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Showing papers on "Industrial relations published in 1977"


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: Bergmann et al. as mentioned in this paper argued that to base the benefit schedule of an income-support program on an index that defines poverty in terms of money income alone is to create gross inequities and argued that any income support program that corrects for money differences but not for time differences across households will discriminate against households with only one adult.
Abstract: If the minimal nonpoor level of consumption requires both money and household production, then the official poverty standards do not correctly measure household needs. Any income-support program that corrects for money differences but not for time differences across households will discriminate against households with only one adult. Furthermore, such programs will provide financial incentives for households to form in certain ways. This paper sets up a two-dimensional poverty definition and then shows how this standard can be used to define voluntary versus involuntary poverty. Since the official poverty index was developed in the mid-1960s by the Social Security Administration (SSA) [7, 8], their categorization by income has been accepted as an equitable criterion with which to compare different types of households. As a result, policy-makers have thought that adjusting the benefit structure of an income-transfer program for money differentials across households corrected for the resource differences of these households. But households differ in their time resources as well as their money income. This paper argues that to base the benefit schedule of an income-support program on an index that defines poverty in terms of money income alone is to create gross inequities The author is Assistant Professor of Economics, University of California, Berkeley. * This paper benefited from comments made on an earlier draft by Barbara Bergmann, Nancy Chodorow, Frances Flanagan, Gillian Garcia, Aaron Gordon, Mel Jameson, Theodore Keeler, Harold Wilensky, Michael Wiseman, and Lloyd Ulman. Cynthia Rence provided invaluable assistance. Financial support was provided by the U.S. Department of Labor under Research Grant No. 72-06-74-04 and the Institute of Industrial Relations. Since grantees conducting research projects under government sponsorship are encouraged to express their judgment freely, this paper does not necessarily represent the official opinion or policy of the Department of Labor. The author is solely responsible for its contents. [Manuscript received February 1976; accepted July 1976.] The Journal of Human Resources * XII * 1 This content downloaded from 157.55.39.54 on Thu, 30 Jun 2016 06:06:26 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms 28 I THE JOURNAL OF HUMAN RESOURCES across households that vary in their number of adult hours. The equity problem, important in itself, takes on added significance when it creates incentives for individuals to adjust their living arrangements, and the problem becomes aggravated if the household structure appears to be in a transitional phase as in the 1970s. The impact of an income-maintenance scheme on the structure of households may prove to be more important over the long run than the program's influence on the labor supply, an issue that has captured the attention of economists and policy-makers. This paper attempts to shift the focus of attention by laying a foundation for analyzing the economic incentives for household formation implicit in proposed income-maintenance programs. First, a poverty standard in terms of both time and money inputs is defined. In this definition, the necessity of home production for the well-being of the household's members is emphasized. Then a measure of this generalized poverty standard is used to estimate the number of additional female-headed families who would be counted as poor because of a deficiency of nonmarket time. The policy implications of the new definition are explored by using the index to distinguish among the hard-core poor, the temporary poor, and the voluntary poor, and to estimate the potential poverty population. The paper concludes with a discussion of the policy dilemmas posed by the potential interaction between benefit schedules and household composition.

267 citations


Journal ArticleDOI

159 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: An industrial relations paradigm, 433 as discussed by the authors, industrial outcomes, determinants of outcomes, 435, correlation results, 440, regression results, 445, summary, 447, and Appendix A: Classification of contract provisions, 448.
Abstract: An industrial relations paradigm, 433.—Industry outcomes, 435.—Determinants of outcomes, 435.—Correlation results, 440.—Regression results, 445.—Summary, 447.—Appendix A: Classification of contract provisions, 448.—Appendix B: Data sources, 450.

55 citations


Book
01 Jan 1977
TL;DR: In this paper, the central purpose of the thesis is to interpret in the context of theories of class structure certain developments in the industrial relations policies of British governments between 1956 and 1971.
Abstract: The central purpose of the thesis is to interpret in the context of theories of class structure certain developments in the industrial relations policies of British governments between 1956 and 1971. Although British sociology has long been pre-occupied with class, and although the relevance of industrial relations to the historical development of class relations is generally recognised, it is only in very recent years that a few authors have attempted class analyses of recent policy changes. The present study is probably the first to attempt a detailed analysis of the policies in this context, though the period has been one of institutional innovation rivalling the immediate postwar years. In tackling this task the thesis brings together three usually separate literatures: that on class and stratification, that on industrial relations and that on political processes. The first two of these are dealt with at length, the last less so (and perhaps, on reflection, inadequately). Nearly all the themes discussed will be found elsewhere in the literature, but originality is claimed for (i) the particular combination of themes achieved, and the relations made between them and (ii) the detailed relation of these themes to the particular body of empirical material studied. For example, the central contention examined - that recent policy developments constitute the rise of the corporate state - has very recently found its way into general discussion, but the present thesis tries to define corporatism systematically, demonstrate its place within a theory of class relations, and assess precisely the corporatist content of policies. Methodologically the thesis is unadventurous and conventional and makes no use of sophisticated techniques. Further, the great bulk of empirical material studied consists of published documents. However, it is considered that it goes beyond many conventional treatments in the extent to which its analysis of empirical material relates closely to the theoretical framework which is established. Further, although the data used are not original in the sense of having never before been exposed to public gaze, their use is original in the sense that they are studied in terms and for purposes very different from those intended by their authors. In summary, the contributions claimed for the thesis are as follows: (1) starting from a Marxian/Weberian perspective it directs attention to a central aspect of class which has been neglected in sociology's pre-occupation with problems of the identification of and subjective attitudes of classes, viz the particular combination of economic, political and ideological constraints that provide the structure of different forme of class relations; (2) it relates issues of class to recent industrial relations strategies more systematically than is usually the case in recent debates; (3) in particular, it establishes the outlines of two contrasting strategies called the Compromise and corporatism; (4) it makes use of these and other concepts to provide a sociological analysis of incomes policies and industrial relations law reform measures; (5) in less precise detail, it provides an histoire raisonee of political developments in the period concerned, interpreting them in the terms established earlier; (6) it makes an empirical study of, and relates together, certain other themes of recent literature, such as managerialism, administrative rationality as ideology, the changing role of the state and the problems this creates for existing political, ideologies.

43 citations



Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, the authors explore the relationship among wages, unemployment, and prices in manpower programs and examine policy problems in manpower and education programs and explore the relation between wages and price standards.
Abstract: Examines policy problems in manpower programs and explores the relationship among wages, unemployment, and prices. Relation of unemployment and wage inflation; Relation between wages and price standards; Human capital and manpower and education programs. (Abstract copyright EBSCO.)

40 citations


BookDOI
01 Jan 1977

27 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
D.L. Landen1
TL;DR: GM has throughout its history consistently sought better ways to implement the philosophy that people are the Corporation's most important asset as mentioned in this paper, and not merely expense items to be recorded in the accounting ledger.
Abstract: GM has throughout its history consistently sought better ways to implement the philosophy that people are the Corporation's most important asset — and not merely expense items to be recorded in the accounting ledger. In the early days, GM placed most of its development efforts on employee selection, training, and job placement. The prevailing view of the 1920s and 1930s was to match people to jobs. While this approach produced success, it was too narrow in scope to check the growth of many new employee relations problems. Increased trade unionism was seen as a means for people to protect their rights and improve their status in the organisation.

27 citations



Book
01 Jan 1977
TL;DR: In this paper, an analysis of Australian external policy under the first Australian Labor Party government elected to federal office in nearly a quarter of a century is presented, focusing on the assumptions and perceptions underlying policy movements, the weight of historical and party traditions, the contributions of key Elites, the various sources of advice and pressures that sought to influence policies, the environment in which dialogue between the government and its critics was conducted, and party political and electoral implications.
Abstract: PREFACE This book is an analysis of Australian external policy under the first Labor Party government elected to federal office in nearly a quarter of a century. The choice of the term "external policy" is deliberate, in that the study deals with defence and international economic dimensions as well as with more conventionally construed "foreign policy". The object is to link policy outputs with policy process. In addition to emphasizing what policies were evolved, the book is concerned with such themes as the assumptions and perceptions underlying policy movements, the weight of historical and party traditions, the contributions of key Elites, the various sources of advice and pressures that sought to influence policies, the environment in which dialogue between the government and its critics was conducted, and party political and electoral implications. The principal research was carried out in 1974-75, during the author's appointment as a Senior Fulbright-Hays Scholar and Visiting Professor at the University of Sydney and the Flinders University of South Australia, and during a lateral visit to New Zealand. The materials consulted included official documents, newspaper and secondary sources, party and interest group publications, and survey and electoral data. The book's preparation has been greatly assisted by factual and interpretative comment supplied by scores of individuals, a number of whom were interviewed more than once. The respondents were predominantly Australians, but included a number of New Zealanders and Americans who were interviewed at various times in Australia, New Zealand and in the United States. Among the Australians interviewed were parliamentarians of various parties, including former and present ministers and backbenchers. Also interviewed were official and diplomatic personnel, ministerial advisers, party organization figures, interest group spokesmen, journalists and academics. The author is deeply indebted to these many individuals. Conversations with them were, however, conducted on the understanding of non-attribution of their remarks. It is therefore the author's responsibility to introduce such internal evidence without disclosing sources, while offering reasoned judgements as to their relative value. This involves criteria such as the credibility and the position of interviewees, and the cumulative weight of crosschecked information and opinion. A considerable debt is acknowledged to various Australian and New Zealand universities, and to Australian Institute of International Affairs and New Zealand Institute of International Affairs branches, where seminar and lecture appearances elicited helpful criticisms of the ideas presented there. A similar acknowledgement applies to members of the Australian foreign policy class taught at Flinders University. Funding for the research project was provided from several sources, notably the Australian-American Educational Foundation. Other sources included the New Zealand-United States Educational Foundation, the University of Sydney, Flinders University and the Department of Political Science and the Central Fund for Research of The Pennsylvania State University. The author wishes to express his appreciation to a number of individuals and bodies who facilitated the project. Professors Henry Mayer of Sydney and David Corbett of Flinders, and their colleagues, provided sponsorship for the Australian visit and were generous hosts. Considerable gratitude is owed to Messrs H.F. Willcock, B. Farrer and G.C. Weinman of the Australian-American Educational Foundation. Exceptional source material assistance was provided by Mr Ian Hamilton and his associates at the Australian Information Service, Canberra, and by information officers at the Australian Embassy, Washington. Much valuable material was obtained from certain specialized collections and bibliographic services. Among these were the federal secretariats of the Labor, Liberal and (National) Country Parties, as well as the ALP and Liberal state branches in New South Wales. Included were the offices of the Prime Minister and of the Foreign Minister, the Departments of Foreign Affairs and of Defence, and the legislative research service of the Parliamentary Library. Considerable assistance was provided through the facilities of the Department of Political Science, the Department of International Relations, and the Strategic and Defence Studies Centre, at the Institute of Advanced Studies, Australian National University………

20 citations



Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: This paper reviewed the book "Personnel and Industrial Relations: A Managerial Approach, by John B. Miner" and found that it is a good book to read for any managerial approach.
Abstract: The article reviews the book “Personnel and Industrial Relations: A Managerial Approach,” by John B. Miner.




Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The authors compared the development of the workers' right to organize and bargain collectively in England, France, and the U.S. starting with a common repressive policy, each country followed a different path toward establishing the workers rights.
Abstract: This article compares the development of the workers' right to organize and bargain collectively in England, France, and the U.S. Starting with a common repressive policy, each country followed a different path toward establishing the workers' rights. The main ultimate difference lies in the extent to which the state became involved in industrial relations. In England the state remained aloof after securing very broad legal rights of collective action. The workers were left to do their own battling. In France the state came to look upon collective agreements as an aspect of public policy and became the dominant partner in labor negotiations. The American pattern lies in between: state protection extends to procedural but not to substantive issues.

Dissertation
01 Jan 1977
TL;DR: In this article, the development of industrial relations in Iraq, Egypt and Syria were investigated based on a historical study and the evidence suggests that industrial relations are the product of political changes and of the socio-economic environment in whioh they developed.
Abstract: This thesis is based on a historical study investigating and comparing the development of industrial relations in Iraq, Egypt and Syria. These particular countries were chosen because they share similar historical and cultural backgrounds and because they have undergone similar political, economic and social changes. At the beginning of the period of this study, they were all under foreign control, then they were governed by semi-feudal-semicapitalist regimes "traditional systems" and at present by nationalist regimes. The evidence suggests that industrial relations in the three countries are the product of political changes and of the socio¬ economic environment in whioh they developed. The industrial relations during the foreign administrations in the three countries emerged and developed in accordance with the policies of the foreign administrators. Although their economic policies were an important factor in the emergence of the industrial labour force and subsequently the emergence of organised labour, they paid little attention to labour legislation or to improvements in the social conditions of

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The supervisor has traditionally been portrayed as a "marginal" figure, standing between the workers and the management as discussed by the authors, and has also been at the centre of conflict in industrial relations.
Abstract: The supervisor has traditionally been portrayed as a "marginal" figure, standing between the workers and the management. He has also been at the centre of conflict in industrial relations. This stu...

Journal ArticleDOI
01 Aug 1977
TL;DR: The relationships between five performance feedback characteristics (supportive appraisal behavior, invitation to participate, participation in goal setting, proportion of time spoken, and criticis... as discussed by the authors ) were investigated.
Abstract: The relationships between five performance feedback characteristics (supportive appraisal behavior, invitation to participate, participation in goal setting, proportion of time spoken, and criticis...

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, an alternative definition of industrial relations, based on Dunlop's major contribution to industrial relations theory and the criticisms levelled at his work, is presented, where the authors argue that the main objective is to increase labour-related productivity, increase satisfaction of those needs which oblige people to take jobs, and increase power in the work environment.
Abstract: As indicated by the extent of news coverage, the results of opinion polls and by the growth of university courses in the area, industrial relations is seen as an increasingly important subject. However, there has yet to be anything like general acceptance as to what constitutes industrial relations. This paper con siders various current definitions and evaluates Dunlop's major contribution to industrial relations theory and the criticisms levelled at his work. This paper submits an alternative definition, postulating that what Dunlop suggests as the objective of industrial relations, rules, are in fact a means to an end, rather than an end in itself. Thus rules are considered an intermediate step towards the true objectives which are increased labour-related productivity, increased satisfaction of those needs which oblige people to take jobs, and increased power in the work environment. The first objective is sought by managers and the govern ment, the second by workers and trade unions, and the third by ...

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The authors argue that Fox's recent ideas do not represent a fundamentally radical break from liberal-pluralism and that his attempt to develop an alternative approach to industrial relations is based on preserving rather than rejecting the concept of mutual survival.
Abstract: This paper is a critical evaluation of Alan Fox's recent work and attempt to move away from the liberal-pluralist approach to industrial relations. Fox's early work is usually seen as forming part of the Oxford School and consequently his latest writings, for example Beyond Contract, which criticize its pluralist foundations are seen as a recantation and rejection of his earlier position. The authors argue that overall Fox's recent ideas do not represent a fundamentally radical break from liberal-pluralism. Whilst his critique of pluralism which questions the mutual dependence aspect of pluralism points in the direction of a radical analysis, his attempt to develop an alternative approach to industrial relations is based on preserving rather than rejecting the concept of mutual survival. Fox's use of the notion of trust to explore an evolutionary route to social change thus has many affinities with pluralism and is best seen as an attempt to modify pluralism in the light of changing socio-economic conditi...



Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, an extensive one-man project (Social Trends and Movements in Post-war Sweden) explores structural changes, and relating them to trends and social movements and seeing the development both as a result of naturalistic forces and as a human drama of conscious movements.
Abstract: This paper is part of an extensive one-man project (Social Trends and Movements in Post-war Sweden) exploring structural changes, and relating them to trends and social movements and seeing the development both as a result of naturalistic forces and as a human drama of conscious movements. It is also a personal document from an industrial sociologist with socialist visions, who started research far back in the 40's. It is a shortened and revised version of the original paper presented in a preliminary version at the Polish-Swedish Seminar on Sociology of Work and Social Policy in Warsaw (October 1976), and later introduced at a seminar on Participation, Workers Control, Self Management, Self Govern ment in Dubrovnik, February 1977. The original analyses the structural and political changes in Sweden as a background for understanding changes in industrial relations and is available as a mimeographed research report from the sociological department of Gothenburg. Some of the references in the original paper...


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The period 1969-1976 has been a dramatic one in Australian industrial relations history as mentioned in this paper and the changing character of plant union-management relations in metalworking over these years with a view to explaining the more significant developments.
Abstract: The period 1969-1976 has been a dramatic one in Australian industrial relations history. This paper focuses on the changing character of plant union- management relations in metalworking over these years with a view to explaining the more significant developments. Data collected from a study made in 1969 is compared to information gathered in 1976. This indicates that plant union-management relations now are receiving much more serious attention from managers, unions and government. Many of the deficiencies evident in 1969, however, have not been remedied and new problems have emerged.

Dissertation
01 Aug 1977
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors analyzed the impact of political changes on labor unions in Egypt in the period from 1960 to 1967, and concluded that the role of the unions in the industrial relations system and especially in formulating the socialist laws was minimized.
Abstract: This study analyzes the impact of the political changes on labor unions in Egypt in the period from 1960 to 1967. In 1960-1961 Egypt became a socialist country with one political party, the Arab Socialist Union. As a result of that development in the political arena, a wave of socialist laws were introduced by the government, affecting not only the labor unions' traditional functions, but also the industrial relations system in general. The study came to the following conclusions. 1. The role of the labor unions in the industrial relations system and especially in formulating the socialist laws was minimized in Egypt in the 1960-1967 period. 2. From an economic point of view, the socialist laws in the 1960-1967 period had restrained economic development process by reducing savings, not supplying the economy with skilled productive workers, causing inflation, and the wage structure did not work as an incentive system to stimulate productivity. 3. The socialist laws did not achieve any of their expected objectives partly because no one except the government was involved in these laws' formulation and implementation. 4. Except for the small increase in wages, the average worker did not achieve any tangible benefits that could improve his economic and social status. 5. The existence of political control over labor unions and over the industrial relations system will continue and persist as long as labor unions do not have effective leadership and as long as there is no political opposition to the government.

Book
01 Jan 1977
TL;DR: The British Journal of Industrial Relations as discussed by the authors provides a succinct introduction to some of the main areas of theoretical interest in the field of industrial relations and provides a readable, clearly written book.
Abstract: '...a readable, clearly written book ..it provides a succinct introduction to some of the main areas of theoretical interest.' "The British Journal of Industrial Relations.".

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors argue that the changes which are transforming Western European industrial relations systems under the banner of industrial democracy are in reality serving to ex pand the scope of collective bargaining and to extend it struc turally downward to include the level of the individual enter prise.
Abstract: Some of the changes which are transforming Western European industrial relations systems under the banner of industrial democracy are in reality serving to ex pand the scope of collective bargaining and to extend it struc turally downward to include the level of the individual enter prise. Through employee representation on corporate boards of directors and enlarged rights of works councils, many issues formerly the exclusive prerogative of the employer are becoming subject to joint decision making. As a general rule, the new rights are being obtained almost entirely through legislation rather than collective agreements. They include, among others, a right to information about vital affairs of the enterprise which management is obliged to provide to employee representatives. Since the scope of col lective bargaining in the United States has always been wider than in Western Europe and the individual enter prise is central to the North American bargaining structure, it is not readily apparent how worker pa...