Showing papers on "International political economy published in 1969"

The New Revolution in Political Science

Abstract: A new revolution is under way in American political science. The last revolution—behavioralism—has scarcely been completed before it has been overtaken by the increasing social and political crises of our time. The weight of these crises is being felt within our discipline in the form of a new conflict in the throes of which we now find ourselves. This new and latest challenge is directed against a developing behavioral orthodoxy. This challenge I shall call the post-behavioral revolution.The initial impulse of this revolution is just being felt. Its battle cries are relevance and action. Its objects of criticism are the disciplines, the professions, and the universities. It is still too young to be described definitively. Yet we cannot treat it as a passing phenomenon, as a kind of accident of history that will somehow fade away and leave us very much as we were before. Rather it appears to be a specific and important episode in the history of our discipline, if not in all of the social sciences. It behooves us to examine this revolution closely for its possible place in the continuing evolution of political science. Does it represent a threat to the discipline, one that will divert us from our long history in the search for reliable understanding of politics? Or is it just one more change that will enhance our capacity to find such knowledge?

The Political Economy of Change

Abstract: Ilchman and Uphoff believe that political science has failed in the past to meet its own standards of rigor and cogency and does not meet standards of usefulness and relevance set by others. The Political Economy of Change attempts to remedy these shortcomings by expanding the limits of social science analysis to deal with problems of allocation and productivity in all spheres of public choice, not just the economic sphere.

The political economy of alienation: karl marx and adam smith 1

Abstract: KARL Marx's philosophical and sociological critique of capitalism centred upon alleged deleterious effects of the market economy upon the worker's inner life as distinct from his 'economic' well-being. The development of private property capitalism and the division of labour caused workers to become degraded or dehumanized, and to reach a state of affairs which is summarized under his oft-used term 'alienation' ('Entfremdung'). Although this concept, which is now the subject of a voluminous sociological, philosophical, psychological, and political literature, has clear Hegelian/ Marxian roots there are important traces of it in earlier writers. It still comes as a surprise to many people when they learn that the first writer to make use of the idea in Britain was Adam Smith. Meanwhile, among those who have for a long time known about Smith's views on 'alienation', there are several scholars who are now confidently drawing from them conclusions to the effect that the Wealth of Nations was an important precursor of Marxist socialism.2 The purpose of the present paper is to draw attention to several misunderstandings in popular beliefs concerning the 'similarity' between the Marxian and Smithian treatment of 'alienation'. A secondary purpose is to reapply the discipline of political economy to a subject which in the twentieth century seems to have become the exclusive province of the other social sciences. In comparing Smith's treatment of 'alienation' with that of Marx we shall not confine ourselves to one source of writing from each author but draw widely from their total works. The first part of the paper

The Cultural Revolution and the Chinese Political System

Abstract: One of the most extraordinary and puzzling events of the twentieth century is surely the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution in China. This most profound crisis in the history of the Peking regime provides us with the best available opportunity to study the Chinese political system. For it is during a crisis that the nature, the strength, and the vulnerabilities of a political system fully reveal themselves. Further-more, we can attempt not only to note the unique features of this extraordinary event, and of Chinese politics itself, but also to see whether the seemingly unique Chinese experience does not reveal some universal dilemma of the human condition and fundamental problems of the socio-political order in a magnified and easily recognizable form. It is my belief that the Chinese political system prior to the Cultural Revolution is one of the purest forms found in human experience of a type of association in which there is a clear-cut separation between the elite and the masses. If one follows Ralf Dahrendorf in asserting that in every social organization there is a differential distribution of power and authority, a division involving domination and subjection, the Chinese political system can be taken as one of the polar examples of all social organizations, showing clearly their possibilities and limitations, their problems and dilemmas. From this perspective, the Maoist vision as it has revealed itself in its extreme form during the early phases of the Cultural Revolution can be considered a critique of this type of political organization.

A History of American Political Theories

Abstract: A History of American Political Theories is a comprehensive attempt to understand the full sweep of American political thought since the founding. Working within the liberal-progressive tradition, Merriam reviewed American political history in its entirety, from the founding down to his own day. He was not out to reduce political thought to a single element such as economics alone; his aim was to encompass the whole of modern social science.The political science of the liberal-progressive tradition has roots and assumptions that were born in this period and nurtured by scholars such as Merriam. The progressive tradition in general and Merriam in particular interpreted the rise of a new science of politics that would be required for the liberal-progressive world view he represented. His work stands at a momentous fork in the road; two great traditions of how American democracy should be understood, interpreted, and analyzed parted company and afterward each went their separate ways. These traditions are represented, respectively, by the founders and the liberal-progressives. There was much at stake in these academic debates, though the consequences were not entirely foreseen at the time.An overview of the authors, works, and general source material covered in History of American Political Theories is impressive. Merriam viewed the study of American democracy as an eclectic activity embracing the broadest definition of the social sciences, with particular emphasis on psychology. Such a transformation required that the social sciences be grouped as a whole rather than fragmented into separate and distinct academic departments.

The Political Economy of Broadcasting in the 1920's

Abstract: A CCORDING to historians of broadcasting in the United States, there occurred in the 1920's a period of cutthroat competition, so chaotic as to greatly retard the development of the industry, and at fault was private enterprise.' Chaos there certainly was. But R. H. Coase has argued that the private property exchange system was never given a fair trial in the broadcasting industry.2 This paper further develops the story of this period, by presenting and assessing evidence not before available.3 This development emphasizes the economic implications of the laws and regulations, and successive modifications of them in consequence of the regulatory policies pursued by the responsible agencies. It is an application of economic theory to the story of the American response to the emergence of scarcity of radio frequencies and of the first hesitant steps taken toward an allocative mechanism.

International business and political geography

Abstract: Attempts to define some of the problems arising from the development of international business within the constraints of political geography, does this by using evidence from published research and informed opinion. Looks at the growth of international business, its effect on national economies, plus possible erosion of national sovereignty. Discusses how policies of international business and national governments, in a number of fields, conflict. States, although political boundaries and the existence of nation‐states are to some extent outdated by modern technology and from obstacles to trade and development, there may be serious disadvantages in reducing political constraints to enable the multinationals to operate more freely. Finalises that international regulation in some form of the multinational is essential to enable operations to be reconciled and co‐ordinated nationally.

A value-oriented framework for education and the behavioral sciences

Abstract: The valuing process characterizes man's conscious or unconscious striving in both personal and institutional contexts. Education helps learners to clarify, analyze, and modify their valuing processes. Therapy unifies value thinking with expressions of feeling in the therapist-client relationship.

Metaphysics, Ethics, and Political Science

Abstract: T IS customary to describe the development of political science since the Second World War as a step toward the creation of an empirical science of politics. Not its empiricism, however, but rather its concern for theory is understood to be the defining characteristic of the new way. The prescientific period was also empirically oriented, but it was naive, unthinking empiricism which treated the acquisition of political knowledge as a matter of collecting political facts as one might collect butterflies. Empiricism became scientific, it is said, only when it became theoretical, when its practitioners realized that before they could collect butterflies they had first to fashion a proper net and devise a scheme for ordering the specimens to be caught. At the heart, then, of what we mean today by the science of politics stands political theory, understood as the self-conscious construction of conceptual systems for ordering reality and of hypotheses to explain the interconnections of the parts of these systems. Beside the scientist as survey researcher and statistician stands the scientist as theorist, as author of approaches, frameworks, and models.' While the new theory is very diverse, most of its authors would probably follow David Truman in accepting Ernest Nagel's statement of the scientist's objective: "To discover and to formulate in general terms the conditions under which events of various sorts occur"; the statement of the conditions constitutes the explanation

A Note on Urban Political Structure, Environment, and Political Integration

Abstract: The data here presented by Professor Hawkins tend to cast doubt on earlier studies which have indicated that urban policies are greatly affected by forms of governmental and political institutions. His conclusion is that, at least when political integration referenda are concerned, the kind of urban area-its ecology and social structure-is more important than its political system. Readers will be aware, as Professor Hawkins is, that his conclusions are not definitive and that much more research needs to be conducted into this question.