Showing papers on "Economic interdependence published in 1995"

Hiroshima, the holocaust, and the politics of exclusion

Abstract: In most societies, there is an ongoing contest over who is the "we," to whom specific moral obligations apply, and who is the "they," to whom they do not. This paper explores and contrasts the most blatant forms of active exclusion, which includes genocide, and indirect exclusion, which is characterized by subtle forms of exclusion through social invisibility. In genocide, the targeted groups are not simply excluded from life integrity rights, but offenses against them are explicitly encouraged, rewarded, and sanctioned by the regime. In indirect exclusion, the exclusion is implicit in cultural and institutional practices and is often unintentional. I examine the difficulties and dilemmas involved in resisting and preventing active exclusion and in challenging the cultural codes that maintain indirect exclusion. O ) n this day, the 49th anniversary of the nuclear dawn, our world is full of contradictions. On the one hand, there is abundant evidence of an increasing global consciousness. A transnational environmental movement promotes the idea of planetwide ecological interdependence. Ideas of common security, which assume mutual interdependence, were once treated as the baggage of soft-minded peaceniks, but are now respectable fare in official discourse. Observations about worldwide economic interdependence are now cliches and have become part of the operating assumptions of governments and corporate players.

A Comparative Assessment

Abstract: Changed international circumstances have created both the opportunity and the need to look afresh at the performance and potential of multilateral institutions. Key changes include: (1) The end of the cold war and the opportunities and challenges posed by transformations taking place both within former communist countries and across the former East—West divide. (2) The setbacks in growth and development that occurred in the 1980s and the new thinking on development that emerged in the course of the ‘lost decade’ — notably the turn to democracy, markets and social development needs. (3) Irreversible developments in technology and global economic interdependence, heightened attention to emergent global problems — such as environmental degradation, narcotic trafficking and use, the spread of AIDS, and the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction — and the growing recognition of the need to forge new cooperative, public—private arrangements to deal with transborder problems. (4) The tightening of aid resources, because of competing demands (both domestic and foreign), and the corresponding new emphasis on aid effectiveness.

Globalisation and Interdependence in the International Political Economy: Rhetoric and Reality

Abstract: Part 1 Interdependence and globalization in the contemporary international system - dispositions and definitions: central problems contrasting implications of interdependence and globalization competing definitions of interdependence methodological and theoretical questions the construction of interdependence and globalization. Part 2 International interdependence and globalization - the political-economic interface: economic liberalism, the politico-economic relationship, interdependence Marxist perspectives on politics, economics, interdependence and globalization economic realist and structuralist approaches to international interdependence and globalization economic realism structuralist perspectives institutionalist perspectives methodological considerations. Part 3 Interdependence and globalization in a world of states: statism, capitalism and the emergence of the modern international system politico-military interdependence in a system of conflicting states strategic interdependence and the security dilemma rationalist perspectives. Part 4 Interdependence, globalization and challenges to the international order: global interdependence and the moral transcendence of the States' system the unity of man, world society and a world state common fate a world without states interdependence and globalization rhetoric and reason interdependence and a new world order. Part 5 Patterns of economic interdependence: mutual dependence dependence or interdependence? sensitivities and international interdependence connections, vulnerabilities and dependencies. Part 6 Patterns of interconnectedness, interdependence and globalization - the empirical picture: interconnections in the contemporary international economy trade and dependence the import dependence of the advanced industrial countries the import dependence of the less developed countries the export dependence of the advanced industrial countries the export dependence of the less developed countries regional interdependence financial dependencies. Part 7 The sources of international economic interdependence and globalization: differential resource endowments and contemporary international economic interdependence development and dependence economic interdependence and globalization - cause or consequence of international trade? imperialism transnational corporations technology, TNCs, international finance and globalization financial integration. Part 8 Globalization and levels of interdependence: the claims of atomistic modes of analysis the holistic critique of atomistic approaches to international phenomena holistic theories of the contemporary international political economy complex interdependence and the radical critiques. Part 9 The consequences of international interdependence and globalization. Part 10 The future of international interdependence and globalization.

Regional economic co‐operation, global markets and domestic politics: A comparison of NAFTA and the Maastricht Treaty1

Abstract: Global economic interdependence has created incentives for greater international economic co‐operation. In many instances, these incentives have led states to accept important and controversial co‐operative agreements, despite their costs. A crucial form of contemporary international economic policy co‐operation is the development of regional patterns of economic integration, exemplified by the NAFTA accord and the Maastricht Treaty on European Monetary Union (EMU). Why did countries choose to co‐operate in NAFTA and the EMU, especially given the costs? This question is addressed in three parts. First, why did political leaders initiate these negotiations? Given the costs of such far‐reaching accords, why were leaders interested in pursuing them? The second issue is why were the countries able to reach agreement? A number of factors, such as the end of the Cold War and the economic difficulties experienced by the advanced industrial countries after 1987, could have undermined such co‐operation. F...

Labor Standards in the Globalized Economy: The Inclusion of a Social Clause in the General Agreement On Tariff and Trade/World Trade Organization

Abstract: This article was prompted by a collection of essays published by the International Institute for Labour Studies (IlLS) at the International Labour Office (ILO) in Geneva in October 1994.1 The publication, International Labour Standards and Economic Interdependence, forms part of the IILS's work on the role of labor standards in economic development, as well as the ILO's commemoration of its seventieth anniversary and the fiftieth anniversary of the Declaration of Philadelphia. One of the main themes focussed on in the essays is "Labour Standards and International Trade," which revolves around the potential inclusion of a social clause in the GATT/WTO. Based upon the contributions of noted trade unionists, academics, and members of employers organizations and governments, it is clear that most employers and developing country governments regard a social clause as disguised protectionism, that would

International labour standards and economic interdependence

Abstract: These essays are in commemoration of the 75th anniversary of the International labour Organization and the 50th anniversary of the Declaration of Philadelphia. This volume presents the views of a group of academics and policy-makers from government and workers' and employers' organizations on the particular issues posed by the prevailing forces of globalization and various collateral changes, such as high levels of unemployment, inequality and a growing informal sector. They discuss: the rationale for and against labour standards in the present circumstances; the issue of whether International Labour Office standards should apply equally to developing and developed countries; the related theme of the universality of standards in time and space; contemporary concerns in the setting and application of standards in particular regions and countries. Finally, they reflect on the main arguments for and against a social clause in trade agreements, suggesting how such a clause could be operative or, conversely, how one could never work.

Enduring Dilemmas in U.S. Technology Policy

Abstract: During the 1992 Presidential election campaign, candidates Bill Clinton and Albert Gore emphasized their commitment to a new U.S. technology policy. Nevertheless, Clinton Administration technology policy in fact carries forward many of the policies that emerged under the Reagan and Bush administrations. These policies were developed in response to changes in the international economic and technological environment that have reduced U.S. technological dominance and have deepened the technological and economic interdependence of the U.S. and foreign economies. Nevertheless, these conditions create persistent dilemmas for the design and implementation of technology policies. One enduring dilemma is the tension between technology and trade policies. A second dilemma concerns the relationship between defense-related R&D programs and civilian technology development. This article reviews the efforts of the Clinton Administration and its immediate predecessors to deal with these policy conflicts.

Economic Interdependence and Challenges to the Nation-State: The Emergence of Natural Economic Territories in the Asia-Pacific

Abstract: The political economy of the Asia-Pacific region is undergoing momentous changes, including the advent of natural economic territories (NETS) that are springing to life throughout the region. Variously called "growth circles," "growth triangles" or "sub-regional economic zones," the phenomenon is marked by intensified trade, investment and technology flows among contiguous localities or territories of three or more countries. While trade among neighbors is certainly not new, the emerging breadth and depth of the economic interaction among these various sub-regions has led some to argue that trade boundaries are superseding political boundaries. Indeed, in some cases, sub-regions of nation-states are developing economic links with neighbors that may be more vital than links with the political centers of power that govern them. This has raised the question of whether there is an emerging disjuncture between economic relations generated "from below" and political authority administered "from above." It is important to pause here to define "natural" since this terminology has caused debate and some confusion among scholars. The term NETs, as coined by Robert A. Scalapino, applies to natural economic complementarities that cross political boundaries; "natural" does not imply lack of government involvement but can include government action that removes barriers to realize pre-existing complementarities.(2) In each case, however, the private sector plays the major role. The corollary of this thesis is that government action or political will alone cannot create or halt border-area interactions; it can only enhance market conditions that are rooted in natural complementarities.(3) A recent confluence of domestic, regional and international factors have made NETS a viable mechanism for economic growth and integration. The economic maturation of a number of Asia-Pacific economies in the 1980s meant, for the first time, that there were increased complementarities among them to exploit.' The failure of command economies, worldwide and regionally, led to market liberalization policies that created more opportunities at the local level, in contrast to policies that were previously highly regulatory and state-centric. The reduction in political tensions in the post-Cold War era has also altered the foreign policy calculus in the region, resolving border conflicts and easing apprehension from cross-border trade and investment. Domestic trends toward democratization and/or political decentralization have also helped to create a favorable trade environment. These factors, combined, have led to the development of some nine de facto or nascent NETS in the region, at various stages of development and with differing degrees of public- and private-sector involvement; yet all are generating innovative means of economic interaction that have limited consonance with traditional economic controls and political arrangements. It is a phenomenon particularly suited to the Asian context, where there is a strong predilection for informal agreements rather than legalistic and binding treaties, and for incremental rather than bold systemic change. NETS are emerging in Asia because they allow states to experiment with economic reform policies and to gradually expand them if successful. NETS also allow states to experiment with cooperating with each other, which they approach cautiously given the region's varying levels of economic development, its different socio-political systems and its complex security and political relationships. As a result, Asian states may find NET cooperation particularly attractive at a time when official mechanisms for economic cooperation - such as the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC), the East Asia Economic Caucus (EAEC) and the World Trade Organization (WTO) - are proving slow to achieve consensus on a regional (or global) economic framework for trade and investment.(5) Thus, the use of NETs allows states to proceed along their own paths of economic growth and development without the need to agree on overarching regional goals. …

Emerging civil society in the Asia Pacific community : nongovernmental underpinnings of the emerging Asia Pacific regional community : a 25th anniversary project of JCIE

Abstract: Though the notion of an "Asia Pacific Community" emerged more than a decade ago, media attention has focused on the region's dynamic economic development. Little is known abou tht ehuman dimension of this regional integration, and the actual sense of community that is being constructed by countries as vastly differend as China and Australa, Canada and Vietnam, Thailand and Japan. In fact, the ongoing process of integration has been underpinned by collaborative efforts of academic institutions, businesses, and other nongovernmental organizations. The devloping "civil society" in the Asia Pacific community reflects the growing recognition of the importance of non-economic factors amid rising economic interdependence, as well as the marked advancement of democratization, plurizatoin, and collaboration beyond national boundaries. Such cooperation has been enhanced by the rising prominence of global issues such as the environment, rural poverty, AIDS and drug addiction. This compilation of reports by leading intellectuals and specialists from 15 Asia Pacific countries describes the activities of the region's research institutions, philanthropic foundations, and other organizations. It also assesses the present state of regional interactions between private institutions and individuals.

Emerging trends in Asia‐Pacific security: The role of Japan

Abstract: A multi‐faceted approach, including the efforts (a) to maintain existing security arrangements, (b) to enhance security at the sub‐regional level in Northeast and Southeast Asia, (c) to enhance mutual reassurance among the countries in the region and (d) to deepen region‐wide economic cooperation, is vital for Asia‐Pacific security. Trends in these directions are emerging in the post‐cold war conditions. Japan‐US cooperation will continue to be the key element for the success of this approach. Changes in Japan will have positive implications for it.

Thoughts on the UN at Fifty

Abstract: Studies of the United Nations seem to have come full circle. In the years that followed the adoption of the Charter in San Francisco, most of them dealt with the functions that were stressed in the Charter the maintenance of peace and security, which the League of Nations had signally failed to ensure. The outbreak of the cold war and its effects on an organization whose most important body, the Security Council, could only function if the permanent members the victors of World War Two remained in agreement inspired many works that examined the ways in which the UN was managing to avoid total paralysis. Gradually, after the Korean war, the Suez crisis, and the protracted drama of decolonization in the Belgian Congo, the scholars' attention moved away from the rather unrewarding scene of Chapters VI and VII, toward the other activities of the UN. This shift coincided with the vast increase in membership that resulted from decolonization, and with the growing importance of the developing and non-aligned countries that now made up the majority of the General Assembly. In the 1970s, scholarly explorations of international economic interdependence and of the 'regimes' which were being set up to regulate and manage it thus led to a view of the UN in which the central 'peace and security' functions had dwindled almost to the point of disappearance. It is as if the study of world affairs had been split into two halves. The dark half was accounted for by a Realist (or Neo-realist) theory that emphasized the inescapable security dilemma faced by States competing in an anarchic system where the distribution of power largely determined their strategies, and where international and regional organizations other than military alliances were of little significance, except as arenas and echo chambers for the major contests. The light or more cheerful half was the domain of a theory that called itself institutionalism (or, sometimes, liberal institutionalism). It stressed both the services that international and regional institutions and regimes could perform

APEC and Trans-Pacific Dispute Management

Abstract: INTRODUCTION The November 1994 Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC) Leaders Meeting(1) in Bogor, Indonesia, ended with a bold call for "free and open trade and investment" in the Asia Pacific region by the year 2020.(2) Accomplishing this ambitious goal presents many challenges. The region's economic interdependence provides strong incentive for greater cooperation; however, its diversity creates many questions as to the ability of APEC members to agree on common approaches. Economic, political, and cultural differences among APEC members dwarf those among the countries of the Western Hemisphere or Europe and preclude facile comparisons between APEC and the early days of the European Common Market or the expanding North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA). APEC links Chile, the United States, and other NAFTA countries to the world's fastest growing economic region.(3) Between 1965 and 1990, East Asia grew more than twice as quickly as Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) countries generally, and it is expected that the region will surpass North America and Europe as the world's largest economic zone by the year 2000.(4) As a result of this rapid growth, the Asian share of U.S. trade is expected to rise to about forty percent by the end of the decade.(5) Trans-Pacific trade relations have spawned many rancorous international disputes over issues relating to market access, intellectual property protection, labor, and human rights. One of the keys to APEC's success will be its ability to better manage or avoid these disputes. Though there have been various proposals for the creation of an APEC dispute resolution mechanism, this Article argues that an effective dispute resolution mechanism in APEC is a somewhat illusory goal; the real need is for greater policy harmonization among APEC members. Furthermore, this Article argues that the most effective way to achieve harmonization is through consultative processes rather than formal rule-making. I. INTRODUCTION TO APEC Interest in some form of regional economic group in the Pacific Rim dates back to the early sixties. It was stimulated by the success of the European Common Market and growing awareness of the economic potential of East Asia. An early Japanese proposal for a Pacific Free Trade Area led to formation of a group of economists known as the "Pacific Trade and Development Conference" (PAFTAD), which has met annually since 1968.(6) At about the same time, a group of business leaders began annual meetings under the banner of the Pacific Basin Economic Council (PBEC).(7) When these efforts began, there was surprisingly little intellectual contact across the Pacific or among Asian elites. Many Asian countries had ties to former colonial powers but little knowledge of their neighbors. Meetings of PAFTAD and PBEC began to establish a new sense of the Pacific Ocean as a link among diverse and distant countries. In the mid-seventies, Japanese Prime Minister Ohira gave impetus to the emerging notion of a "Pacific Community."(8) This idea evolved into the Pacific Economic Cooperation Council (PECC), which began in 1982 to hold regular tripartite (government, business, and academic) conferences on Pacific issues.(9) These meetings generated many useful ideas and projects, but, over time, participants increasingly felt that real progress could not be made without more direct governmental involvement. In 1989, Bob Hawke, then Prime Minister of Australia, presented the idea of an intergovernmental forum for strengthening economic ties.(10) The original proposal would have excluded the United States, the aggressive trade policies of which were generating considerable resentment among Asian countries. However, Japan did not want to be seen as the center of a new "Asian Co-Prosperity Sphere" and insisted on inclusion of the United States as well as Canada. The concept of an East Asian grouping, however, remains alive in the proposals of Malaysian Prime Minister Mahatir for an East Asian Economic Caucus (EAEC). …

Asia-Pacific Economic Community?

Abstract: Part 1 Asia-Pacific regional economic regionalisation: economic regionalisation in the Asia-Pacific - macro-economic core and microeconomic optimisation, M. Dutta regionalisation in Europe and East Asia - differences and consequences, Detlef Lorenz China and India in the Asian-Pacific economic community, George Rosen convergence and cohesion within the ASEAN 4, David Jay Green the asean free trade area plan and intra regional trade in developing Asia, Dean A. DeRosa economic regionalism in the Asian and Pacific region - trends, challenges and prospects, Chee Peng Lim towards economic integration of China's mainland with Taiwan, Hong Kong and Macao, Yao Tinggang. Part 2 Micro impacts/finance/investment/service sector/technology: micro impacts of macro adjustment policies - the Philippine case, Gilberto M. Llanto cooperation in finance in Asia - the case study of capital flow between Japan and Thailand, Masumi Kishi investment-led regionalism and trade liberalisation - the ASEAN perspective, Linda Low Japanese service enter-prises and Asian economic interdependence, Yoko Sazanami technology and trade friction in economic development - cases of Japanese industries, Michiko Ikeda saving in southeast Asia - sources, rate and contribution to growth, Richard Hooley foreign trade liberalisation in South Korea - lessons for China, Xiaoxuan Liu Brunei Darussalam - the state of the economy, Hajjah Rosni Haji Tungkat Thailand's trade in services in the Asia Pacific region, Suthiphand Chirathivat trade in manufactured goods - prospective gains for Thailand in Asia-Pacific economic cooperation, Paitoon Wiboonchutikula. Part 3 Regionalisation in south Asia: the prospect of a trading block in South Asia, ADV de S. Indraratna issues in trade cooperation in South Asia - a Bangladesh perspective, Sadrel Reza trading arrangements and policy option - the case of Nepal, Meena Acharya region-alism - the SAARC experience, K.K. Bhargava.

Major Powers at a Crossroads: Economic Interdependence and an Asia Pacific Security Community

Abstract: Is there a relationship between economic interdependence and the cohesion of an Asia Pacific security community? This text addresses this question, exploring the potential for the development of a partnership involving China, Japan, Russia and the United States.

Regional interdependence and migration in Asia.

Abstract: The 1980s witnessed increasing regional interdependence in Asia through trade and investment. Increasing flows of labor within the region however raise questions about three important issues: (1) the assumption that trade investment and aid will eventually mitigate migration pressure in source countries and the effectiveness of migration policies based on that assumption; (2) whether increasing regional interdependence stimulates or deters migration; [and] (3) the effect of rising interdependence on the political and international relations aspects of migration. As a partial attempt to address these questions this article examines the regional pattern of economic interdependence by utilizing information concerning trade investment and migration flows. The concept of interdependence/dependence is discussed within a political context focusing on migration and policy responses to it. Observations are made on the implications for regional stability and development. (EXCERPT)

Southern China, Hong Kong, and Taiwan : evolution of a subregional economy

Abstract: The calculus of interests in the natural economic territory, Jane Khanna patterns of economic interdependence in the natural economic territory, Yun-Wing Sung return of the prodigals - the overseas Chinese and Southern China's economic boom, Sally Stewart princes and merchant adventurers - keeping bureaucrats out of business, J.A. Miller ask a tiger for its hide? - Taiwan's approaches to economic transactions across the Straits, Milton D. Yeh effect of the natural economic territory on China's economic and political strategies, Chen Dezhao the politics of economic integration in South China, Hong Kong and Taiwan, Robert S. Ross.

Divergence or Convergence as a Consequence of Regional Integration? — NAFTA’s Impacts on Mexico

Abstract: Regarded generally, international economic integration is comprised of all the forms of international economic interdependence. Such interdependences may arise from the mutual exchange of goods, services, and production factors, i.e. from the interlacing of markets (market integration). Economic integration, however, may also be caused by a common incorporation of certain fields of politics into a new central institution (political integration or institutional integration). Furthermore, integration may refer to specific sectors or branches (e.g. the agricultural market or aircraft construction); but otherwise it also may refer to overall relations and the way in which they are influenced, for example, by a general reduction of taxes and duties or by the lifting of capital or exchange controls against trading partners (Ohr 1994a, p. 147).

The United States and East Asia : conflict and co-operation

Abstract: The question of economic union or conflict is posed against the background of East Asia's 'miracle' rise in the world economy. Is the success of East Asia a threat or benefit to the United States? What is the role and significance of APEC in fostering economic interdependence and will this make for a stable and prosperous Asia-Pacific? For the first time in 50 years, East Asia is at peace. Will peace and prosperity prevail? Professor Koh examines both optimistic and pessimistic scenarios. He argues for the continued engagement of the United States in East Asia and for a stable relationship between the United States, Japan and China. In this post-Cold War era, is the source of conflict shifting from the ideological to the cultural? Professor Koh probes the sensitive and problematic issues of Asian versus Western values and human rights, against the plea for mutual respect and mutual learning.

Government, institutional dynamics and competitive advantage

Abstract: This paper addresses the interdependence of government policies and the economic order. This interdependence has been neglected in economics, which strongly affects the discussion concerning the competitive advantages of nations. To analyze the consequences of this neglect, the paper discusses the nature of an economic order and the functioning of the public sector from a political economic perspective. This is followed by a critique of Porter's analysis, and a discussion of some developments regarding the economic order.

The interaction between economic growth in the EU and South‐EastAsia

Abstract: Develops and tests a simultaneous equation model to assess the effect of growth in exports to the EU on the economic development of five South‐East Asian countries. Emphasizes the role played by economic interdependence and estimates the degree of feedback effects between each Asian economy and the EU.

"System, power, and European monetary integration"

Abstract: [From the Introduction]. Theories of international relations and comparative politics characterize the movement within Western Europe toward monetary integration primarily in regional terms. The global context within which European monetary integration is taking place is viewed in this literature as having little influence or influence which is only episodic, momentary, or ancillary to other, more primary forces. Regional political integration, regional economic interdependence, sectoral interests within European countries, and strategies of national executives and central bankers are instead given primary emphasis. This article argues, by contrast, that the international system has provided strong incentives for and greatly affected European monetary integration. Changes in and unpredictability of international monetary policies of the United States, in particular, have pushed European governments toward regional monetary integration at several critical historical junctures. Indeed, all of the major successes in monetary integration were closely, and causally, associated with transatlantic monetary conflict and the decline or weakness of the international monetary regime.

Comparing Economic Interdependence and the Structure of Industry in the ASEAN‐4: an International Input‐Output Approach

Abstract: Structural adjustment policies have been adopted in the ASEAN-4 countries. The policy changes were intended to shift manufacturing from import substitution to export promotion. We assess how successful this was using the Asian International Input-Output Tables for 1975 and 1985. The success of structural adjustment is verified, as the number of export-led industrial sectors increased in each of the ASEAN-4 countries. The 1-0 tables are used to evaluate the similarity of industrial technologies and input structures of the ASEAN-4, Japan, and other Pacific Rim economies. While there are some similarities in industrial technologies with Japan, input structures are dissimilar. Interdependence increased between the ASEAN-4, Japan and the United States. Increases in US final demand had a larger impact on ASEAN-4 textile exports, however, than did increases in Japanese final demand.

Economic Power in the Sino-U.S. Relationship.

Abstract: : Military strength has become inconsequential in the pursuit of any industrialized nation's most vital interests. Alternatively, states would do well to focus on the possibilities of exploitation of power through economic strength and economic interdependence. This research reviews the theoretical approached to power and interdependence and applies these concepts to the bilateral relationship between the U.S. and People's Republic of China. This case study suggests that: (1) the post-Cold War national interests of these two disparate countries typify the international shift to economics-based power, and (2) under carefully qualified circumstances, power can arise from asymmetries in economic Although 'engagement' has failed to capture the strategic imagination of its predecessor, President Clinton undoubtedly sees his election as rooted in national economic rejuvenation, not grand security strategies. Clear signals exist that demonstrate the Chinese leadership's dedication to economic growth as the nation's number one priority. New career paths have emerged for clever revisionists who can accommodate Maoist Marxism to Western capitalism.