Showing papers on "Social movement published in 1970"

Requirements, problems, and strategies: A theory of persuasion for social movements

Abstract: (1970). Requirements, problems, and strategies: A theory of persuasion for social movements. Quarterly Journal of Speech: Vol. 56, No. 1, pp. 1-11.

Notes on social indicators: Promises and potential

Abstract: Widespread interest in social indicators—indeed, what may be characterized as a new social movement—has developed among both social scientists and policymakers. The concept of social indicators, however, continues to be diffuse and there are exaggerated claims of the utility of indicators. Deficiencies in both conceptualization and method limit the potential of indicators for such tasks as priority setting and program evaluation. Moreover, the development of social accounts, based on the analogy with economic accounts, is fallacious. Redirection in effort and more realistic claims can reduce the possibility of an eventual decline in work on indicators and enhance the value of the movement for both policymakers and social scientists concerned with the analysis and prediction of social change.

Conservation: An Upper-middle Class Social Movement: A Replication

Abstract: (1970). Conservation: An Upper-middle Class Social Movement: A Replication. Journal of Leisure Research: Vol. 2, No. 2, pp. 123-126.

Popular Uprisings and Civil Authority in Eighteenth-Century America

Abstract: T is only natural that the riots and civil turbulence of the past decade J and a half have awakened a new interest in the history of American mobs. It should be emphasized, however, that scholarly attention to the subject has roots independent of contemporary events and founded in long-developing historiographical trends. George Rude's studies of pre-industrial crowds in France and England, E. J. Hobsbawm's discussion of "archaic" social movements, and recent works linking eighteenth-century American thought with English revolutionary tradition have all, in different ways, inspired a new concern among historians with colonial uprisings.1 This discovery of the early American mob promises to have a significant effect upon historical interpretation. Particularly affected are the Revolutionary struggle and the early decades of the new nation, when events often turned upon well-known popular insurrections. * Mrs. Maier is a member of the Department of History, University of Massachusetts. 1 See the following by George Rude: The Crowd in the French Revolution (Oxford, I959); "The London 'Mob' of the Eighteenth Century," The Historical Journal, II (959), i-i8; Wilkes and Liberty: A Social Study of 1763 to 1774 (Oxford, i962); The Crowd in History: A Study of Popular Disturbances in France and England, 1730-i848 (New York, i964). See also E. J. Hobsbawm, Primitive Rebels: Studies in Archaic Forms of Social Movement in the s9th and 20th Centuries (New York, I959), esp. "The City Mob," i08-I25. For recent discussions of the colonial mob see: Bernard Bailyn, Pamphlets of the American Revolution (Cambridge, Mass., i965), I, 58I-584; Jesse Lemisch, "Jack Tar in the Street: Merchant Seamen in the Politics of Revolutionary America," William and Mary Quarterly, 3d Ser., XXV (i968), 371-407; Gordon S. Wood, "A Note on Mobs in the American Revolution," Wm. and Mary Qtly., 3d Ser., XXIII (i966), 635-642, and more recently Wood's Creation of the American Republic, 5776-i787 (Chapel Hill, i969), passim, but esp. 319-328. Wood offers an excellent analysis of the place of mobs and extralegal assemblies in the development of American constitutionalism. Hugh D. Graham and Ted R. Gurr, Violence in America: Historical and Comparative Perspectives (New York, i969) primarily discusses uprisings of the i9th and 20th centuries, but see the chapters by Richard M. Brown, "Historical Patterns of Violence in America," 45-84, and "The American Vigilante Tradition," I54-226.

Sociology of Development

Abstract: Development is not simply an economic fact; it is the aim of social movements, whose objectives and characteristics are determined by the type of underdeveloped or developing society in which they are formed. The diversity of these movements controls the manifold approaches to industrial civilization.

Socialism in America : from the Shakers to the Third International : a documentary history

Abstract: Socialism in America is a thematic presentation of the various types of socialism, such as Communitarian, Christian, Marxist, and Anarcho-Communist, that have existed in the United States from the time of the Revolutionary War to 1919. The documents included demonstrate how socialism wsa an integral part of the American past: because its ideals were embedded in the birth of America, it authentically expressed the American egalitarian norm. The documents demonstrate that each type of socialism has a counterpart in a broadly based contemporary social movement: for example, religious communities were linked to revivalism and millenarianism. Ultimately, the collapse of socialism in America was tied to the country's conservative mood in the 1890s and World War I.

The technocrats 1919-1967 : a case study of conflict and change in a social movement. --

Abstract: The study examines the organizational and ideological changes within the Technocracy movement during the period 1919-1968. An attempt i s made to account for the development within the movement of active reform factors at different points in time. The contrasts and conflicts between the active reform factions and the usually more passive, though ideologically revolutionary main segment of the movement, a r e focussed on and argued to be important determinants of subsequent organizational and ideological changes. Technocracy i s compared with the millennium movements, and the relationship between participants1 conception of their role in terms of effecting change, and their time orientation on the relative imminence of the millennium, i s examined. In this regard it i s argued that a belief in an imminent millennium tends to militate against active efforts on the part of members to "make the revolution1'. It i s argued that Technocracy can only be considered a social movement for approximately half of its history, and the question: When does a movement cease to be a movement? , is dealt with. Technocracy i s described as a small-scale revolutionary movement in a predominantly non-revolutionary social setting. The problems and paradoxes confronting such a movement, and the various ideological and tactical alternatives open to it a r e examined in some detail. The meaning to its members of the organization in its later stages is analyzed, and it i s argued that a number of the psychic attitudes of participants, normally considered to be explanations of such persons1 propensity for initial recruitment into a movement may, in fact, be a consequence of participation rather than a cause of it. Finally, the reasons for the relative lack of internal change and conflict in the movement since 1948 a re examined briefly. n

Social Class and Political Change in Western Industrial Systems

Abstract: The resurgence of ideological conflict and mass protest in Western industrial countries has caught a generation of social scientists by surprise. Prevailing analytical models had presumed that postindustrial technology, with its attendant affluence and social heterogeneity, was progressively reducing the likelihood of violent social and political conflicts. But the experience of recent years in France, Italy, the United States, and elsewhere has not confirmed this. Attempts to understand and explain the revival of political passion in the late 1960s are well under way, but it may be even more important to investigate why this revival was not foreseen. We have, in other words, an opportunity to review the various conceptions of the political implications of industrial society, implications about which there have been much confusion and debate. The confusion has centered around the concept of class and the reciprocal relationships between industrialization and class structure. The debate has been characterized throughout by an intertwining of ideological and scientific argument. It is perhaps natural that it should be so. A subject so broad and politically significant is bound to draw the comment, not merely or even primarily of purely academic observers, but of the politician and ideologist turned scholar, who seeks to justify or obscure his present or past ideological stance. One would look long to find another scientific field where the biography of the scholar has been more relevant to his scientific findings. Hence, no part of the discussion of the relations between industrialization, class, and politics is free from controversy. The concept of class, in particular, is charged with ideological connotations that render difficult any analysis of political events

Tactics of Protest as Media: The Case of the Black Revolution

Abstract: In classifying and defining mass movements, consensus appears to exist among social scientists relative to certain elements for inclusion. Basic to most classification schemes are the following structural and content features of social movements: objectives; ideology and myths; symbols for collective consciousness; role allocation and status differentiation; leadership patterns; and strate gies and tactics. A social movement is typically defined as a widespread and large-scale collectivity, lacking institutionalized status, transcending geographical boundaries, and oriented to sys tem preservation or transformation, i.e., the resistance or promo tion of structural changes. With most definitions emphasis is placed on goals and the configuration of myths justifying objectives. Less attention has been focused on means as the basic elements of a movement's internal structure and external orientations. It is the contention of this paper that strategies and tactics are the most critical ingredients comprising the dimensions of move ments. The major thesis posited is that tactics function as means containing their own message by identifying the total psychic and social character of a mass movement. Support for this assumption is found in the works of anthropologists who have differentiated between form, content, function, and use, and in the recent work of McLuhan (1964; 24) who asserts that: "The medium is the message' because it is the medium that shapes and controls the scale and form of human association and action. The content or uses of media are as diverse as they are ineffectual in shaping the form of human association." It would seem that if McLuhan (1964) is correct, and if strategies and tactics can legitimately be considered media, then it is equally important to study movements from the standpoint of the latter. Following a brief discussion of the nature of strategies and tactics and the feasibility of analyzing

Corporate Groups and Movement Networks in Urban America

Abstract: Black Power, Neo-Pentecostalism and ecology activism are examples of "Movements of Personal Transformation and Revolutionary Change." Each of these movements consists of diverse local groups which interact in a polycephalous and reticulate organization. An examination of the structure and internal dynamics of any single local group, treated as a separate corporate entity, has limitations. In Pentecostalism this approach leads to an unproductive concern with the sect-denomination dichtomy. In Black Power it over-emphasizes disorganization and factionalism. In environmental activism this approach incorrectly treats local groups as but special interest associations. We suggest that such groups be examined as cells within the body of a total social movement. That is, the best strategy for the study of social movements is to examine various local movement groups as interrelated segments within a system of groups. In this context, we shift focus to group interaction, interdependence and function.

Political Systems and the Role of the Military

Abstract: (1970). Political Systems and the Role of the Military. The Sociological Quarterly: Vol. 11, No. 2, pp. 206-218.

The Liberals, Truman, and FDR as Symbol and Myth

Abstract: \kTITH these words, spoken twenty-one months after Franklin D. Roosevelt's death, Fiorello La Guardia eloquently demonstrated a sense of loss and aimlessness which many liberals felt. The liberals, those middleclass reformers often described as "intellectuals," were held together by a body of well-articulated principles-equal opportunity, economic security, racial equality, international economic development, and the support of democratic forces abroad-but their sense of identity, as is the case with any social movement, depended also upon a mythology which gave inner inspiration, provided symbols for outer persuasion, and did much to determine their perceptions of reality. In the years immediately after World War 11, the liberal mythology was built around the memory of Franklin D. Roosevelt and the New Deal. His death left the liberal movement in a state of crisis. His personality had given the liberals unity as well as inspiration; Harry S. Truman could provide neither. Moreover, the ambiguity of FDR's legacy in foreign affairs left no sure guidelines in a chaotic and swiftly changing international situation. What followed was a period of demoralization and division among liberals, which is entirely understandable only if one grasps the importance of the myths and symbols that developed out of the memory of FDR.

Genesis of party in Iran: a case study of the interaction between the political system and political parties

Abstract: Identification and analysls of environmental conditions associated with the emergence and development of political parties in general, and different types of parties in particular, are important to an understanding of the problems and prospects of representative government in emerging nations. This paper presents a study of the genesis and development of political parties, their possible prototypes, and their functional substitutes in Iran.

Political Culture and Political Systems

Abstract: The student of government and politics is interested in structures and institutions in societies with and without the state, but he is also concerned with political attitudes. Attitudes towards authority and obedience, the state and rulers are all part of a political culture that has a direct bearing on how people behave as voters, legislators, civil servants or the ruled.

Comparative Studies of Socialization: A Review Essay

Abstract: THEORY 313 METHODOLOGY 314 STUDIES IN SOCIAL STRUCTuRE Demography and Ecology 315 Community Studies 318 Stratification and Social Mobility .. 319 Institutional Structure Family 321 Education 322 Religion 323 Economy, Occupations ........ ....... 325 Polity 327 Medical and Welfare ......... ........ 329 Ethnic Minority Institutions 332 STUDIES IN SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY Socialization ....... 332 Attitudes and Opinions ..... 333 STUDIES IN SOCIAL PROBLEMS, SOCIAL AND CULTURAL CHANGE Social Conflict ....... 334 Deviant Behavior ...... 338 Crime and Delinquency 339 Social Movements and Collective Behavior. 340 Cultural Change 341 APPLICATIONS OF SOCIOLOGY ...... ........ 343 THE DISCIPLINE Other Places 344 Texts and Readers 346

Utopianism and Social Planning in the Thought of Kagawa Toyohiko

Abstract: S INCE the formulation of the Communist Manifesto by Marx and Engels in I848, European Socialism has been uncomfortably divided into two contending factions, one pejoratively labeled 'utopian', the other more hopefully designated as 'scientific'.1 Mustering all the conviction and certainty the doctrines of nineteenth-century positivism could lend his cause, Marx rather arbitrarily classified the progeny of Fourier, Proudhon, and the Saint-Simonians as romantic dreamers and haughtily dismissed their schemes for communitarian reforms as wholly inconsonant with the structure of that Socialist state abuilding through the ordered workings of the historical dialectic.2 Even today the dispassionate analyst of left-wing social movements finds it difficult to deny the strong element of fantasy and wish fulfilment ineradicably woven into the fabric of Western utopian thought. Yet, side by side with the desire for release from the cares of the mundane world, and the undeniable emotional quality of the reaction to the machine which characterized early nineteenth-century utopian socialist thought, from the first futuristic spatializations of More and Bacon through the technocratic projections of Voltaire and Saint-Simon a suppressed penchant for social planning has interfused the writings of such heralds of a brave, new age. Perhaps, indeed, the expression of a displaced eschatological imagination, this utopian bent for social engineering eventually bore fruit in the cooperative experiments of Robert Owen, the social schemes of William Morris, the prophetic plans for reform of such Christian Socialists as Charles Kingsley and F. D. Maurice, eventually achieving its culmination at the turn of the twentieth century in the more structured blueprintings of the British Fabians and their prodigies, the Anglo-Guild Socialists. While the early writings of the Anglo-Guildsmen exhibit that romanticization of preindustrial communal institutions and commiseration over the disappearance of medieval forms which would justly earn them the 'utopian' label,3 by the eve of World

Conflict and the Functional Equivalence of Social Movements

Abstract: Of any given perspective on social movements, one may ask what is included and what is excluded, how far does the perspec tive go, and where does it stop in tracing out the numerous factors in the dynamics of social movements? The concern for "why individuals join" has often characterized psychological and nomo thetic approaches to social movements, while the primacy of "why this particular movement at this particular time and place" has been more typical of historical and idiographic approaches. While these concerns need not be mutually exclusive, they are usually separated by the preferences of given investigators. And as a consequence, studies of social movements tend to be partial and fragmented, and to reflect the particular researcher's conception of the nature of man and society.