suggest that the relationship between economic conditions and electoral instability is mediated by party system structure rather than democratic age. Paradoxically, the findings buttress prior research on electoral outcomes in the comparatively stable and homogeneous Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) nations while undercutting theoretical frameworks elaborated with specific reference to the breakdown and consolidation of Third World democracy.
TL;DR: In this paper, the existence or absence of diffusion effects in regard to changes in the degree of freedom in the world's governments, and whether or not there has been a more specific global movement towards democracy are investigated.
Abstract: This article is an attempt to indicate how diffusion approaches, based on the concepts of linkage and interdependence, can be of help in our thinking about the spread of democracy. The analyses address the existence or absence of diffusion effects in regard to changes in the degree of freedom in the world’s governments, and whether or not there has been a more specific global movement towards democracy. The dependent variable is the set of “governmental transitions,” based on yearly Freedom House data. Diffusion analyses are at the global, regional, and neighbor-state levels (1974–1987). Thus analysis is limited to cues or prototypes from the external environment of states. Although neighbor effects are less than those found with the diffusion of war, all three levels support the proposition that there has been a diffusion of governmental transitions, including a movement towards democracy that provided a context for the dramatic events of 1988 and 1989.
TL;DR: In this article, the authors argue that previous studies have misspecified the theoretical argument that democracies are less war-prone than other forms of government because the people, who must bear the costs of war in lives and resources, will restrain the aggressive impulses of their leaders.
Abstract: It has often been argued that democracies are less war-prone than other forms of government because the people, who must bear the costs of war in lives and resources, will restrain the aggressive impulses of their leaders. Most empirical studies addressing this hypothesis have produced results indicating that democracies fight as often as other states. The authors argue that previous studies have misspecified the theoretical argument. The argument the authors propose and the test they design focus directly on specific mechanisms by which the decisions of leaders are constrained, rather than on composite conceptual and operational definitions of democracy. The authors also control for the opportunity leaders have to decide for war. Their results suggest that for major powers, higher levels of decisional constraints lead to a lower probability that conflicts will escalate to war, as the authors' theoretical argument predicts. The relationship does not hold for minor powers, however, and may even be reversed.
TL;DR: This paper found that the degree of democracy, the extent of inequality in society, and economic growth rate go a long way to explain and predict political repression in a parsimonious model.
Abstract: The task of this study is to determine if certain political and socioeconomic variables have strong relationships with political repression conceptualized as disappearance, detention, torture, and political killings. The perspective of the study is from the question of why do people in power — with so many options available — choose repression as a method of rule. Repression is coded into numerical values from the State Department Country Reports, and then relationships with the degree of democracy, socioeconomic conditions, inequality, rate of economic change, and the level of economic development are tested in regression models. Significant relationships are found. The degree of democracy, the extent of inequality in society, and economic growth rate go a long way to explain and predict political repression in a parsimonious model.
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors place the form of interest representation and the involvement of interest groups in policy formation known as corporatism in a broader political context: is corporatism systematically linked with other democratic institutions and processes?
Abstract: This research Note has two complementary theoretical objectives. First, we shall attempt to place the form of interest representation and the involvement of interest groups in policy formation known as corporatism – or as democratic, societal, liberal or neo-corporatism – in a broader political context: is corporatism systematically linked with other democratic institutions and processes? Secondly, we shall try to fill a gap in the theory of consensus democracy. This theory holds that types of party, electoral, executive and legislative systems occur in distinct clusters, but it fails to link interest group systems to these clusters.
Book•
01 Jan 1991
TL;DR: In this article, the authors discuss the importance of the freedom of the press, and the role of public service media in this process, and propose a set of principles: 1. Liberty of the Press. 2. Deregulation. 3. The Democratic Leviathan. 4. Public Service Media? 5. Democracy, Risks and Reversals.
Abstract: Preface. 1. Liberty of the Press. 2. Deregulation. 3. The Democratic Leviathan. 4. Public Service Media?. 5. Democracy, Risks and Reversals. Index.
TL;DR: In this paper, an enquiry into the empirical adequacy of an account of democratic politics cast in terms of national politics is made, and a normative enquiry is subsequently made into the consequences for democracy of taking seriously regional and global interconnectedness.
Abstract: All too often democratic theory has taken the nation-state for granted, it has assumed that democracies can be understood largely by reference to the forces and actors within delimited territorial boudaries. This assumption is systematically questioned in an exploration of the interconnections between democracy and the global system. An enquiry is undertaken into the empirical adequacy of an account of democratic politics cast in terms of national politics, and a normative enquiry is subsequently made into the consequences for democracy of taking seriously regional and global interconnectediness. Guidelines are offered for rethinking democratic theory in an era in which the fates of particular nations and peoples are deeply intertwined.
Book•
01 Jan 1991TL;DR: In this article, the authors present an explanation of voting behavior based on the theory of groups and the Bureau-Shaping Model of Bureaucracy, and compare the two models.
Abstract: * Introduction: Institutional Public Choice Theory and Political Analysis DEMOCRACY * Interest Groups and Collective Action * Reconstructing the Theory of Groups * Economic Explanations of Voting Behaviour * Party Competition - The Preference-Shaping Model BUREAUCRACY * Existing Public Choice Models of Bureaucracy * The Bureau-Shaping Model * Comparing Budget - Maximizing and Bureau-Shaping Models * Conclusion - Economic Explanations in Political Science
TL;DR: In this article, the authors take up Montesquieu's theme once more and enquire into the place of virtue or what they call civility in the liberal democratic order, referred to as the republican type of government.
Abstract: SINCE MONTESQUIEU, WRITERS ON POLITICS HAVE BEEN aware that there might be an association of particular moral qualities and beliefs with particular political regimes. The association between virtue and republican governments, although duly recorded by students of Montesquieu's thought, has however been passed over. The disposition to participate in politics, the sense of political potency or impotence, certain traits of personality such as could be summarized in the term ‘authoritarian personality’, etc., have all been studied by theorists of democracy. Virtue, or public spirit or civility, has been neglected. I would like to take up Montesquieu's theme once more. I wish to enquire into the place of virtue or what I call civility in the liberal democratic order, which Montesquieu referred to as the republican type of government. Latterly the term ‘civil society’ has come to be used very loosely as equivalent to ‘liberal democratic society’. They are not entirely the same and the difference between them is significant. In civility lies the difference between a well-ordered and a disordered liberal democracy.