Showing papers on "Field (Bourdieu) published in 1968"

Parsons' Concept of “Generalized Media of Social Interaction” and its Relevance for Social Anthropology

Abstract: The concept of “generalized symbolic media of social interaction” was introduced by Parsons five years ago in his two articles on the concepts of power and influence.1 I believe that it represents a theoretical development of the first importance, which has received much less attention—particularly in my own field of social anthropology—than it deserves. The purpose of the present paper is to review and criticize the concept itself and to point out its relevance to certain problems in social anthropology.

Status Crystallization and Interracial Attitudes

Abstract: The concept of status crystallization as defined by Lenski is examined. Its applicability in the field of race relations is tested. Data in this field indicate that class position and degree of status crystallization considered jointly are more effective concepts for analysis of attitudes in the field of race relations than is either concept considered separately. The relationship of the findings to other studies of attitudes is suggested. Status crystallization as the concept is defined by Lenskil has received considerable attention over the past few years. It is, briefly, a concept which seeks to specify in an empirical fashion the component elements of social class and the interrelationships among those components.2 PROBLEM, ASSUMPTIONS, AND METHODS Social class has had significance for sociologists and those who use social class as a concept do so in ways, generally speaking, which suggest that by social class we are referring to status, power, prestige, life chances, rank-order position, etc., in a social system. Such positional aspects of individuals and groups in a system tell us important things about the interactions which occur, the choices of behavior open to individuals, and the kinds of properties that the social system under discussion has. Communities and societies have been the units within which such analyses are made. Quite characteristically the assumption is made, usually implicitly, that a communityfor example-has one and only one class system. The use of class has tended to follow either a strictly economic and/or marketchances definition similar to the way Weber used the concept3 or a usage more similar to that of Parsons as involving: not a rigid entity but a fairly loosely correlated complex.... All that is here contended is that the family-occupation-income complex is by and large the core of the wider complex. We have deliberately abstracted from ethnic status which might be brought in. In a sense, it is taken care of by way of the family. Perhaps the best single case for another element would be education. . . . [It] is only in the broadest sense that this class complex can in American society be made to yield a single unequivocal scale of classes. Some such broad classification as 'upper'carefully defined-'middle' and 'lower' make sense. . . . But care should be taken not to imply that . . . the lines between adjacent classes are very clear-cut.4 This wider view of class is used here. The components of position in such a class system in a community, particularly a large community, are, as Parsons suggests, such items as occupation, income, education, race and/or religion and ethnic origin. Arithmetic mean score of the four variables as a measure of social class is used here. No significant grounds for other procedures have been proposed that have won wide acceptance. * Revised version of a paper read at the annual meeting of the American Sociological Association, 1965. 1 Gerhard E. Lenski, "Status Crystallization: A Non-Vertical Dimension of Social Status," American Sociological Review, 19 (August 1954), pp. 405-413. 2 For a general discussion of many of the problems involved see Reinhard Bendix and Seymour M. Lipset (eds.), Class, Status and Power: A Reader in Social Stratifications (New York: The Free Press of Glencoe, 1953). 3 See Max Weber, "Class, Status, Party," in H. H. Gerth and C. Wright Mills, From Max Weber: Essays in Sociology (New York: Oxford University Press, 1958), pp. 180-195. 4 See Talcott Parsons, "A Revised Analytical Approach to the Theory of Social Stratification" in Bendix and Lipset, op. cit., pp. 120-121. This content downloaded from 207.46.13.148 on Sun, 11 Sep 2016 04:30:20 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

Sociological Imperialism: A Brief Comment on the Field

Abstract: (1968). Sociological Imperialism: A Brief Comment on the Field. The Sociological Quarterly: Vol. 9, No. 3, pp. 397-400.

Suggestions for a Typology of the Apraxias

Abstract: Whatever the future of neuropsychology may hold, the work of Kurt Goldstein will always represent a major historical step in its development. The essence of his general thesis, as distilled in time, is part of our common heritage; many no longer even think to attribute to the original author the paternity of notions that now seem self-evident. Every chapter of our discipline continues to bear the marks of Kurt Goldstein’s ideas. To be sure, his most famous investigations centered on specific topics, such as the aphasias and the agnosias; yet, there is no area in our field where some work of his did not leave its imprint. Thus, it seems entirely appropriate to dedicate to his memory a study of the apraxias.

Twenty years of Physics Today: The early years

Abstract: WHEN, AT LAST, IN May 1948 the first issue of PHYSICS TODAY appeared, it ended a long stretch of wishing, dreaming, planning and figuring. Such a periodical had long been wanted to vivify the whole idea of the American Institute of Physics‐bringing mutually unacquainted specialists in all branches of physics together into a kind of operational unity for enhancement of physics as an important field of human endeavor. We expected PHYSICS TODAY to provide a better cement than just a paper constitution or even the zeal of those few who served terms on the institute governing board. Part of the essential aim was to present the special fields in interesting terms that all physicists and most laymen could understand.

Fashion in science and in the teaching of science

Abstract: Every field of human activity is marked by its dependence on the skills of a small number of genuine stylists and originators an by a large army of fashionable followers.

The U.N. Technical Assistance Programme Duties of the Expert in the Social Field 1

Abstract: *Dr. Khinduka is an Associate Professor, St. Louis University School of Social Service, St. Louis, Missouri, U.S.A. A S part of the growing interchange between /’% nations, a large and steadily rising number of experts in the social field are now participating in welfare programmes in cross-cultural settings. If the present trend is any indication, then it may be asserted without fear of contradiction that in the years to come the exchange of personnel belonging to different nationalities will continue to increase. Although international and intercultural sharing of skills and resources is here to stay, yet little is systematically known about the people who work in alien cultures as consultants, advisers or experts in the social field, or about the duties they are called upon to perform as part of their formal assignments abroad. This is not to say that there is no literature on the role and experiences of the technical assist-

Ends and means in moral education

Abstract: This is a second position paper on moral education, completing Dr. Hofmann's survey of the field and providing some recommendations. See May‐June 1968 issue for the first article