Showing papers on "Politics published in 1976"

Perception and misperception in international politics

Abstract: This study of perception and misperception in foreign policy was a landmark in the application of cognitive psychology to political decision making. The New York Times called it, in an article published nearly ten years after the book's appearance, "the seminal statement of principles underlying political psychology." The perspective established by Jervis remains an important counterpoint to structural explanations of international politics, and from it has developed a large literature on the psychology of leaders and the problems of decision making under conditions of incomplete information, stress, and cognitive bias. Jervis begins by describing the process of perception (for example, how decision makers learn from history) and then explores common forms of misperception (such as overestimating one's influence). Finally, he tests his ideas through a number of important events in international relations from nineteenth- and twentieth-century European history. In a contemporary application of Jervis's ideas, some argue that Saddam Hussein invaded Kuwait in 1990 in part because he misread the signals of American leaders with regard to the independence of Kuwait. Also, leaders of the United States and Iraq in the run-up to the most recent Gulf War might have been operating under cognitive biases that made them value certain kinds of information more than others, whether or not the information was true. Jervis proved that, once a leader believed something, that perception would influence the way the leader perceived all other relevant information.

The City as a Growth Machine: Toward a Political Economy of Place

Abstract: A city and, more generally, any locality, is conceived as the areal expression of the interests of some land-based elite. Such an elite is seen to profit through the increasing intensification of the land use of the area in which its members hold a common interest. An elite competes with other land-based elites in an effort to have growth-inducing resources invested within its own area as opposed to that of another. Governmental authority, at the local and nonlocal levels, is utilized to assist in achieving this growth at the expense of competing localities. Conditions of community life are largely a consequence of the social, econimic, and political forces embodied in this growth machine. The relevance of growth to the interests of various social groups is examined in this context, particularly with reference to the issue of unemployment. Recent social trends in opposition to growth are described and their potential consequences evaluated.

The formation of national states in Western Europe

Abstract: Studies of political development have traditionally focused on emerging countries with the shortest histories and poorest documentary records. This book brings the discussion into a realm where the time span is considerable and the documentation is vast--the formation of national states in western Europe. Through a series of essays on major state-making activities, the authors ask what processes and preconditions brought powerful national states, rather than some other form of political organization, into a dominant position in western Europe. The essays compare the experience of major European states between 1500 and 1900 with respect to war-making, policing, taxation, control of food supply, and recruitment and training of professionals and officials. The aim is to determine how well that experience fits available models of political change, especially ideas of political development.

World Conqueror and World Renouncer: A Study of Buddhism and Polity in Thailand against a Historical Background

Abstract: Part I: 1. Introduction: Reconstructing a Journey 2. From Rajadharma (the King's "Whole Duty") to Dharmaraja (the "Righteous Ruler") 3. The Brahmanical Theory of Society and Kingship 4. The Early Buddhist Conception of World Process, Dharma, and Kingship 5. Asoka Maurya: The Paradigm 6. Thai Kingship and Polity in Historical Perspective 7. The Galactic Polity 8. The Kingdom of Ayutthaya: Design and Process 9. Asokan and Sinhalese Traditions Concerning the Purification of the Sangha 10. The Sangha and the Polity: From Ayutthaya to Bangkok 11. The Nineteenth-Century Achievements of Religion and Sangha Appendix to Chapter 11: The Symbolization of Monarchy in the Nineteenth Century 12. The Sangha Acts of 1902, 1941, and 1963 Part II: 13. The Composition and Distribution of Religious Personnel: What the Figures Say 14. Monkhood as an Avenue of Social Mobility 15. Monastic Careers and Monastic Network Appendix to Chapter 15: Monastic Networks in Christian Europe and Thailand 16. Patronage of the Sangha and the Legitimation of the Polity 17. Reformism and Ideological Transformation Based on Tradition 18. Missionary Monks (Thammathud) and National Development Appendix to Chapter 18: The Monks' Universities 19. The Politics of National Development and the Symbols c Legitimacy 20. Dialectical Tensions, Continuities, Transformations, and the Uses of the Past

Public Affairs Television and the Growth of Political Malaise: The Case of “The Selling of the Pentagon”*

Abstract: Television journalism can produce significant changes in opinions about basic American institutions and may also foster political malaise. Laboratory investigation revealed that the CBS documentary, “The Selling of the Pentagon,” convinced viewers that the military participated more in national politics and misled the public more about Vietnam than these viewers had previously believed. The program also caused a significant decrease in political efficacy among all our groups. This finding led to correlational research to determine if exposure to television news is also associated with lower levels of efficacy.SRC survey data suggest that reliance upon television news programs is associated with feelings of inefficacy and political self-doubt. These data also indicate that reliance upon television news fosters political cynicism and distrust, political instability, and frustration with civil rights. Holding constant the level of education or income of these respondents does not appreciably alter these relationships.In short, the two sets of data imply that the networks helped to create Scammon's Social Issue and that video journalism fostered public support for George Wallace.

The politics of cultural pluralism

Abstract: The difficulties inherent in any political analysis are compounded in the cases of the third world nations by the complexity of their socio-cultural makeup. Western political scientists are often ill-equipped to deal with a fundamental fact of the third world politics - cultural pluralism. The author explores patterns of conflict and integration in a variety of culturally plural societies, and he offers a number of theoretical postulates concerning the nature of such conflict and integration. His approach to the problem is comprehensive both in its scope and in its theoretical aspirations. He applicates his inductively derived general propositions to a number of sattings: Zare, Nigeria, India, Uganda, Tanzania, Indonesia, the Philipins, the Arab world and Latin America.

The mirage of social justice

Abstract: F. A. Hayek mademanyvaluable contributions to the field of economics as well as to the disciplines of philosophy and politics. This volume represents the second of Hayek's comprehensive three-part study of the relations between law and liberty. Here, Hayek expounds his conviction that he continued unexamined pursuit of "social justice" will contribute to the erosion of personal liberties and encourage the advent of totalitarianism."

The Voting Decision: Instrumental and Expressive Aspects

Abstract: O F ALL POSSIBLE POLITICAL ACTIONS the voting decision has received the most attention from behavioral political scientists. Probably we have compiled and analyzed more data on candidate choice and turnout than on any other form of political behavior. Of course, this heavy emphasis comes as no surprise. The voting act is the fundamental political act in a democracy. It is the most widespread political act. Furthermore, on the surface, at least, the voting act would appear to be one of the simplest (and therefore, most understandable) political acts. A heavy scholarly focus on the voting act follows naturally from these considerations. While our data base expands, however, our theoretical superstructure remains far from finished. It is fair to say that political science has relied chiefly on models rooted in the sociological, and later the social-psychological tradition.' These models hold that

Modes of Executive-Legislative Relations: Great Britain, France, and West Germany

Abstract: Political scientists and politicians both talk in terms of "the relations between the executive and the legislature." But in fact it is seldom helpful to speak of "executivelegislative relations" tout court. If we wish to understand the phenomena generally subsumed under this heading, we need to identify and consider separately a number of quite distinct political relationships. Different patterns of such relationships are found in different countries. For example, in Great Britain the most important such relationship, or mode, is that which links the Government with backbench majority-party Members of Parliament. The same relationship is the most important in France. But in West Germany the relations both within and among parties are important, and so is a crossparty mode, operating within Bundestag committees, which has no real equivalent in either of the other countries.

Party Ideology and Popular Politics at the Accession of George III

Abstract: Part I. Introduction: 1. Hanoverian politics and the 1760s 2. Historiography and method Part II. The Reconfiguration of Politics: 3. Whig and tort 4. Opposition and the proprietary parties 5. From Old Corps to Rockinghamite whigs: the emergence of a party 6. Pitt and patriotism: a case study in political argument 7. Ministerial responsibility and the powers of the Crown Part III. An Alternative Structure of Politics: 8. The press in the 1760s Part IV. Focused Radicalism: 9. Personality, propaganda and ritual: Wilkes and the Wilkites 10. American ideology and British radicalism the case for parliamentary reform Part V. Two Political Nations: 11. The politicians, the press and the public 12. The present discontents party ideology and public unrest.

Bread, politics and political economy in the reign of Louis XV

Abstract: Volume One- I The Police of Provisioning- The state and subsistence, the police and the consumer- The notion of police- The structure of police- Police rivalries, Paris versus France- The police from below- II The Regulations and the Regulators- The police view of the grain trade, monopoly, and the just price- The rules of the trade- The application of the rules- The police of provisioning in the eighteenth century- The radical departure- III The Origins of Liberty- Grain liberalism and enlightenment- Physiocracy, agromania, and the "economic years" (1750-70)- The liberty lobby- The government prepares the reforms- Silhouette (1759)- Bertin(1759-63)- Laverdy (1763-68)- Choiseul- Why the government risked liberty- The thesis of circumstances- The thesis of conspiracy- The government and the new political economy- Political economy and the nation- Political economy and the parlements- The thesis of fiscality- The pacte de famine- The royal thesis- IV The Response to Liberalization: Theory and Practice- Early criticism of the liberal system (1763-64)- The Parisian municipality- Joly de Fleury- The state-of-the-nation- The idea of abundance- The parlements and the liberal laws- The storm after the calm (1764-70)- Women rioters- Merchants beware!- The forces of order and disorder collaborate- Police anomie and anger- V Forcing Grain to be Free: The Government Holds the Line- Laverdy and the people- Laverdy and the local police- Laverdy and the "grand" police- The price rise- Encouraging speculation- Laverdy's liberalism- Unexpected disgrace (1768)- VI The Reforms and the Grain Trade- Reform and dearth- Exports- The fruits of liberalization- Domestic grain trade- "Abuses"- Grain fever and new faces- Recruitment- Paris- Meaux- Other registries- The sinister "companies"- VII Paris- Quarantine- Paris and the hinterland- Incipient panic- A "critical" time (1768)- Wallposters and sedition- Misery, crime, and charity- Sartine seeks grain- The Paris police and the liberal ministry- The police and the bakers- Crisis and subsistence innovation- Helping bakers help themselves- VIII The Royal Trump- The beginnings of the Paris grain fund (1750-60)- Malisset- The "famine pact" contract (1765)- Leray de Chaumont and the guarantors,- Corbeil- The company "royalized" (1767)- Rumors and calumnies- The quality of the king's grain and flour- The company attacked from the inside and the outside- Maynon d'Invau, Daure, and the end of the king's grain (1769)- Malisset's resilience- The royal "visa"- Leprevostde Beaumont, hero- Denouncing the famine pact (1768)- Conspiratorial mentality and political consciousness- Leprevost: social critic and political theorist- The liberals and the plot accusations- The critique of royal victualing, 403- Volume Two- IX The government, the parlements, and the battle Over liberty: I- The Paris Parlement and the unfolding crisis (1767)- Rouen's violent turn-about (1767-68)- The letters patent of November 1768- A seance de flagellation: the Assembly of General Police (November 1768)- Vox populi- Louis XV and the Paris Parlement brawl (1769)- The meaning of parlementary opposition- X The government, the parlements, and the battle Over liberty: II- The antiliberal parlements: brittle solidarities- The case of Rouen- The liberal parlements: riposte and counter of Tensive (1768-70)- The Parlement of Dauphine- The Estates of Languedoc- The Parlement of Languedoc- The Parlement of Provence- The rebuttal of the economists- The ministry buoyed- General economic crisis (1770)- XI From Political Economy To Police: The Return to Apprehensive Paternalism- Terray's liberalism- Spring and summer riots (1770)- Eating grass and dying of hunger- The "subsistence of Paris"- The royal arret of July 1770 bans exports- The triumphant revenge of the Paris Parlement (August 1770)- Monopolists beware!- Maupeou and the parlements: the constitutional crisis and the crisis over liberalization (1770-71)- The Brittany affair and liberalization- Terray's grain law (December 1770)- Consumers versus producers- Controlling the "general subsistence"- Savoir equals pouvoir- XII Policing the General Subsistence, 1771-1774- The parlements and Terray's law (1771)- Enforcing the law: moderation and tolerance- A nightmare of chaos- The Midi's Flour War- "The general and literal execution" of the law- The laboureur as villain- Laboureur opulence- Illicit exports- Problems in the south and southwest: Bordeaux- The Parlement of Grenoble- The Parlement of Aix- The Parlement of Toulouse- Antiphysiocracy- Galiani's "bomb" (1770)- The "dangerous sect"- Galiani refuted- The Bagarre- Morellet versus Diderot- Turgot's letters to Terray on the grain trade (1770)- XIII The King's Grain and the Retreat from Liberalization- The king's grain at the end of 1769- Terray's regie: Doumerc and Sorin- 1770: improvisations- Pascaud- The regie (1771-1774),- Planning- The regie's purchases- The regie's public relations- Terray's pledges- Doumerc and Sorin as managers- The regie's agents- Sales and accounts- Guys and Company- Embastille - Guys and the regie- Doumerc-Sorin versus Malisset- The reputation of the king's grain- The famine pact persuasion- Bethmann- The Almanach royal- A new king and a new ministry (1774)- Turgot's crusade against police and paternalism- St-Prest- Turgot proclaims liberty- September 1774- Dismantling the regie- The regie indicted- Flour War- Albert interrogates Doumerc- The fate of Doumerc and Sorin- Terray versus Turgot- Conclusion

The Revealed Preferences of a Government Bureaucracy: Empirical Evidence

Abstract: This paper develops a method for inferring, from the consequences or outcomes of organizational decisions, an implicit choice criterion such that the organization behaves as if it were following this decision rule. The method is quantified for the case of a public bureaucracy facing discrete alternatives, and is applied in a study of the decision rules underlying freeway route selection by the California Division of Highways. The author tests the form of benefit-cost calculus utilized by the bureaucracy, the implicit evaluation of the indirect benefits and costs, and the influence of political factors on routing decisions.

Seneca: A Philosopher in Politics

Abstract: For this Clarendon Paperback, Dr Griffin has written a new Postscript to bring the original book fully up to date. She discusses further important and controversial questions of fact or interpretation in the light of the scholarship of the intervening years and provides additional argument where necessary. The connection between Seneca's prose works and his career as a first-century Roman statesman is problematic. Although he writes in the first person, he tells us little of his external life or of the people and events that formed its setting. Miriam Griffin addresses the problem by first reconstructing Seneca's career using only outside sources and his de Clementia and Apocolocyntosis, whose political purposes are undisputed. In the second part of the book she studies Seneca's treatment of subjects of political significance, including his views on slavery, provincial policy, wealth, and suicide. On the whole, the word of the philosopher is found to illuminate the work of the statesman, but notable exceptions emerge, and the links that are revealed vary from theme to theme and rarely accord with traditional autobiographical interpretations of Seneca's works.

The Republican Mother: Women and the Enlightenment-An American Perspective

Abstract: THE GREAT QUESTIONS OF POLITICAL LIBERTY AND CIVIC FREEDOM, OF THE relationship between law and liberty, the subjects of so many ideological struggles in the eighteenth century, are questions which have no gender. Philosophes habitually indulged in vast generalizations about humanity: Montesquieu contemplated the nature of society, Rousseau formulated a scheme for the revitalized education of children, Lord Kames wrote four volumes on the history of mankind. The broad sweep of their generalizations has permitted the conclusion that they indeed meant to include all people in their observations; if they habitually used the generic "he" two centuries before our own generation began to be discomfited by it, then it is a matter of syntax and usage, and without historical significance. Yet Rousseau permitted himself to wonder whether women were capable of serious reasoning. If the Enlightenment represented, as Peter Gay has remarked, "man's claim to be recognized as an adult, responsible being" who would "take the risk of discovery, exercise the right of unfettered criticism, accept the loneliness of autonomy," it may be worth asking whether it was assumed that women were also to recognize themselves as responsible beings. Is it possible, by definition, for women to be enlightened? The answers to that question have important implications for historians of political thought and for those who seek to write women's intellectual history. We should be skeptical of the generous assumption that the Enlightenment man was generic. Philosophe is a male noun: it describes Kant, Adam Smith, Diderot, Lessing, Franklin, Locke, Rousseau. With the conspicuous exceptions of Catharine Macaulay and Mary Wollstonecraft, women are absent even from the second and third ranks. They hover on the fringes, creating a milieu for discussions in their salons, offering their personal and moral support to male friends and lovers, but making only minor intellectual

Why is there no Socialism in the United States

Abstract: Why is the United States the only advanced capitalist country with no labor party? This question is one of the great enduring puzzles of American political development, and it lies at the heart of a fundamental debate about the nature of American society. Tackling this debate head-on, Robin Archer puts forward a new explanation for why there is no American labor party-an explanation that suggests that much of the conventional wisdom about "American exceptionalism" is untenable. Conventional explanations rely on comparison with Europe. Archer challenges these explanations by comparing the United States with its most similar New World counterpart-Australia. This comparison is particularly revealing, not only because the United States and Australia share many fundamental historical, political, and social characteristics, but also because Australian unions established a labor party in the late nineteenth century, just when American unions, against a common backdrop of industrial defeat and depression, came closest to doing something similar. Archer examines each of the factors that could help explain the American outcome, and his systematic comparison yields unexpected conclusions. He argues that prosperity, democracy, liberalism, and racial hostility often promoted the very changes they are said to have obstructed. And he shows that it was not these characteristics that left the United States without a labor party, but, rather, the powerful impact of repression, religion, and political sectarianism.

The inexpressive male: tragedy or sexual politics?*

Abstract: Balswick and Peek's conceptualization of “male inexpressiveness” is reviewed and critiqued. Where they see such inexpressiveness simply as a deeply socialized temperament trait that poses certain dilemmas for the American style of companionate marriage, an alternative analysis that stresses the origin of male inexpressiveness in the instrumental requisites of the male power role is developed.

Unity Identity Text Self

Abstract: Understanding the receptivity of literature, how one work admits many readers, begins with an analogy: unity is to text as identity is to self. Unity here means the way all a text’s features can be related through one central theme. Identity describes a person’s sameness within different behaviors as variations on one identity theme (Lichtenstein). To find unity or identity, however, the interpreter himself plays a behavioral variation on his identity theme. In interpreting, his identity re-creates itself as he shapes the text to match his characteristic defenses, fantasies, and coherences. Thus, what a poet says about fictional, political, or scientific texts expresses the same identity theme as the poems he writes. To understand reading, criticism, and any knowing or making in symbols, then, we need to let go the Cartesian craving for objectivity and accept the themes in ourselves with which we construe the world—including literary works.

Ways of Seeing: An Essay on the History of Compulsory Schooling.

Abstract: In this essay the author describes the rise of compulsory schooling in the United States and then views this phenomenon through five different explanatory models. The first two are largely political, revealing compulsory schooling as a form of political construction and as an outgrowth of ethnocultural conflict. Noting the rise of educational bureaucracies, the author next offers an organizational interpretation as a third way of viewing compulsory schooling. The last two models are largely economic: one depicts the growth in schooling as an investment in human capital, and the other, using a Marxian approach, shows compulsory schooling to be a means of reproducing the class structure of American society. In conclusion, Professor Tyack observes that alternative ways of seeing not only draw on different kinds of evidence, but also depict different levels of social reality and so aid us in gaining a wider and more accurate perception of the past.

V Was for Victory: Politics and American Culture During World War II

Abstract: A distinguished historian examines the nation s involvement in a war that most americans thought necessary and righteous. He focuses on the home front: how our culture and politics affected the course of the war and how the war in turn affected us. Index."