Showing papers on "International relations published in 1979"

Political theory and international relations

Abstract: Preface vii Introduction 3 Part One. International Relations as a State of Nature 11 1. The Skepticism of the Realists 15 2. The Hobbesian Situation 27 3. International Relations as a State of Nature 35 4. The Basis of International Morality 50 5. From International Skepticism to the Morality of States 63 Part Two. The Autonomy of States 67 1 . State Autonomy and Individual Liberty 71 2. Nonintervention, Paternalism, and Neutrality 83 3. Self-determination 92 4. Eligibility, Boundaries, and Nationality 105 5. Economic Dependence 116 6. State Autonomy and Domestic Social justice 121 Part Three. International Distributive justice 125 1. Social Cooperation, Boundaries, and the Basis of justice 129 2. Entitlements to Natural Resources 136 3. Interdependence and Global Distributive justice 143 4. Contrasts between International and Domestic Society 154 5. The Rights of States 161 6. Applications to the Nonideal World 169 Conclusion 177 Afterword 185 Works Cited 221 Index 237

Power Analysis and World Politics: New Trends versus Old Tendencies

Abstract: Recent refinements in social science thinking about power could be used to revitalize this approach to understanding international relations The relevance of scholarly work on the causal concept of power is explored with regard to the following topics: potential vs actual power, interdependence, military power, positive sanctions, the zero-sum model of politics, and the distinction between deterrence and compellence The tendency to exaggerate the fungibility of power resources, the propensity to treat military power resources as the1 “ultimate” power base, and the emphasis on conflict and negative sanctions at the expense of cooperation and positive sanctions, are still common in international relations scholarship The most important need is for recognition that the absence of a common denominator of political value in terms of which different scopes of power can be compared is not so much a methodological problem to be solved as it is a real-world constraint to be lived with

American Foreign Policy: Pattern and Process

Abstract: 1. In Search of American Foreign Policy: A Thematic Introduction. 2. Pattern & Process in American Foreign Policy: An Analytical Perspective. 3. Principle, Power, & Pragmatism: The Goals of the American Foreign Policy in Historical Perspective. 4. Instruments of Global Influence: Military Might & Interventionism. 5. Instruments of Global Influence: Covert Activities, Foreign Aid, Sanctions & Public Diplomacy. 6. Principle, Power & Pragmatism in the Twenty-First Century: The International Political System in Transition. 7. World Political Economy in Transition: Opportunities & Constraints in a Globalizing World Political Economy. 8. Americans" Values, Beliefs & Preferences: Political Culture & Public Opinion in Foreign Policy. 9. The Transmission of Values, Beliefs & Preferences: Interest Groups, Mass Media & Presidential Elections. 10. Presidential Preeminence in Foreign Policy Making. 11. The Foreign Policy Bureaucracy and Foreign Policy Making. 12. Congress and Foreign Policy Making. 13. The Process of Decision Making: Roles, Rationality, & the Impact of Bureaucratic Organizations. 14. Leader Characteristics and Foreign Policy Performance. 15. Beyond Bush: The Future of American Foreign Policy.

The political consequences of the product cycle: industrial history and political outcomes

Abstract: What explains the continuing stagnation in the industrial economies of the West? What will be the impact of such stagnation upon domestic politics and upon international relations? Are there domestic and foreign policies which the state can undertake to bring about a return to sustained economic prosperity and a recapitulation of that lost golden age of 1948–1973? These are now the central questions for scholars in the emerging field of international political economy. A recent special issue of International Organization, edited by Peter Katzenstein, has presented some of the most useful and sophisticated approaches to these questions and analyses of the international political economy of the West during the period of the last thirty years.

Economic Sanctions as a Policy Instrument

Abstract: E CONOMIC sanctions are economic measures directed to political objectives. They are normally supplemented by other measures, such as the severance or restriction of diplomatic and cultural ties; but unless otherwise stated the use of the term ' sanctions ' in this paper refers only to economic sanctions. Sanctions are sometimes employed in addition to force, but here we are primarily considering situations short of war. Not that the distinction is always easy to draw-many Arab states have, for example, imposed sanctions against Israel, but they see these sanctions as the economic dimension of a wider war effort. Indeed, the relationship between sanctions and the use of force is fraught with ambiguity. Whilst some advocates of sanctions see them as an alternative to force, there is a contrary view that sanctions can only be effective when force is available and ready to be used if required. This ambiguity has naturally led sometimes to confusion: for example, when the League of Nations was preparing in 1935 to impose sanctions against Italy some members were opposed to blocking the Suez Canal or cutting communications with Italy because the League was ' a great instrument of peace '. In contrast others believed that ' collective security '-the prevailing doctrine of the day-could only be ensured if force were available. This ambiguity, or double thinking, was exemplified in the case of Stanley Baldwin, the British Prime Minister of the time. According to Winston Churchill, Baldwin felt ' that Sanctions meant war; secondly he was resolved there must be no war; and thirdly, he decided upon Sanctions '. Some of those who oppose the use of force argue from the importance of moral factors in international relations, emphasising collective action to sustain prevailing international norms. Woodrow Wilson expounded this idea in Paris in December 1918 when he spoke of 'the organized moral force of man' working throughout the world so that 'whenever and wherever wrong -and aggression are planned or contemplated, this searching light of conscience will be turned upon them, and men everywhere will ask, " what are the purposes that you hold in your heart against the fortunes of the world?" Just a little

Influence Strategies, Success, and War

Abstract: This article studies the effectiveness of influence strategies in serious dyadic disputes. Influence strategies are classified according to four types: bullying, reciprocating, appeasing, and trial-and-error. The study employs events data from twenty serious disputes occurring in the twentieth century. The findings support the central hypothesis that a reciprocating strategy is the most effective means of avoiding a diplomatic defeat without going to war, especially when it is employed against a bullying opponent. A closer look at the individual cases suggests that this is related to the face-saving properties of this approach, as well as the universal norm of reciprocity in international affairs.

Bounded morality: justice and the state in world politics

Abstract: Surveying the tradition of international political theory, Martin Wight commented that it is marked "not only by paucity but also by intellectual and moral poverty."'I That judgment is an exaggeration, but only slightly so. The few works of real philosophical interest about international relations (e.g., Kant's Perpetual Peace, some essays and fragments of Rousseau) stand out in a tradition that alternates between the scholastic and the utopian. Until recently, Wight's judgment might have been passed with equal validity on contemporary philosophical thought about international relations. Certainly the attention that moral and political philosophers have paid to international problems is a minute fraction of that paid to domestic ones. In the past ten years, however, there has been a growth of interest in philosophical problems of international relations, and a literature of generally high quality has begun to appear. 2

China, the United Nations, and world order

Abstract: China's role in the United Nations has been a significant one. Yet, Samuel Kim contends, as far as the literature on Chinese foreign policy is concerned, the People's Republic of China still remains outside the heuristic framework of the global community. In a comprehensive macro-analysis of Chinese global politics, Professor Kim probes China's image and strategy of world order as manifested through its behavior in the UN. The author draws upon a wide range of previously untapped primary sources, including China's policy pronouncements and voting record and over a hundred personal interviews with UN delegates and international civil servants. He finds that Chinese participation has made the United Nations not only more representative but also more relevant as the global political institution responding to the challenge of establishing a more humane and just world order.Originally published in 1979.The Princeton Legacy Library uses the latest print-on-demand technology to again make available previously out-of-print books from the distinguished backlist of Princeton University Press. These paperback editions preserve the original texts of these important books while presenting them in durable paperback editions. The goal of the Princeton Legacy Library is to vastly increase access to the rich scholarly heritage found in the thousands of books published by Princeton University Press since its founding in 1905.

Pollution, Politics, and International Law: Tankers at Sea

Abstract: The authors have approached their subject from the standpoint of observers of the whole process of contemporary international relations practice rather than theory. They have set their whole subject in a historical background. They have observed and taken into consideration the contemporary phenomenon in which the agents in any set of international political processes include a whole series of agents undreamt of in standard international relations theory, ranging from international political organizations to non-governmental organizations, ranging from national interest groups through multinational industrial, commercial and financial, corporations to transnational organizations representing these industrial, commercial or financial interests. They have recognized too that in most cases the individual states are far from the unitary actors they are represented as being, usually thought of and, via their public relations and policy spokesmen, would have the rest of the world believe them to be. The argument that these two authors put forward is subtle and grounded on a great deal of original research. They point out how government standpoints on general issues can change drastically with changing estimates of their own short-term interests as they perceive them and as they are impressed on them by interests and interest groups to whose pressures andmore » arguments they are at different times either vulnerable or sympathetic.« less

The world system and world trade: an empirical exploration of conceptual conflicts; the influence of the religious factor on civil and sacred tolerance, 1958-1971; international trade and domestic development in the world system

Abstract: Within the growing number of analysts who employ the world system perspective on national development, theoretical disagreements have evolved which may only be settled by examination of available d...

China's Vietnam War and its Consequences

Abstract: The Sino-Vietnam War of February–March 1979 marked the culmination of months of strained relations between the two neighbouring communist states. (This article explores Chinese foreign policy as it evolved before, during and after the conflict) My underlying thesis is that China's original goals were both political and military, relating to the definition and strengthening of China's role in regional (e.g. Indo-Chinese and South-east Asian) international politics, as well as China's perceived role in the global relationship between the Soviet Union and the United States. Because the conflict's military goals were not fully attained, the political goals were also not met, affecting not only the relationship between various Chinese leadership factions and their views about China's economic development plans, but also the importance of military modernization costs as part of the “four modernizations” and even China's alignment vis-a-vis the Soviet Union and the United States. I shall first describe the prelude to the war.

International Trade and Investment Sanctions Potential Impact on the South African Economy

Abstract: The purpose of this paper is to clarify the theory of international economic sanctions and to provide estimates of the short-run economic impact on South Africa of externally imposed reductions of ...

Vietnam, Consensus, and the Belief Systems of American Leaders

Abstract: Based on a sample of 2,282 leaders in all walks of American life, this study probes the impact of U.S. involvement in Vietnam on the perceptions, convictions, and belief systems of those who occupy high positions of leadership. The findings clearly indicate that the post-World War II consensus on U.S. foreign policy has been shattered; that the Vietnam experience was a critical sequence of events in this respect; and that differing, largely mutually exclusive belief systems have emerged among the nation's leaders. The competing conceptions of international politics were found to be so coherent and integrated that they are unlikely to change soon or casually. Barring another traumatic event on the order of Pearl Harbor or Vietnam, the prospects for an early emergence of a new foreign policy consensus in the United States thus seem slim, and beyond the capacity of any political figure or group to fashion.

Natural law and international relations

Abstract: There can be no enterprise more important to the student of International Relations than to understand the bearing on his subject of the tradition that asserts the existence of natural law. Natural law played a vital historical role in the emergence of the European states-system: in the period during which the positive law of Christendom was ceasing to command attention, but that of modern international society had not yet taken shape, the idea that princes and peoples were bound by rules in their relations with one another rested substantially, even if by no means exclusively, upon natural law doctrine. The natural law tradition is also central to the critical investigation of normative issues in world politics: for any inquiry into e.g. the justification of force, the obligation of treaties, the rights of sovereignty or the legitimacy of intervention, it provides a rich source of argument.

Thomas Hobbes and the external relations of states

Abstract: Hobbes' conception of relations between states has attracted attention from two directions. Students of political theory who have focused on Hobbes have from time to time looked beyond their central preoccupations and noted briefly the relevance of his doctrine for the international arena. The external relations of Leviathan are for them on the fringe of Hobbes' theory. Students of international relations on the other hand invoke Hobbes' name frequently as a kind of shorthand for a particular approach to the international world, one that is also associated with Machiavelli, and usually called the ‘realist’ approach. By contrast with the political theorists, they tend to look from the outside into Hobbes’ theory and to ask whether and how far the ‘domestic’ situation of individuals in a Hobbesian state of nature bears an analogy with the ‘external’ situation of states in relationship to one another.

Bargaining in international conflicts

Abstract: Much has been written on how masculinity shapes international relations, but little feminist scholarship has focused on how international relations shape masculinity. Charlotte Hooper draws from feminist theory to provide an account of the relationship between masculinity and power. She explores how the theory and practice of international relations produces and sustains masculine identities and masculine rivalries.This volume asserts that international politics shapes multiple masculinities rather than one static masculinity, positing an interplay between a "hegemonic masculinity" (associated with elite, western male power) and other subordinated, feminized masculinities (typically associated with poor men, nonwestern men, men of color, and/or gay men). Employing feminist analyses to confront gender-biased stereotyping in various fields of international political theory -- including academic scholarship, journals, and popular literature like "The Economist" -- Hooper reconstructs the nexus of international relations and gender politics during this age of globalization.

The Hidden Agenda

Abstract: “Should the hidden agenda become the overt agenda, and defense communications become a major issue, then WARC could assume high diplomatic and policy significance.”

The War in the Ogaden: Implications for Siyaad's Rôle in Somali History

Abstract: At the turn of the century, Sayid Maxamad Cabdille Xasan led a 21-year battle against foreign colonialists in the Somali lands. Then British aircraft mercilessly bombarded his main fort at Talex in 1920, and he died a few months later, his military forces in utter disarray. The Sayid, as he is known, is none the less considered the father of modern Somali nationalism. Military defeat did not spoil the lustre of this hero's feats.