Showing papers on "Sketch published in 1981"

Mathematical Models: A Sketch for the Philosophy of Mathematics

Abstract: (1981). Mathematical Models: A Sketch for the Philosophy of Mathematics. The American Mathematical Monthly: Vol. 88, No. 7, pp. 462-472.

Scaling techniques in the analysis of environmental cognition data

Abstract: The utility of nonmetric, multidimensional-scaling techniques is demonstrated for the analysis and collection of environmental-cognition data. By comparing the multidimensional-scaling solutions of a real-setting map to scaling solutions for sketch maps and two psychophysical, distance-scaling procedures, we demonstrate that magnitude estimation of actual interpoint distances is comparable in accuracy to sketch maps when produced without constraints, or when subjects are given a specified list of landmarks to include on their maps. Triadic comparisons of actual interpoint distances were less accurate than the three other techniques.

A Grammatical Sketch of Comox

Abstract: Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Kansas, Linguistics, 1981. Data was gathered in two summers of fieldwork, 1970 and 1971, at the Comox Reserve in British Columbia.

Sketch of a verification of Schubert's number 5819539783680 of twisted cubics

Abstract: This sketch is fairly complete. The verification is completely reduced in Sects. 2–3 to proving 4 lemmas. Their proofs are sketched in Sects. 4–7, and the new ideas are emphasized. Also, the enumerative significance of the number is fully treated.

Stockhausen's electronic works; sketches and work‐sheets from 1952–1967

Abstract: The extensive literature on Stockhausen's tape compositions is mainly concerned with finished products and printed scores. This article gives a survey of the extant sketch materials, from the earliest “musique concrete” etudes to Hymnen. In addition to discussion of the composition techniques underlying the various works, the article reproduces fair copies of many of the sketches from which they were realised.

The Changing Geography of Contention in London, 1755-1835: Sketch of a Research Plan

Abstract: which a c t u a l l y have a g r e a t d e a l i n common. I f our t o p i c i s how ord inary people ac ted on t h e i r i n t e r e s t s and grievances, we need a vocabulary which g ives room t o those i n t e r e s t s and grievances. Hence t h e vocabulary of conten t ion and cont e n t i o u s ga ther ings . The second element i s an hypothesis . It i s t h a t a t any given poin t i n t ime a p a r t i c u l a r group of people have a v a i l a b l e t o them only a very l imi t ed number of a l t e r n a t i v e means of a c t i n g on t h e i r i n t e r e s t s and grievances, t h a t each of t hose means tends t o have a well-defined form which i s known t o t h e p o t e n t i a l p a r t i c i p a n t s i n content ious a c t i ons , t h a t i n t h e event of an opportun i t y t o a c t o r a t h r e a t t o i t s i n t e r e s t s any group does a rough matching of i t s a v a i l a b l e means of a c t i o n wi th l i k e l y outcomes and thus chooses whether and how t o a c t , and t h a t t h e events which a u t h o r i t i e s , l abe l " r i o t s , " o r "pro tes t s" and t h e l i k e c h a r a c t e r i s t i c a l l y begin wi th j u s t such well-defined forms of ac t ion . Thus i n t h e middle of t h e e igh teen th century English v i l l a g e r s commonl y knew how.to s t a g e Rough Music, how t o call a l o c a l assembly t o p e t i t i o n t h e king, how t o s e i z e hoarded g ra in and so on through a l i m i t e d number of a l t e r n a t i v e forms o f . a c t i o n , but d id n o t know how t o demonstrate, how t o s t r i k e , o r even how t o hold an e l e c t o r a l r a l l y . A convenient metaphor f o r t h a t s e t of known means of conten t ion i s a r e p e r t o i r e . The e x i s t i n g r e p e r t o i r e of conten t ion , goes t h e hypothesis , s t rong ly l i m i t s t h e involvement of any p a r t i c u l a r group i n t h e content ion of i ts time. It fo l lows t h a t changes i n t h e p reva i l i ng repert o i r e -f o r example, t h e disappearance of one form of a c t i o n o r t h e increas ing a v a i l a b l i l t y of another -have autonomous e f f e c t s on t h e i n t e n s i t y and form of involvement of d i f f e r e n t groups i n content ion . (For f u r t h e r s p e c i f i c a t i o n , , i l l u s t r a t i o n and evidence, s ee Charles T i l l y , "Repertoires of Contention i n America and Br i t a in , " "Collect ive Action i n England and ~ m e r i c a ~ ' "Social Movements and National P o l i t i c s , " and "The Web of Co l l ec t ive Action i n EighteenthCentury Cit ies .") That hypothesis br ings u s back t o t h e main poin t of t h i s r e sea rch . For t h e p reva i l i ng English r e p e r t o i r e of conten t ion changed important ly between 1750 and 1840. The s e t of means of conten t ion which s t i l l p reva i l s ' t h rough most of t h e western world today ( the s t r i k e and t h e demonstration a r e t h e obvious examples) f i r s t came t o prominence i n England during t h a t per iod. London appears t o have played a leading r o l e i n t h e t ransformation of content ion: serving a s t h e s e t t i n g of t h e innovat ive popular p o l i t i c s of John Wilkes and Lord George Gordon, providing t h e models f o r la rge-sca le workers' movements v i a t h e dockers and t h e S p i t a l f i e l d s weavers, and so on. Why and how did t h e s e changes happen? Some l i k e l y p i eces of t h e explanat i o n a r e t h e rise of special-purpose a s s o c i a t i o n s ( inclqding f inns , c lubs , / p a r t i e s and l abo r unions) a s p o l i t i c a l and economic a c t o r s ; t h e c r e a t i o n of a n a t i o n a l e l e c t o r a t e and t h e concomitant growth of e l e c t o r a l p o l i t i c s ; t h e waning of communal groups ( inc luding v i l l a g e s , c r a f t g u i l d s and r e l i g i o u s communities) a s t h e l o c i of shared i n t e r e s t s and t h e v e h i c l e s of c o l l e c t i v e ac t ion ; t h e conc e n t r a t i o n of c a p i t a l and t h e coord ina te i nc rease i n t h e s c a l e of production; t h e growing power 'of t h e n a t i o n a l s t a t e w i th r e spec t t o o t h e r sets of au tho r i t i e s . Another l i k e l y inf luence is t h e a l t e r a t i o n i n t h e i n t e r n a l s t r u c t u r e of < communities, e s p e c i a l l y b i g c i t i e s . The r e s e a r c h descr ibed h e r e focuses on t h a t a l t e r a t i o n , as it worked i t s e l f ou t i n t h e g r e a t c i t y of London from 1755 t o 1835. The po in t i s not t o reduce t h e massive changes i n popular a c t i o n t o e f f e c t s of changing urban s t r u c t u r e . It is , r a t h e r , 1) t o spec i fy wi th what changes i n urban s t r u c t u r e , i f any, t h e s h i f t s i n conten t ion were c l o s e l y c o r r e l a t e d and 2 ) t o begin the c l o s e examination of t h e r e l a t i o n s h i p between t h e two, with the long-run hope of understanding t o what ex t en t t h e changes i n urban s t r u c t u r e shaped t h e changes i n content ion , It seems l i k e l y , f o r example, t h a t t h e increas ing segrega t ion of an e l i t e western s i d e of London, equipped wi th l a r g e parks and promenades, from an increas ingly working-class e a s t e r n s i d e a l s o segregated t h e customary meeting-places of workers from those of t h e well-to-do, and t h a t t h i s r i s i n g segrega t ion a l t e r e d t h e cha rac t e r of meetings and confronta t ions between t h e two groups. A t l e a s t t h a t is one i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of t h e a v a i l a b l e evidence. A s D.A. Reeder says: The migrat ion of t h e a r i s t o c r a c y i n t o t h e western suburbs expla ins i n p a r t why those c i t i z e n s of London i n t e r e s t e d i n e s t a b l i s h i n g a s o c i a l p o s i t i o n chose t o l i v e i n t h e d i s t r i c t s beyond t h e west end of town. By 1831 as many as 20 per cent of all occupied males over 20 living in Paddington and Kensington and 14 percent: of those 1 living in Hammersmith were listed in the census returns as capitalists, merchants, and professional men (Reeder 1968: 255). Speaking of the later eighteenth century, George ~ u d k concludes that " , . . a growing gulf was drawn between the eastern and western districts of London, Where, earlier, citizens had sought their recreations and country retreats almost indiscriminately either east or west, the east was now becoming more and more the sole preserve of the industrious and poor and the west that of the fashionable and rich!!,' (.Rud& 19.71: 102, And John Stevenson has made the link between changing urban form and changing modes of conflict explicit. As of 1840, according to Stevenson, the ..: process of stratification and localization had been reflected in the politics of London over the past hundred years, The City of London, which had once acted as the focus of political action in the capital, was an increasingly specialized part of the whole. The capital-'s fragmentation into a number of distinct political groupings was one of the most important developments during the course of the nineteenth century . , , In the central districts of the capital, there was a trend towards the segregation of occupations and classes, so that the City of London was increasingly given over to offices, warehouses, and shops. Although many of its wealthy citizens retained houses in the !square mile1, others moved to the fashionable parishes of Kensington, Chelsea, and HAmmersmith and to the squares and town houses of the West End , . . As well as the movement 'upwards and outwards', to use Professor Dyos's phrase, there was also a concentration of the poorest 9 --sections of the population in the notorious "ookeries" of east Smithf ield, Moorf ields , and St, Giles (Stevenson 1977 : xxiii) . In one form or another, then, the general idea of increasing class 1 segregation of east from west is a commonplace of on don's urban histbriography, . . --Another change which has attracted less attention was in gathering places. By the 1820 the chief locations for public meetings and for assemblies of special-purpose associations were taverns and coffeehouses; In another of his diatribes against popular politics (this one from 1812), Southey declared that: \ . The weekly epistles of the apostles of sedition are readaloutl in tap-rooms and pot-houses to believing auditors, listening greedily when they are told that their rulers fatten upon the grains extracted from their blood and.sinews; that they are cheated, oppressed, and plundered; that their wives and children are wanting bread, because a corrupt majority in parliament persists in carrying on a war which there was no cause for beginnings, and to which there can be no end in view; that there is neither common sense nor common honesty in government; that the liberty of the press has been destroyed, and they are in fact, living under military law; that they are a flogged nation-, , , . and flogging is only fit for beasts, . , and beasts they are, . . and like beasts they deserve to be treated, if they submit patiently to such wrongs and 'insults; -these.are the topics which are received in the pot-house, and discussed over the loom and the lathe; men already profligate and unprincipled, needy because they are dissolute,. and discontented because they are needy, swallow these things when they are getting drunk, and chew the cud upon them when sober (Southey 1832 [1812]: 120-121). We need not.share Southey's sent+ents to think that drinking-places played a significant part in the contention of the time; in particular, . -the rise of the meeting and the proliferation of public houses surely had some connection. Since broadly similar changes were occurring in many other cities, a careful examination of London's experience will cast light on an .important general transformation -one whose conse