Showing papers on "Politics published in 1968"

Political Order in Changing Societies

Abstract: This now-classic examination of the development of viable political institutions in emerging nations is a major and enduring contribution to modern political analysis. In a new Foreword, Francis Fukuyama assesses Huntington's achievement, examining the context of the book's original publication as well as its lasting importance. "This pioneering volume, examining as it does the relation between development and stability, is an interesting and exciting addition to the literature."--American Political Science Review "'Must' reading for all those interested in comparative politics or in the study of development."--Dankwart A. Rustow, Journal of International Affairs

The policy-making process

Abstract: I. INTRODUCTION. 1. Challenges Facing Policy Making. 2. The Limits of Analysis. 3. Incrementalism and the Intelligence of Democracy. II. CONVENTIONAL GOVERNMENT AND POLITICS. 4. The Imprecision of Voting. 5. Elected Functionaries. 6. Bureaucracy. 7. Interest Groups in Policy Making. III. BROADER INFLUENCES ON POLICY MAKING. 8. The Privileged Position of Business. 9. Political Inequality. 10. Impaired Inquiry. IV. IMPROVING POLICY MAKING. 11. Making the Most of Analysis. 12. More Democracy?

Protest as a Political Resource

Abstract: The frequent resort to protest activity by relatively powerless groups in recent American politics suggests that protest represents an important aspect of minority group and low income group politics. At the same time that Negro civil rights strategists have recognized the problem of using protest as a meaningful political instrument, groups associated with the “war on poverty” have increasingly received publicity for protest activity. Saul Alinsky's Industrial Areas Foundation, for example, continues to receive invitations to help organize low income communities because of its ability to mobilize poor people around the tactic of protest. The riots which dominated urban affairs in the summer of 1967 appear not to have diminished the dependence of some groups on protest as a mode of political activity.This article provides a theoretical perspective on protest activity as a political resource. The discussion is concentrated on the limitations inherent in protest which occur because of the need of protest leaders to appeal to four constituencies at the same time. As the concept of protest is developed here, it will be argued that protest leaders must nurture and sustain an organization comprised of people with whom they may or may not share common values. They must articulate goals and choose strategies so as to maximize their public exposure through communications media. They must maximize the impact of third parties in the political conflict. Finally, they must try to maximize chances of success among those capable of granting goals.

The Institutionalization of the U.S. House of Representatives

Abstract: Most people who study politics are in general agreement, it seems to me, on at least two propositions. First, we agree that for a political system to be viable, for it to succeed in performing tasks of authoritative resource allocation, problem solving, conflict settlement, and so on, in behalf of a population of any substantial size, it must be institutionalized. That is to say, organizations must be created and sustained that are specialized to political activity.1 Otherwise, the political system is likely to be unstable, weak, and incapable of servicing the demands or protecting the interests of its constituent groups. Secondly, it is generally agreed that for a political system to be in some sense free and democratic, means must be found for institutionalizing representativeness with all the diversity that this implies, and for legitimizing yet at the same time containing political opposition within the system.2 Our growing interest in both of these propositions, and in the problems to which they point, can begin to suggest the importance of studying one of the very few extant examples of a highly specialized political institution which over the long run has succeeded in representing a large number of diverse constituents, and in legitimizing, expressing, and containing political opposition within a complex political system—namely, the U.S. House of Representatives. The focus of my attention here will be first of all descriptive, drawing together disparate strands—some of which already exist in the literature3—in an attempt to show in what sense we may regard the House as an institutionalized organ of government. Not all the necessary work has been done on this rather difficult descriptive problem, as I shall indicate. Secondly, I shall offer a number of speculative observations about causes, consequences, and possible lessons to be draw from the institutionalization of the House.

Ambition and politics : political careers in the United States

Abstract: For decades scholars have studied career patterns of elected officials, and, in a good many instances, after reading the results one admits the findings are interesting but is tempted to ask, "So what?" Too often there is little effort to show the significance of the evidence. But suppose someone were to collect biographical information on all holders of the office of governor and United States senator over a fifty-year period and then subject these data to intensive and imaginative analysis. Would that offer us any insights? Professor Schlesinger has done exactly that and the answer is definitely affirmative. Not only are the data collected in incredible volume, but almost every question that could be asked has been, and along the way some significant theory about American politics is derived. It is a book not easy to read, but well worth rereading. What are some of those insights? In the first place, he demonstrates that the degree of party competition in states is not as decisive a determining factor for career patterns as one might assume. The character of party organization and the constitutional structure and history of a state seem to be more decisive. Regional patterns are shown for the typical initial elective office and for the last office held before attaining senatorial or gubernatorial position. One can at least speculate about the place of the legislature in state politics by noting whether that institution is commonly among the stepping-stones to higher office in a state (it is a common stepping-stone in the South and in New England). He demonstrates variations in career patterns that apparently follow from party organizational differences, observing that the stronger the central party's control the less likely a regular order of succession will be observed. In short, Schlesinger provides an interesting corroboration of observations made by V. 0. Key and others about the impact of the party primary. The primary has had the effect of taking control over nominations out of the hands of party leaders and placing it in the hands of officeholders who use incumbency as a means to self-promotion. Perhaps the most interesting chapter is the one which develops theoretical points. The usual theory of two-party competition says that both parties will seek median ground in order to compete effectively.

Uniting Of Europe: Political, Social, and Economic Forces, 1950-1957

Abstract: This work uses the European Coal and Steel Community (ECSC) as a case study of the community formation processes that occur across traditional national and state boundaries. Haas points to the ECSC as an example of an organization with the "power to redirect the loyalties and expectations of political actors." Haas contends that, based on his observations of the actual integration process, the idea of a "united Europe" took root in the years immediately following World War II. His careful and rigorous analysis tracks the development of the ECSC, including, in his 1968 preface, a discussion of the eventual loss of the individual identity of the ECSC through its absorption into the new European Community. Featuring a new introduction by Haas analyzing the impact of his book over time, as well as an updated bibliography, "The Uniting of Europe" is a aimed at political scientists and historians of modern and contemporary Europe.

Measures of political attitudes

Abstract: J.P. Robinson, P.R. Shaver, and L.S. Wrightsman, Scale Selection and Evaluation. J.A. Krosnick, Maximizing Questionnaire Quality. K. Knight, Liberalism and Conservatism. S. Feldman, Economic Values and Inequality. S.E. Finkel, L. Sigelman, and S. Humphries, Democratic Values and Political Tolerance. M. Biernat and C.S. Crandall, Racial Attitudes. M.J. Reef and D. Knoke, Political Alienation and Efficacy. J. Citrin and C. Muste, Trust in Government. J. Hurwitz and M. Peffley, International Attitudes. V. Price, Political Information. J.M. Shanks, Political Agendas. H.F. Weisberg, Political Partisanship. H.E. Brady, Political Participation.

Political Socialization and the High School Civics Curriculum in the United States

Abstract: Attempts to map the political development of individuals inevitably become involved with the relative contribution of different socialization agencies throughout the life cycle. Research has focused to a large extent on the family and to a much lesser degree on other agents such as the educational system. At the secondary school level very little has been done to examine systematically the selected aspects of the total school environment. To gain some insight into the role of the formal school environment, this paper will explore the relationship between the civics curriculum and political attitudes and behavior in American high schools. A number of studies, recently fortified by data from Gabriel Almond and Sidney's Verba's five-nation study, stress the crucial role played by formal education in the political socialization process. [None of the other variables] compares with the educational variable in the extent to which it seems to determine political attitudes. The uneducated man or the man with limited education is a different political actor from the man who has achieved a high level of education.1 Such conclusions would not have greatly surprised the founders of the American republic, for they stressed the importance of education to the success of democratic and republican government. Starting from its early days the educational system incorporated civic training. Textbooks exposing threats to the new republic were being used in American schools by the 1790's. By 1915, the term “civics” became associated with high school courses which emphasized the study of political institutions and citizenship training.2

The Social and Political Thought of Karl Marx

Abstract: Preface Introduction 1 Hegal's political philosophy reconsidered 2 The proletariat: the universal class 3 Homo faber 4 Alienation and property 5 Praxis and revolution 6 The revolutionary ialectics of capitalist society 7 The French Revolution and the terror: the achievements and limits of political revolution 8 The new society Epilogue Bibliography Index

Patrons, Patronage, and Political Parties

Abstract: What is meant by “patronage”? The term appears with increased frequency in anthropological analysis. Indeed, it has become a major concept in the study of peasant societies, somewhat analogous to the concept of the “big man” in certain kinds of chiefdoms, or “fission and fusion” in lineage-type societies. There is, however, considerable ambiguity in the meaning given to the term. Consider, as examples, the following three excerpts from recent anthropological studies:Patronage is founded on the reciprocal relations between patrons and clients. By patron I mean a person who uses his influence to assist and protect some other person, who then becomes his “client”, and in return provides certain services for his patron… Patronage is thus the complex of relations between those who use their influence, social position or some other attribute to assist and protect others, and those whom they so help and protect.

A Stochastic Model of Social Mobility

Abstract: Ginsburg, Norton. 1961 Atlan of Economic Development. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Huntington, Samuel P. 1965 "Political development and political decay." World Politics 17 (April) :386-430. Lerner, Daniel. 1958 The Passing of Traditional Society. Glencoe: The Free Press. Lenski, Gerhard E. 1966 Power and Privilege: A Theory of Social Stratification. New York: McGraw-Hill. Lipset, Seymour Martin. 1960 Political Man. Garden City, N.Y.: Doubleday and Co. Marsh, Robert M. and William L. Parish. 1965 "Modernization and communism: a re-test of Lipset's hypotheses." American Sociological Review 30 (December) :934-942. von der Mehden, Fred R. 1964 Politics of the Developing Nations. Englewood Cliffs, N.J.: Prentice-Hall. Nettl, J. P. 1967 Political Mobilization. New York: Basic Books. Pye, Lucian W. (ed.). 1963 Communications and Political Development. Princeton: Princeton University Press. Riggs, Fred W. n.d. "The comparison of whole political systems." University of Minnesota Center for Comparative Political Analysis, mimeographed. Rostow, W. W. 1960 The Stages of Economic Growth. London: Cambridge University Press. Russett, Bruce M., et al. 1964 World Handbook of Political and Social Indicators. New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press. Sawyer, Jack. 1967 "Dimensions of nations: size, wealth, and politics." The American Journal of Sociology 73 (September) :145-172. de Schweinitz, Karl, Jr. 1964 Industrialization and Democracy. New York: The Free Press. Shannon, Lyle W. 1958 "Is level of development related to capacity for self-government?" American Journal of Economics and Sociology 17 (July): 367-382. 1959 "Socio-economnic development and political status." Social Problems 7 (Fall):157-169. Simpson, Dick. 1964 "The congruence of political, social, and economic aspects of development." International Development Review 6 (June): 21-25.

The Spirit of Chinese Politics

Abstract: Preface to the New Edition The Authority Crisis in Modernization The Comforts of Hierarchy and Ideology Politics without Modern Men The Millstone of Greatness The Discovery of Hate Authority, Self Discipline, and Order Broken Fathers and the Bitter Search for New Authorities Willpower and Morality: The Dynamics of Action Organizational Behavior and the Martial Spirit The Dynamics of Chinese Politics Erratic State, Frustrated Society Index

Psychological Factors in Civil Violence

Abstract: Until recently many political scientists tended to regard violent civil conflict as a disfigurement of the body politic, neither a significant nor a proper topic for their empirical inquiries. The attitude was in part our legacy from Thomas Hobbes's contention that violence is the negation of political order, a subject fit less for study than for admonition. Moreover, neither the legalistic nor the institutional approaches that dominated traditional political science could provide much insight into group action that was regarded by definition as illegal and the antithesis of institutionalized political life.

The Autobiography of W. E. B. Du Bois : A Soliloquy on Viewing My Life from the Last Decade of Its First Century

Abstract: W. E. B. Du Bois was a public intellectual, sociologist, and activist on behalf of the African American community. He profoundly shaped black political culture in the United States through his founding role in the NAACP, as well as internationally through the Pan-African movement. Du Bois's sociological and historical research on African-American communities and culture broke ground in many areas, including the history of the post-Civil War Reconstruction period. Du Bois was also a prolific author of novels, autobiographical accounts, innumerable editorials and journalistic pieces, and several works of history. Published posthumously in 1968, The Autobiography of W. E. B. Du Bois is his last and most complete autobiography. Covering his life over almost a century of living in America, it's the closest thing we have to a true autobiography of this important scholar and activist. The book, broken up into three parts, delves into the 90-year-old Du Bois's thoughts on everything from his relationship with sex to his storied association with the NAACP to his political persecution during the Cold War years to his many travels abroad. As Du Bois writes, he takes the reader on a journey to "view my life as frankly and fully as I can." With a series introduction by editor Henry Louis Gates, Jr., and an introduction by Werner Sollors, this edition is essential for anyone interested in African American history.

The Edwardian Turn of Mind

Abstract: The "Edwardian Turn of Mind" brilliantly evokes the cultural temper of an age. The years between the death of Queen Victoria and the outbreak of the First World War witnessed a turbulent and dramatic struggle between the old and the new. Samuel Hynes considers the principal areas of conflict - politics, science, the arts and the relations between men and women - and fills them with a wide-ranging cast of characters: Tories, Liberals and Socialists, artists and reformers, psychoanalysts and psychic researchers, sexologists, suffragettes and censors. His book is a portrait of a tumultuous time - out of which contemporary England was made.

Personal Rulership, Patrimonialism, and Empire-Building in the New States

Abstract: The concrete lessons of recent history have helped us to appreciate the paramount importance of the political preconditions of social and economic development in the new states. The basic problem of political stability must be solved before all others—or everything else may be in vain. For this reason, some of the scholarly attention that used to be focused on social and economic development has shifted to political organization and has given prominence to terms such as “nation-building,” “political culture,” and “democratization.”

Factions and Coalitions in One-Party Japan: An Interpretation Based on the Theory of Games

Abstract: In constitutional form and in practice, the Japanese national government is parliamentary. Authority is centered in the Diet, and power is held by the parties in the Diet. Unlike the pre-war system, for example, the Diet parties really do choose the Prime Ministers. The post-war party system changed fundamentally in 1955, when the non-socialist parties combined and formed the mammoth Liberal-Democratic Party (LDP). Since its formation in 1955, the LDP has always had a safe majority in both Houses of the Diet. But, from its beginning as a union of several political streams to the present, the LDP has been made up of several rather stable factions. These factions are the key actors in the biennial election of the party president, who naturally becomes the Prime Minister. As a general rule, votes in a party presidential election are on straight lines. So a Prime Minister is chosen by a coalition of LDP factions which controls a majority of votes at the party convention. Furthermore, the factions present nominees for Cabinet posts, and Ministers are chosen from among these nominees. Cabinet posts become rewards for the factions which voted for the Prime Minister, inducements to opposing factions to enter the Prime Minister's coalition, and buffers to soften or weaken the opposition of hostile factions. In short, the struggle over top political leadership in Japan—the president and the top officials of the ruling party, the Prime Minister, and other Cabinet members—is waged by the LDP factions. (The struggle over policy, on the other hand, is waged by other actors, within the framework established by the outcome of the factions' struggle over leadership.) And because of the wide range of opinion within the LDP, the outcomes of the factions' struggle over top political leadership are very important for Japan. A switch from an Ishibashi to a Kishi, or from a Kishi to an Ikeda, is certainly as significant as, say, the replacement of a Laniel by a Mendes-France.

The substance of politics

Abstract: This is a well-integrated and comprehensive textbook of political science primarily meant for undergraduate students of Indian universities. The book is critical as well as factual and presents a consistent thesis that the state exists for the benefit of the individual and not the individual for the State. It should be of great help to students, teachers and the general reader who is interested in a well-written and modern introduction to politics.

The growth of the modern West Indies

Abstract: When The Growth of the Modern West Indies appeared in the late 1960s, it was among the first publications to provide a comprehensive view of the British Caribbean, including Bermuda, the Bahamas and the small Leeward and Windward islands. The book covers the crucial inter-war years from the 1920s to the period of the 1960s and provides an in-depth analysis of the forces that contributed to the shaping of West Indian society. Among the most outstanding features of the book is Lewis's use of a wide variety of written sources including recently published monographs, articles in obscure places and an array of newspapers from almost all the islands discussed in the study. However, it was Lewis's extensive travels across the entire region and the insights he gained from interviews and discussions with persons in both high and low places that account for the breath and the depth of his analysis. First published in 1968, The Growth of the Modern West Indies was welcomed as 'being nothing short of brilliant' and in the following three decades, established itself as the standard text for the study of the English-speaking Caribbean. A number of similar book have since appeared, extending the survey of Caribbean post-independence society to the present; however, few have equalled, much less surpassed The Growth of the Modern West Indies in its clever combination of political biography and social history or in the sheer brilliance of Lewis's intellectual and in-depth analysis. Franklin Knight's Introduction to this new edition underscores the continuing relevance and value of this text for students of Caribbean history and for anyone interested in understanding the dynamics of present-day Caribbean societies.

Confucian China and Its Modern Fate: A Trilogy

Abstract: First published in 1965 These volumes analyze modern Chinese history and its inner process, from the pre-western plateau of Confucianism to the communist triumph, in the context of many themes: science, art, philosophy, religion and economic, political, and social change Volume Three includes: Liao P'ing and the Confucian Departure from History The place of Confucius in Communist China Historical, moral and intellectual significance"

Addresses to the German Nation

Abstract: In the winter of 1807, while Berlin was occupied by French troops, the philosopher Johann Gottlieb Fichte presented fourteen public lectures that have long been studied as a major statement of modern nationalism. Yet Fichte's Addresses to the German Nation have also been interpreted by many as a vision of a cosmopolitan alternative to nationalism. This new edition of the Addresses is designed to make Fichte's arguments more accessible to English-speaking readers. The clear, readable, and reliable translation is accompanied by a chronology of the events surrounding Fichte's life, suggestions for further reading, and an index. The groundbreaking introductory essay situates Fichte's theory of the nation state in the history of modern political thought. It provides historians, political theorists, and other students of nationalism with a fresh perspective for considering the interface between cosmopolitanism and republicanism, patriotism and nationalism.

Tradition and Modernity

Abstract: EPOCHS OF MAJOR SOCIAL CHANGE HAVE ALWAYS BEEN A SPURT to intense intellectual effort. The emergence of the new nations and their economic and political modernization constitutes one such epoch in history. The phenomenon has demanded from the student of society new modes of understanding and analysis, has provided him with both a challenge and an opportunity, and has called for new insights and a continuous re-fashioning of conceptual schemes. What is more, the nature of the change in these societies differs in significant respects from the experience of earlier epochs. It is neither the cumulative result of an outburst of creativity that marked the scientific and industrial revolutions in the West, nor a sharp break with the past brought about by a ‘bourgeois’ or ‘proletarian’ revolution, although undoubtedly both of these strands are involved in varying proportions. A deliberate attempt at condensing several centuries into a short span, the occurrence of ‘simultaneous change’ in so many spheres of life, the phenomenon of cultural dualism in so many societies, and the complex interactions caused by the constant closing in of national and international horizons, have led to a situation of continuous flux and readjustment that seems to have neither a beginning, nor possibly an end.