Showing papers on "Emancipation published in 1977"

One Kind of Freedom: The Economic Consequences of Emancipation

Abstract: Preface Preface to the new edition Acknowledgements A note to the reader 1. What did freedom mean? 2. The legacy of slavery 3. The myth of the prostrate South 4. The demise of the plantation 5. Agricultural reconstruction 6. Financial reconstruction 7. The emergence of the merchants' territorial monopoly 8. The trap of debt peonage 9. The roots of southern poverty Statistical appendixes Epilogue A bibliography of literature on the South after 1977 Notes Bibliography Index.

The Feminists: Women's Emancipation Movements in Europe, America and Australasia 1840-1920

Abstract: Preface 1. Philosophers and Organisers 2. Moderates and Radicals 3. Socialists and Revolutionaries 4. Militants and Conservatives. Conclusion

A new view of society and other writings

Abstract: In his early works Owen argues that, since individuals are wholly formed by their environment, education is the crucial factor in transforming them Later he came to adopt far more radical positions, proposing nothing less than 'the emancipation of mankind' and the creation of a 'new moral world', a full-scale reorganization of British society, major reforms of working practices and the Poor Laws and the establishment of co-operative model

Origin and Significance of the Frankfurt School, a Marxist Perspective

Abstract: The term 'Frankfurt School' is used widely, but sometimes loosely, to describe both a group of intellectuals and a specific social theory. Focusing on the formative and most radical years of the Frankfurt School, during the 1930s, this study concentrates on the Frankfurt School's most original contributions made to the work on a 'critical theory of society' by the philosophers Max Horkheimer and Herbert Marcuse, the psychologist Erich Fromm, and the aesthetician Theodor W. Adorno.Phil Slater traces the extent, and ultimate limits, of the Frankfurt School's professed relation to the Marxian critique of political economy. In considering the extent of the relation to revolutionary praxis, he discusses the socio-economic and political history of Weimar Germany in its descent into fascism, and considers the work of such people as Karl Korsch, Wilhelm Reich, Walter Benjamin and Bertolt Brecht, which directs a great deal of critical light on the Frankfurt School.While pinpointing the ultimate limitations of the Frankfurt School's frame of reference, Phil Slater also looks at the role their work played (largely against their wishes) in the emergence of the student anti-authoritarian movement in the 1960s. He shows that, in particular, the analysis of psychic and cultural manipulation was central to the young rebels' theoretical armour, but that even here, the lack of economic class analysis seriously restricts the critical edge of the Frankfurt School's theory. His conclusion is that the only way forward is to rescue the most radical roots of the Frankfurt School's work, and to recast these in the context of a practical theory of economic and political emancipation.

Demography of surinam plantation slaves in the last decade before emancipation: the case of catharina sophia

Abstract: As interest in the demography of the slave population of the Caribbean increases, more attention is being paid t o issues of a theoretical character in analyzing historical situations. This attention can be partly seen by the growing number of publications on these issues1 (pp. 500-514). This paper presents a brief review of some of these problems for Surinam. First, was the demographic evolution of the slaves of Surinam affected by conscious policy decisions taken by the Dutch planter class with respect t o both fertility and mortality? In this connection the question is raised as t o whether-given the profit motive on which slavery was based-the slaveowners and the colonial government had an accurate insight into the effect of their measures. Second, apart from the decisions taken by the planters, slave responses also played a role in generating the observed demographic patterns. Not surprisingly, leaders of opinion in Surinam take particular interest in this factor. They consider marronage, the emergence of tribes in the interior, and the war against plantation owners as heroic resistance t o slavery. Understanding of the historical role of the population of Surinam is necessary in discussions on national identity. Finally, there is a third category of variables that influenced the demographic configuration, namely, climate and epidemiological factors. Although regional differences in objective circumstances hardly existed in Surinam, it is still open t o question as t o whether slaves and the free population experienced these conditions t o the same extent. The purpose of the present paper is not t o resolve any of these problems, but rather t o describe and interpret the demographic characteristics of the slave population of one of the estates in Surinam during the period from 185 1 through 1869. Thus this paper will present first an overview of the demography of the entire slave population of Surinam, and subsequently an analysis of the demographic profile of the slaves of the sugar estate of Catharina Sophia. The conclusion will summarize this material and offer a few tentative conclusions.

Dependent Development and the Division of Labor by Sex: Venezuela

Abstract: Because the values associated with sex roles are particularly tenacious, women's emancipation is likely to be one of the last frontiers of any social movement, and thus serves as a crude index of social change. More importantly, a focus on women's role in development reflects a great deal about the internal or invisible workings of a society that underlie the more visible formal structures. Researchers have observed a positive relationship between women's participation in economic activities and higher levels of economic development (Wilensky, 1968), with the result that female labor force participation rates have occasionally been used as indicators of development. In the same way as such linear schemes as Rostow's (1971) "stage theory," these assumptions are based on the "Western'i capitalist model and ignore the crucial relationships with the rest of the world. Recent studies question the belief that economic development enhances the status of women in the work force. Even in the highly-developed U.S. economy, Knudsen (1969:183) demonstrates a "gradual but persistent decline in women's occupational economic and educational achievements, compared to those of men." Changes in economic systems may actually decrease women's participation in economic activities in underdeveloped countries, especially where traditional activities which were in the hands of women come to be replaced by modern male-dominated activities (Boserup, 'The development of many of the ideas in this paper took place during the Social Science Research Council-sponsored Inter-American Training Seminar on "Feminine Perspectives in Social Science Research in Latin America," summer of 1974. I am grateful to all the other participants in the seminar who showed their willingness to exchange ideas, especially to Carmen Diana Deere and Heleieth Saffioti - whose stimulation is most responsible for the ideas expressed in this paper. A special thanks also goes to Charles Wood, who made invaluable suggestions throughout the development of this analysis, and to Harley Browning for first sparking my interest in the labor

The emancipation of the Jews in Britain: The question of the admission of the Jews to Parliament, 1828-1860

Abstract: In an important addition to both British parliamentary and Anglo-Jewish history, Dr. Salbstein applies a new approach and original sources to a fresh examination of the ultimately successful struggle for political emancipation by Jews in mid-nineteenth-century Britain.

The rhetorical appeals of whites to blacks during reconstruction

Abstract: The emancipation of slaves placed new rhetorical demands upon white spokesmen in the South. To maintain their racial authority, whites refined two rhetorical appeals conceived in slavery: a rhetorical bribe and a rhetorical threat.

Women in the Ching-hua yüan : Emancipation toward a Confucian Ideal

Abstract: The Ching-hua yuan , the work of vernacular fiction by Li ju-chen (ca. 1763–1830) shows remarkable diversity in both narrative content and purpose. Critics have observed that it is encyclopedic in scope, and suggested that it reflects the wide range of interests and activities prevalent among scholars in early nineteenth- century China. The author's intention has been variously interpreted as private entertainment, display of erudition, or social criticism.

Enlightenment, evangelism, and economics: an interpretation of the drive towards emancipation in british west india

Abstract: The intention of this paper is modest. It is simply t o present a hypothesis on the British middle-class consensus of opposition to slavery, by illustrating some of its components from three groups of writers. The first is a sample of ministers within the evangelical churches in Scotland. The second are the scholarly moral philosophers of the “common-sense’’ school. The third are the contributors t o the Edinburgh Review, between its foundation in 1802 and the time of West Indian emancipation. All their writings are Scottish, and in the last resort they only provide hard evidence on the way in which a small sample of provincial intellectuals responded t o black slavery before 1833.1 Nevertheless, their opinions d o reveal concerns ;that have not yet been explored and that have some significance for the context of the whole metropolitan drive against British colonial slavery. It is not surprising that evangelicals, or academic moralists, or liberal journalists were opposed t o West Indian slavery. By the end of the eighteenth century, the theoretical war against slavery had long been won. Each of these three groups, however, contributed t o translating the abstract disapproval of slavery into a determination to get rid of it. This new activist commitment, without which emancipation would have been impossible, reflected not only a heightened distaste for slavery in its own right, but also an increasing sense that it was in every way at odds with what Americanists would now call a nationalizing ethic. In its British form, this was the fundamentally middle class “entrepreneurial ideal” described by Mr. Perkins.2 The onslaught on the planters was part of a wider campaign t o bring all divisions of British society within a single canon of ethics and social organization. This canon was applicable even where it was selfevidently at odds with tradition, local preference, and vested interest. The overthrow of slavery, like the destruction of church patronage and rotten burghs, was an early attempt t o iron out aberrations from an ethical norm to which all elements of Victorian society would eventually be expected t o conform. White West Indians, on the other hand, had selfish but pressing reasons t o resist being absorbed into the moral structure of the metropolitan culture. Their views were well represented in the Scotland where the men who are the subject of this paper were writing. Throughout the eighteenth century, the country had used the tropical colonies as a democratizing mechanism t o absorb, and in a few cases enrich, its perennial surplus of poor but educated young men. Even in the nineteenth century, hopeful Scots were still trickling out t o the new lands of Demerara, Essequibo, and Berbice, although their economic development had been crippled by the abolition of the slave trade in 1806 and 1807. These settlers carried with them many of the values of the society from which they came. They characteristically maintained their faith i n the work ethic, in norms of thrift, industry, and future reward, which were distorted only by a failure t o extend them t o the slave population. None of them would have seen any irony

Plantation slavery in surinam in the last decade before emancipation: the case of catharina sophia*

Abstract: Slavery was only abolished in Surinam in 1863. At first it would seem that the Dutch government had gotten out of step with those other countries in Northwestern Europe that possessed colonies in the Caribbean. Certainly, the Nethe.rlands did not set the pace, but its government did start considering emancipation at the same time as the French and Danish, and for similar reasons. In a long memorandum t o the King, dated 20 July 1844, the Minister of the Colonies, J.C. Baud, pointed very clearly t o the economic dilemma that the government had t o face in its deliberations over e-mancipation. Abolition might entail a serious economic decline for the colony, as had been the case in the British possessions, but, on the other hand, the continuation of slavery “would change Surinam within a few years t o a land without life, whose ownership would bring slight benefit to the Mothercountry.”’ In contradistinction t o his predecessor, J. van den Bosch, who had declared, as late as 1839, that in his judgement, emancipation should not be contemplated for Surinam until it had been shown elsewhere that free blacks could maintain a sufficient level of agricultural production, Baud proposed that the governpent should start preparing for the abolition of slavery.? He had reached this decision for a variety of reasons. After emancipation in the British colonies the political viability of slavery in Surinam was increasingly questioned and, in the early 184Os, a movement in opposition t o the “peculiar institution” began in the Netherlands among adherents of the British and Foreign Anti-Slavery Society, who were predominantly liberals and Protestants of the Rdveil.3 However, it is doubtful that Baud would have considered such a basic shift in policy had he not been more certain than Van Den Bosch that there was n o economic future for slavery in Surinam, and, a t the same time, believed he had both the remedy for the expected economic decline in the colony and the solution t o the thorny problem of emancipation costs. Baud thought that slavery was n o longer a viable labor system for Surinam because of the natural decrease of the slave population, which over the previous eight years had been 2% percent per annum, and which could not be supplemented either by newly imported slaves or by contract laborers from overseas. He doubted if this could be changed other than by emancipation. A plan, developed by W.H. Lans, a former official in Surinam, seemed t o offer the antidote t o the expected decline of the colonial

Rationality, Needs and Politics: Remarks On Rationality as Emancipation and Enlightenment: Enlightenment is man's release from his self-incurred tutelage

Abstract: Jfrgen Habermas, in common with such paradigmatic figures of the Frankfurt School as Horkheimer, Adorno and Marcuse, takes the critique and transcending of positivism and scientism to be a central philosophical task 1. Crucial to this is a tracing out of the implications between theory and practice. Habermas argues that by restricting the domain of legitimate or genuine knowledge to empirical knowledge and to formal (analytic) knowledge (knowledge of relations of ideas), positivism leads to a purely decisionalist

The Emancipation of Land Law from Feudal Custom

Abstract: To understand what this book is about and why its pages merit rereading and intense concentration, one must know that its view of the developing common law in the late 12th and early 13th centuries challenges accepted doctrine on the beginnings of the common law concerning land. Whether or not this challenge will prevail depends on the assessment of the shrinking group of scholars learned in English medieval law and familiar with the tantalizingly cryptic evidence. The picture of the development of land law between Henry II's accession in 1154 and the reign of Edward I beginning in 1272 has been essentially that portrayed by F.W. Maitland.' According to Maitland, the reign of Henry II was a watershed in the history of the common law. Maitland demonstrated that by introducing new civil procedures into the system of royal courts Henry II and his advisers diminished the jurisdiction of the courts of Henry's tenants-in-chiefthe barons.2 Implicit in Maitland's analysis is the assumption that Henry aspired by his legal innovations to weaken feudal law and to strengthen his royal common law. By drastically reducing the legal power of his direct vassals, and establishing relations with their tenants, that is, his sub-vassafs, Henry strengthened and centralized his authority.2 That some of these objectives were achieved or partially achieved is undeniable. Some scholars have even referred to the Angevin kingship as leading toward a new type of monarchy with \"almost all the effects of an absolute power.\" 4

Nationalism and jewish emancipation in Russia: The 1880s

Abstract: By the end of the nineteenth century Russian legislation regarding Jews was a congeries of self-contractions and inconsistencies. On the one hand, Jews were hemmed in by numerous restrictions and repressive measures in regard to their residence rights, economic activities, communal organization, educational opportunities, and even religious practices. On the other hand, the limits of discrimination were often ill-defined, being expanded by some laws and contracted by others; in some cases important privileges were granted to various categories of Jews (for example, the right to live outside the Pale of Jewish Settlement) or to the Jewish community as a whole (for example, the right to collect certain taxes). In addition, the enforcement of this hodge-podge of rules and regulations varied from place to place and from time to time.

The Emergence of Women Revolutionaries in Russia

Abstract: During the 1860's, a few Russian women stepped tentatively into the political arena. A careful reading of trial records yields the names of dozens who carried messages, concealed literature, and allowed letters to be sent to their homes. Usually the daughters of middling or impoverished nobility, concerned primarily with their own independence, their involvement was brief and of little significance to the movement. But by the 1870's, the trickle had become a torrent. Between 1873 and 1877, roughly 15 percent of the 1,611 individuals arrested for political crimes were women, about a quarter of them of common birth.1 In the Executive Committee of the People's Will, almost 30 percent were women; no longer were they content with peripheral roles. Women conducted propaganda in factories, went "to the people," and took part in all the assassination attempts against Tsar Alexander II. According to Vera Zasulich, one of the most prominent: "We participated independently, as the equals of men."2 By the end of the 1870's, revolution had become one of the few options in Russian society "open to women on terms of quasi-equality."3 This paper will examine the evolution of female radicalism from 1861 to 1881. It will attempt to answer two questions: first, what were the circumstances that produced such a level of female activism? Second, given the sizable proportion of women in the movement, what was their status relative to that of men? To speak of female radicalism before the 1860's is virtually impossible. The first opposition circles--the Decembrists, the Petrashevtsy--consisted exclusively of men. If women sympathized, they expressed themselves in private. Some might take pen in hand to write of personal tragedy, but political questions were left to their husbands. Only after the emancipation of the serfs in 1861 did activity in the public sphere become possible for educated women.

Voltaire in Victorian Historiography

Abstract: The rise of Victorian freethought or agnosticism after 1850 has drawn the interest of many twentieth-century writers. The important role of historiography in this process has not, however, been very fully explored. And the curiously productive place of Voltaire in that historiography has received no attention at all. Yet the subject is instructive in many ways. Undoubtedly the most spectacular feature of midVictorian intellectual life was the rise, or at least the release into open expression, of freethought. And though it is trite to say so, it is no less true that the very successes of the urban middle class, which formerly had imposed rigidly provincial religious views on the country, were now responsible for this intellectual emancipation. Socially, the decline of the landed classes and the transfer of political power that was accomplished between the 1830s and the 1880s meant that many of the frustrations and objective social and political realities underlying middle-class religiosity simply faded away. The changing sociology of belief resulted in a slackening of heroic attitudes and the growth of a much more self-critical temper. Materially, the middle class lost its soul as it gained the world. While its political and social successes dissipated its ideological cohesiveness, its material success provoked an actual mutiny within the ranks. Notorious is the "mammon-worship" that masqueraded behind religious respectability and which from the 1840s increasingly brought out the fangs in men like Carlyle, Clough, Dickens, Ruskin, even Trollope, all of whom inveighed against the hardness, the ugliness, the hypocrisy, the idolatries of money-getting culture. Carlyle, writing to Emerson in 1844 near the height of the free trade agitation, expressed his contempt for the way in which religion was being crassly exploited by all parties: "I daresay you are a little bored occasionally with 'Jesus' &c, as I confess I myself am, when I discern what a beggarly Twaddle they have made of all that, what a greasy Cataplasm to lay to their own poltrooneries . "1 When Emerson came to visit Carlyle in 1847 he was surprised at Carlyle's vociferousness (more evident in conversation than in his writings) on what he described as "the sole importance of truth and justice." He was surprised too at Carlyle's vituperativeness:

Pan-Africa as a Myth in the Literary Work of DuBois

Abstract: DuBois’s meandering career, his long life (1868–1963), and his lively temperament which may well be responsible for a number of ambiguities in his world of ideas have stood in the way of an unequivocal critical assessment of him.1 The often conflicting means and devices which he used to pursue his aims are confusing, unless one simply sees him as an ‘opportunist’.2 But the ‘Paradox of W. E. B. DuBois’3 can perhaps be solved by attempting to discover the underlying impulse on which his restless search for new ways is based. Such an approach shows that there is continuity in DuBois’s life, namely in his faithful adherence to ideas which he formed in his youth back in the nineteenth century. These ideas and concepts revolve around his interest in the cultural progress of the ‘black race’ and in Africa: ‘On it he centred some of his most personal and some of his largest dreams.’4 His greatness, but ultimately his failure as well, are based on his strongly emotional attachment to these two concepts. There can be no doubt that his achievement is imposing; through his writings and his actions he was an indefatigable defender of the emancipation of Black Americans and Africans. He influenced black attitudes more than any other Afro-American leader and contributed to the formation of a ‘black consciousness’.