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Showing papers on "Sovereignty published in 2008"



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TL;DR: Sassen as discussed by the authors argues that even while globalization is best understood as "denationalization," it continues to be shaped, channeled, and enabled by institutions and networks originally developed with nations in mind, such as the rule of law and respect for private authority.
Abstract: Where does the nation-state end and globalization begin? In Territory, Authority, Rights , one of the world's leading authorities on globalization shows how the national state made today's global era possible. Saskia Sassen argues that even while globalization is best understood as "denationalization," it continues to be shaped, channeled, and enabled by institutions and networks originally developed with nations in mind, such as the rule of law and respect for private authority. This process of state making produced some of the capabilities enabling the global era. The difference is that these capabilities have become part of new organizing logics: actors other than nation-states deploy them for new purposes. Sassen builds her case by examining how three components of any society in any age--territory, authority, and rights--have changed in themselves and in their interrelationships across three major historical "assemblages": the medieval, the national, and the global. The book consists of three parts. The first, "Assembling the National," traces the emergence of territoriality in the Middle Ages and considers monarchical divinity as a precursor to sovereign secular authority. The second part, "Disassembling the National," analyzes economic, legal, technological, and political conditions and projects that are shaping new organizing logics. The third part, "Assemblages of a Global Digital Age," examines particular intersections of the new digital technologies with territory, authority, and rights. Sweeping in scope, rich in detail, and highly readable, Territory, Authority, Rights is a definitive new statement on globalization that will resonate throughout the social sciences.

836 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
Ann Laura Stoler1
TL;DR: In this article, the emphasis shifts from fixed forms of sovereignty and its denials to gradated forms of sovereignity and what has long marked the technologies of imperial rule: sliding and contested scales of differential rights.
Abstract: In this article, I look at “imperial formations” rather than at empire per se to register the ongoing quality of processes of decimation, displacement, and reclamation. Imperial formations are relations of force, harboring political forms that endure beyond the formal exclusions that legislate against equal opportunity, commensurate dignities, and equal rights. Working with the concept of imperial formation, rather than empire per se, the emphasis shifts from fixed forms of sovereignty and its denials to gradated forms of sovereignty and what has long marked the technologies of imperial rule—sliding and contested scales of differential rights. Imperial formations are defined by racialized relations of allocations and appropriations. Unlike empires, they are processes of becoming, not fixed things. Not least they are states of deferral that mete out promissory notes that are not exceptions to their operation but constitutive of them: imperial guardianship, trusteeships, delayed autonomy, temporary intervention, conditional tutelage, military takeover in the name of humanitarian works, violent intervention in the name of human rights, and security measures in the name of peace.

626 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The authors consider normative and empirical debates over citizenship and bridge an informal divide between European and North American literatures, and identify methodological and theoretical challenges in this field, noting the need for a more dynamic and comprehensive understanding of the inter-relationships between the dimensions of citizenship and immigration.
Abstract: Citizenship encompasses legal status, rights, participation, and belonging. Traditionally anchored in a particular geographic and political community, citizenship evokes notions of national identity, sovereignty, and state control, but these relationships are challenged by the scope and diversity of international migration. This review considers normative and empirical debates over citizenship and bridges an informal divide between European and North American literatures. We focus on citizenship within nation-states by discussing ethnic versus civic citizenship, multiculturalism, and assimilation. Going beyond nation-state boundaries, we also look at transnational, postnational, and dual citizenships. Throughout, we identify methodological and theoretical challenges in this field, noting the need for a more dynamic and comprehensive understanding of the inter-relationships between the dimensions of citizenship and immigration.

566 citations


Book
04 Feb 2008
TL;DR: In this paper, a preliminary definition of the state is given and a discussion of the role of gender in the development of the strategic-relational approach to state power is presented.
Abstract: List of Abbreviations. List of Boxes, Figures and Tables. Acknowledgments. General Introduction. What is the State?. A Preliminary Definition of the State. 'Putting this Book in its Place'. PART I: THEORIZING THE STATE. 1. The Development of the Strategic-Relational Approach. Three Sources of the Strategic-Relational State Approach. The First Phase in the Strategic-Relational Approach. The Second Phase of the Strategic-Relational Approach. The Third Phase of the Strategic-Relational Approach. Interim Strategic-Relational Conclusions. 2. Bringing the State Back in (Yet Again). Introduction. The Marxist Revival and the Strategic-Relational Approach. Strategic-Relational Tendencies in the Second Wave. New Directions of Research. Conclusions. PART II: SOURCES OF THE STRATEGIC-RELATIONAL APPROACH. 3. Marx on Political Representation and the State. What does The Eighteenth Brumaire accomplish?. On Periodization. The Political Stage. The Social Content of Politics. The State Apparatus and Its Trajectory. More on Political Representation. Conclusions. 4. Gramsci on the Geography of State Power. Spatializing the Philosophy of Praxis. Gramsci and the Southern Question. Gramsci on Americanism and Fordism. Gramsci on Territoriality and State Power. Gramsci and International Relations. Conclusions. 5. Poulantzas on the State as a Social Relation. Marxist Theory and Political Strategy. New Methodological Considerations. The State and Political Class Struggle. The Relational Approach and Strategic Selectivity. Re-Reading Poulantzas. Exceptional Elements in the Contemporary State. Periodizing the Class Struggle. The Spatio-Temporal Matrix of the State. Conclusions. 6. Foucault on State, State Formation, and Statecraft. Foucault and the "Crisis of Marxism". Poulantzas and Foucault compared. The Analytics of Power versus State Theory. Foucault as a Genealogist of Statecraft. With Foucault beyond Foucault. Conclusions. PART III APPLYING THE STRATEGIC-RELATIONAL APPROACH. 7. The Gender Selectivities of the State. Analyzing Gender Selectivities. Gender Selectivities in the State. Strategic Selectivity and Strategic Action. Political Representation. The Architecture of the State. Conclusions. 8. Spatiotemporal Dynamics and Temporal Sovereignty. Globalization Defined. Globalization and the Spatial Turn. Some Spatio-Temporal Contradictions of Globalizing Capitalism. The Implications of Globalization for (National) States. Conclusions. 9. Multiscalar Metagovernance in the European Union. State-Centric Perspectives. Governance-Centric Approaches. Changes in Statehood in Advanced Capitalist Societies. The EU as a Schumpeterian Workfare Post-National Regime. The European Union and Multiscalar Metagovernance. Conclusions. 10. Complexity, Contingent Necessity, Semiosis, and the SRA. Complexity and Contingent Necessity. Complexity and the Selection of Selections. Semiosis and Complexity Reduction. Towards a New Strategic-Relational Agenda. Conclusions. Original Sources of Chapters. Bibliography. Name Index. Subject Index

564 citations


Book
20 Nov 2008
TL;DR: In this article, the authors present an overview of the modern mixed regime with respect to the sense of powerlessness and symbols of depoliticization, and the preference for judgement.
Abstract: Preface Introduction Part I. Overseeing Democracy: 1. Vigilance, denunciation, evaluation 2. The overseers 3. The thread of history 4. Legitimacy conflicts Part II. The Sovereignty of Prevention: 5. From the right of resistance to complex sovereignty 6. Self-critical democracies 7. Negative politics Part III. The People as Judge: 8. Historical references 9. Almost legislators 10. The preference for judgement Part IV. Unpolitical Democracy: 11. The sense of powerlessness and symbols of depoliticization 12. The populist temptation 13. Lessons of unpolitical economy 14. Conclusion: the modern mixed regime.

454 citations


Book
10 Sep 2008
TL;DR: The Responsibility to Protect (R2P) principle as discussed by the authors states that the primary responsibility for protecting its own people from mass atrocity crimes lies with the state itself, and that the wider international community has a collective responsibility to take whatever action is necessary.
Abstract: Never again! the world has vowed time and again since the Holocaust. Yet genocide, ethnic cleansing, and other mass atrocity crimes continue to shock our consciences --from the killing fields of Cambodia to the machetes of Rwanda to the agony of Darfur. Gareth Evans has grappled with these issues firsthand. As Australian foreign minister, he was a key broker of the United Nations peace plan for Cambodia. As president of the International Crisis Group, he now works on the prevention and resolution of scores of conflicts and crises worldwide. The primary architect of and leading authority on the Responsibility to Protect (""R2P""), he shows here how this new international norm can once and for all prevent a return to the killing fields. The Responsibility to Protect captures a simple and powerful idea. The primary responsibility for protecting its own people from mass atrocity crimes lies with the state itself. State sovereignty implies responsibility, not a license to kill. But when a state is unwilling or unable to halt or avert such crimes, the wider international community then has a collective responsibility to take whatever action is necessary. R2P emphasizes preventive action above all. That includes assistance for states struggling to contain potential crises and for effective rebuilding after a crisis or conflict to tackle its underlying causes. R2P's primary tools are persuasion and support, not military or other coercion. But sometimes it is right to fight: faced with another Rwanda, the world cannot just stand by. R2P was unanimously adopted by the UN General Assembly at the 2005 World Summit. But many misunderstandings persist about its scope and limits. And much remains to be done to solidify political support and to build institutional capacity. Evans shows, compellingly, how big a break R2P represents from the past, and how, with its acceptance in principle and effective application in practice, the promise of "Never again!" can at last become a reality.

449 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
Arash Abizadeh1
TL;DR: The question of whether a closed border entry policy under the unilateral control of a democratic state is legitimate cannot be settled until we first know to whom the justification of a regime of control is owed as discussed by the authors.
Abstract: The question of whether a closed border entry policy under the unilateral control of a democratic state is legitimate cannot be settled until we first know to whom the justification of a regime of control is owed. According to the state sovereignty view, the control of entry policy, including of movement, immigration, and naturalization, ought to be under the unilateral discretion of the state itself: justification for entry policy is owed solely to members. This position, however, is inconsistent with the democratic theory of popular sovereignty. Anyone accepting the democratic theory of political legitimation domestically is thereby committed to rejecting the unilateral domestic right to control state boundaries. Because the demos of democratic theory is in principle unbounded, the regime of boundary control must be democratically justified to foreigners as well as to citizens, in political institutions in which both foreigners and citizens can participate.

431 citations


BookDOI
01 Jan 2008
TL;DR: The sense of an epoch: Secularization, sovereign futures, and the "Middle Ages" as discussed by the authors is a political Theology of Time: The Venerable Bede and Amitav Ghosh.
Abstract: Introduction PART I. FEUDALISM 1. Sovereign Subjects, Feudal Law, and the Writing of History 2. Feudal Law and Colonial Property PART II. SECULARIZATION 3. The Sense of an Epoch: Secularization, Sovereign Futures, and the "Middle Ages" 4. A Political Theology of Time: The Venerable Bede and Amitav Ghosh Epilogue Notes Works Cited Index Acknowledgments

305 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The notion of "ethical power Europe" as discussed by the authors is a conceptual shift in the EU's role and aspirations from what it is to what it does, from simply representing a 'power of attraction' and a positive role model to proac tively working to change the world in the direction of its vision of the 'global common good'.
Abstract: It is ironic that at a time when the momentum for integration in Europe is at one of its lowest ebbs for a long time following the debacle of the European Constitu tion, the EU is seeking to position itself as a global player with a broad spectrum of civilian and military capabilities?an ambition which touches on the highly sensitive issues of member states' sovereignty and nationhood. The Union of 27 is in search of a new sense of collective purpose and legitimacy and this, it appears, is to be found in foreign and security relations. This external role is articulated in a discourse of universal ethics which defines the EU as a 'power for good' and a 'peacebuilder' in the world. The acquisition of a military capability has gone hand in hand with an emphasis on the EU as a 'force for good', thereby justifying these new power capabilities in European foreign policy. Underpinning this notion of 'ethical power Europe' (EPE) is a conceptual shift in the EU's role and aspirations from what it 'is' to what it 'does': from simply representing a 'power of attraction' and a positive role model to proac tively working to change the world in the direction of its vision of the 'global common good'. In the words of the European Security Strategy, the EU should be more 'capable' and 'responsible' and take on new tasks in the areas of crisis management, peacekeeping, state-building, and reconstructing failing states? complementing the important role it has already played in the fields of develop ment aid and humanitarian assistance.2 According to this discourse, in conceiving

291 citations


Book
01 Jan 2008
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors discuss the history of the 50-percent rule in the state of Hawai'i and its effect on the state's progress in the 20th century.
Abstract: A Note to Readers xi Acknowledgments xiii Introduction: Got Blood? 1 1. Racialized Beneficiaries and Genealogical Descendants 37 2. "Can you wonder that the Hawaiians did not get more?" Historical Context for the Hawaiian Homes Commission Act 67 3. Under the Guise of Hawaiian Rehabilitation 99 4. The Virile, Prolific, and Enterprising: Part-Hawaiians and the Problem with Rehabilitation 121 5. Limiting Hawaiians, Limiting the Bill: Rehabilitation Recoded 145 6. Sovereignty Struggles and the Legacy of the 50-Percent Rule 171 Notes 197 Bibliography 211 Index 229

Book
20 Jul 2008
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors present a political constitutive of the present and discuss the political constitutions of the past, sovereignty and control reconsidered, life and experience, mobility and migration, and precarity.
Abstract: Acknowledgements List of figures Prologue I THE POLITICAL CONSTITUTION OF THE PRESENT 1. Sovereignty and control reconsidered 2. Escape! II A CONTEMPORARY ITINERARY OF ESCAPE 3. Life and experience 4. Mobility and migration 5. Labour and precarity References Index

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: Using the work of Agamben and Foucault, the authors examines how decisions made at the border alienate each and every traveler crossing the frontier, not simply the "sans papiers" or refugees.
Abstract: Borders are a unique political space, in which both sovereignty and citizenship are performed by individuals and sovereigns. Using the work of Agamben and Foucault, this article examines how decisions made at the border alienate each and every traveler crossing the frontier, not simply the ‘sans papiers’ or refugees. The governmentality at play in the border examination relies on an embedded confessionary complex and the ‘neurotic citizen’, as well as structures of identity, documentation, and data management. The state border is a permanent state of exception that clearly demonstrates the importance of biopolitics to the smooth operation of sovereign power.

Book
01 Jan 2008
TL;DR: The history of the United States of America can be traced back to the early 19th century: the birth of Biopolitics and Foucault's Genealogy of Social Medicine as mentioned in this paper.
Abstract: 1. Introduction. Governmentality. Assumptions and Methods. Chapters 2. Liberal Governmentalities. Liberal Governmentalities. The Liberal State: A Genealogy of Early Modernism. Pastoral Power, Biopower and the Liberal Welfare State. Neoliberal Enterprise and Neoconservative Governmentalities. Neoliberal Governmental: Enterprise and Risk. Neoconservative and Christian Pastoral Government. Diffusions 3. Governing the Self-Regulating Market. Markets, Mercantilism and Laissez-Faire Government. Markets, Mercantilism, and Circulation. Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centuries: Joint-Stock Companies, Trading, and Law. Laissez-Faire Government: A Philosophy of Wealth and Poverty. Nineteenth Century Markets: Corporatization and Colonialism. A Genealogy of the American Corporation. Governing "Protected" Markets. Gold Standard Market Government. Nineteenth Century Problematics of Government. Governing Economic Risk: From Laissez-Faire to the Welfare State. The End of Laissez-Faire and the Welfare State. Finance, Fordism and the Welfare State. Neoliberalism: Enterprise and Risk. U.S. Neoliberalism. Globalizing Neoliberalism. Neoliberal Authorities, Risks, and Global Flows. Neoliberal Policy, Corporate Government, and the Population. Neoliberal Market Government and Biopolitical Crises 4. Governing Population: Biopower, Risk, and the Politics of Health. The Birth of Biopolitics and Foucault's Genealogy of Social Medicine. The Diseased Body: Transformations in Understanding. Social Medicine: From Sanitary Science to the Science of the Germ. The Surveillance Model of Medicine: From the Germ to Eugenics. Twentieth Century Social-Surveillance Medicine. From Social-Welfare Governmentality to Neoliberal Technologies of Health Government. Conservative Government of Health Risk. Twentieth Century Genetics and Genomics. Genes, Genetic Analysis and Genomic Analysis. Genetic Engineering. Genetic Biopolitics. Contesting Health: Biopolitics and Marketization 5. Governing Population: Mind and Brain as Governmental Spaces. Madness, Criminology and Eugenics: Nineteenth Century Dividing Practices. Madness: From Moral Pathology to Biological Psychiatry. The Biologization of Criminal Degeneracy and the Development of Eugenics. Twentieth Century Biopower: From Normalization to Optimization. Mental Hygiene, Normalization, and Development of Technologies of the Self. From Normalization to Optimization: Mental Health and Human Development in the Welfare State. Governing the Brain: Behavioral Genetics, Psychopharmacology and Cognitive Neuroscience. Behavioral Genetics. Psychopharmacology. Neurological Visibility. Governing Difference: Self-Government, Disciplinarity, and the Society of Control 6. Biopower, Sovereignty, and America's Global Security. Foucault, Agamben, and Sovereignty. The United States of America: Biopower, Race and Sovereignty. Surveillance, Threat Governmentality, and Precautionary Risk. Sovereign Exceptionality. Sovereignty and Liberal Governmentality 7. "Bad Subjects" and Liberal Governmentalities. Notes. References. Index.

Book
04 Aug 2008
TL;DR: Cattelino as mentioned in this paper presents a vivid ethnographic account of the history and consequences of Seminole gaming, and unravels the complex connections among cultural difference, economic power, and political rights.
Abstract: In 1979, Florida Seminoles opened the first tribally operated high-stakes bingo hall in North America. At the time, their annual budget stood at less than $2 million. By 2006, net income from gaming had surpassed $600 million. This dramatic shift from poverty to relative economic security has created tangible benefits for tribal citizens, including employment, universal health insurance, and social services. Renewed political self-governance and economic strength have reversed decades of U.S. settler-state control. At the same time, gaming has brought new dilemmas to reservation communities and triggered outside accusations that Seminoles are sacrificing their culture by embracing capitalism. In High Stakes , Jessica R. Cattelino tells the story of Seminoles’ complex efforts to maintain politically and culturally distinct values in a time of new prosperity. Cattelino presents a vivid ethnographic account of the history and consequences of Seminole gaming. Drawing on research conducted with tribal permission, she describes casino operations, chronicles the everyday life and history of the Seminole Tribe, and shares the insights of individual Seminoles. At the same time, she unravels the complex connections among cultural difference, economic power, and political rights. Through analyses of Seminole housing, museum and language programs, legal disputes, and everyday activities, she shows how Seminoles use gaming revenue to enact their sovereignty. They do so in part, she argues, through relations of interdependency with others. High Stakes compels rethinking of the conditions of indigeneity, the power of money, and the meaning of sovereignty.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, the authors present an event-history analysis of ratification of seven key international human rights treaties in 164 countries in the period between 1965 and 2001, showing that normative pressure from international society, along with historical contingencies during the Cold War, encouraged many states to ratify these treaties.
Abstract: This research seeks to understand the factors that lead nation-states to ratify international human rights treaties in the contemporary world, despite their potential cost for state sovereignty. We argue that normative pressure from international society, along with historical contingencies during the Cold War, encouraged many states to ratify these treaties. We present an event-history analysis of ratification of seven key international human rights treaties in 164 countries in the period between 1965 and 2001. The results lend support to the world society argument as well as to our historical argument and also specify that normative pressure and imitation have been important factors shaping states’ decisions to ratify international human rights treaties.

Book
01 Sep 2008
TL;DR: The role of consequences, comparison and counterfactuals in constructivist ethical thought is discussed in this paper, where Price discusses the moral limit and possibility in world politics, and the importance of consequences and comparison in constructivism.
Abstract: Preface 1. Moral limit and possibility in world politics Richard Price 2. Constructivism and the structure of ethical reasoning Christian Reus-Smit 3. The role of consequences, comparison and counterfactuals in constructivist ethical thought Kathryn Sikkink 4. Sovereignty, recognition and indigenous peoples Jonathan Havercroft 5. Policy hypocrisy or political compromise? Assessing the morality of US policy toward undocumented migrants Amy Gurowitz 6. Lie to me: sanctions on Iraq, moral argument and the international politics of hypocrisy Marc Lynch 7. Paradoxes in humanitarian intervention Martha Finnemore 8. Inevitable inequalities? Approaching gender equality and multiculturalism Ann Towns 9. Interstate community-building and the identity/difference predicament Bahar Rumelili 10. Progress with a price Richard Price.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, the authors argue that a deepening consensus on R2P is dependent on its dissociation from the politics of humanitarian intervention and suggests that one way of doing this is by abandoning the search for criteria for decision-making about the use of force, one of the centre pieces of the International Commission on Intervention and State Sovereignty 2001 report that coined the phrase R2Ps.
Abstract: The Responsibility to Protect (R2P) has come a long way in a relatively short space of time. From inauspicious beginnings, the principle was endorsed by the General Assembly in 2005 and unanimously reaffirmed by the Security Council in 2006 (Resolution 1674). However, the principle remains hotly contested primarily because of its association with humanitarian intervention and the pervasive belief that its principal aim is to create a pathway for the legitimization of unilateral military intervention. This article sets forth the argument that a deepening consensus on R2P is dependent on its dissociation from the politics of humanitarian intervention and suggests that one way of doing this is by abandoning the search for criteria for decision-making about the use of force, one of the centre pieces of the International Commission on Intervention and State Sovereignty 2001 report that coined the phrase R2P. Criteria were never likely to win international support, the article maintains, and were less likely to improve decision-making on how best to respond to major humanitarian crises. Nevertheless, R2P can make an important contribution to thinking about the problem of military intervention by mitigating potential 'moral hazards', overcoming the tendency of international actors to focus exclusively on military methods and giving impetus to efforts to operationalize protection in the field

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: As the killing of those at the margins of liberal and neoliberal sovereignty continues to be glamorized and fetishized in the name of "democracy" as mentioned in this paper, we are confronted with urgent questions about the ways in which life, death, and desire are being (re)constituted in the current political moment.
Abstract: As the killing of those at the margins of liberal and neoliberal sovereignty continues to be glamorized and fetishized in the name of ‘democracy,’ we are confronted with urgent questions about the ways in which life, death, and desire are being (re)constituted in the current political moment. The intensification of carnage wrought by empire has brought with it a renewed thrust to draw in precisely those who are the most killable into performing the work of murder. As we are seduced into empire’s fold by participating, often with glee and pleasure, in the deaths of those in our own communities as well as those banished to the ‘outsides’ of citizenship and subjectivity, we must ask: How are these seductions produced and naturalized?1 What forms of (non)spectacular violence must be authorized to heed the promises being offered by empire? These are the central problematics this paper engages.2

Book
Emma Haddad1
20 Mar 2008
TL;DR: Haddad et al. as mentioned in this paper examined the issue from an international society perspective, highlighting how refugees are an inevitable, if unanticipated, result of erecting political borders and how a specific image has defined the refugee since the international states system arose in its modern form.
Abstract: With the unrelenting unrest in places such as Iraq, Afghanistan and the Sudan, the plight of refugees has become an increasingly discussed topic in international relations. Why do we have refugees? When did the refugee 'problem' emerge? How can the refugee ever be reconciled with an international system that rests on sovereignty? Looking at three key periods - the inter-war period, the Cold War and the present day - Emma Haddad demonstrates how a specific image has defined the refugee since the international states system arose in its modern form and that refugees have thus been qualitatively the same over the course of history. This historical and normative approach suggests new ways to understand refugees and to formulate responses to them. By examining the issue from an international society perspective, this book highlights how refugees are an inevitable, if unanticipated, result of erecting political borders.

Book
08 Jun 2008
TL;DR: The authors argue that there are three types of political institutions that are fundamental in securing a centripetal style of democratic governance: unitary (rather than federal) sovereignty, a parliamentary executive, and a closed-list PR electoral system.
Abstract: This book outlines the importance of political institutions in achieving good governance within a democratic polity and sets forth an argument to explore what sorts of institutions do the job best. By focusing on 'centripetal institutions', which maximize both representation and authority by bringing political energy and actors toward the centre of a polity, the authors set forth a relatively novel theory of democratic governance, applicable to all political settings in which multi-party competition obtains. Basing their theory on national-level political institutions, the authors argue that there are three types of political institutions that are fundamental in securing a centripetal style of democratic governance: unitary (rather than federal) sovereignty, a parliamentary (rather than presidential) executive, and a closed-list PR electoral system (rather than a single-member district or preferential-vote system).

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: An incident that involved withholding avian influenza virus samples illustrates the importance and limitations of international law in global health diplomacy.
Abstract: Indonesia’s decision to withhold samples of avian influenza virus A (H5N1) from the World Health Organization for much of 2007 caused a crisis in global health. The World Health Assembly produced a resolution to try to address the crisis at its May 2007 meeting. I examine how the parties to this controversy used international law in framing and negotiating the dispute. Specifically, I analyze Indonesia’s use of the international legal principle of sovereignty and its appeal to rules on the protection of biological and genetic resources found in the Convention on Biological Diversity. In addition, I consider how the International Health Regulations 2005 applied to the controversy. The incident involving Indonesia’s actions with virus samples illustrates both the importance and the limitations of international law in global health diplomacy.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The city-text in Budapest became a locus of dispute between different political authorities, including the nation state, the metropolitan municipality, and the district, each bearing different political ideals during and after the fall of communism as discussed by the authors.
Abstract: As in most parts of Central and Eastern Europe, there is a tradition in Hungary of changing street names and memorials in the wake of major political transitions. This article focuses on the change of street names and memorials, i.e. the city-text, in Hungary’s political capital, Budapest, between 1985 and 2001. The city-text in Budapest became a locus of dispute between different political authorities, including the nation state, the metropolitan municipality, and the district, each bearing different political ideals during and after the fall of communism. Discursive changes in the post-communist city-text emerged expressing specific conceptions of national sovereignty, but the direction of the changes were debated. Different levels of administration in Budapest and Hungary had divergent visions of what the new discourse on national sovereignty should be. The changes, therefore, did not express a simple transition to an agreed-upon post-communist value system, but were the result of a symbolic struggle between different levels of administration over what should be commemorated in the city-text.



Book
23 Dec 2008
TL;DR: In this article, the authors explain international norm change, including the end of conquest, the state monopoly on military force, and extraterritoriality, expanding exclusive internal jurisdiction.
Abstract: Explaining international norm change -- Banning piracy : the state monopoly on military force -- The end of conquest : consolidating sovereign equality -- Protecting cultural treasures in wartime -- Terrorism : reinforcing states' monopoly on force -- Extraterritoriality : expanding exclusive internal jurisdiction -- Slavery : liberal norms and human rights -- Genocide -- Refugees and asylum -- Humanitarian intervention -- The emerging right to democracy -- Cycles of international norm change.

Book
07 Aug 2008
TL;DR: In this article, Demetriou et al. discuss the public power of NGOs in global politics and propose a global representative agency for non-electoral authorization and accountability of NGOs.
Abstract: Introduction PART I: DEMOCRATIC BOUNDARIES IN THE NEW GLOBAL POLITY 1. Democracy Beyond 'Closed' Societies 2. Public Power Beyond 'Sovereign' States 3. The Public Power of NGOs in Global Politics 4. From Nation-States to 'Stakeholder' Communities PART II: DEMOCRATIC REPRESENTATION IN THE NEW GLOBAL POLITY 5. Global Social Choice Beyond Nation-State Representation 6. Global Social Choice Through Multi-Stakeholder Representation 7. Theorising Global Representative Agency: Non-Electoral Authorization and Accountability 8. Instituting Global Representative Agency: The Authorization and Accountability of NGOs 9. Conclusion Bibliography

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: Goldstein this paper examines the present-day conditions of settler colonialism in the United States by focusing on the constitutive force of liberal juridical and proprietary regimes and the historical permutations of federalism.
Abstract: This essay examines the present-day conditions of settler colonialism in the United States by focusing on the constitutive force of liberal juridical and proprietary regimes and the historical permutations of federalism. Goldstein argues that white settler colonialism in the United States is articulated with the present-day constellation of neoliberal antistatism and post–civil rights “color-blind” discourse. His argument is developed through an analysis of the U.S. vote against the UN Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples in 2007, the Supreme Court ruling on City of Sherrill v. Oneida Indian Nation of New York (2005), and contemporary antisovereignty groups organizing against American Indian self-determination. Antisovereignty activists contend that U.S. federal Indian law confers “special rights” based on race to tribes and that tribal sovereignty not only deprives Indian members of constitutional rights, but also promotes privileged “racial” separatism fundamentally hostile to the principles of U.S. democracy. Attending to the problematic formulations of the antisovereignty movement, Goldstein considers how this rhetoric is both articulated and disarticulated from the broader structures of governance and juridical authority in the United States. This essay considers the role of settler land claims historically and in the present, and studies how contemporary antisovereignty initiatives amplify the history of North American conquest and genocide in order to argue against the legitimacy of current tribal claims to land and self-determination.

BookDOI
01 Jan 2008
TL;DR: In this article, MDillon et al. discuss the Foucault and Butler on Discourses of Law, War, and Exceptionalism, and the history of modern sovereignty.
Abstract: Introduction MDillon& AWNeal PART I: SITUATING FOUCAULT Strategies for Waging Peace: Foucault as Collaborateur SElden PART II: POLITICS, SOVEREIGNTY, VIOLENCE Goodbye War on Terror? Foucault and Butler on Discourses of Law, War and Exceptionalism AWNeal Life Struggles: War, Discipline, and Biopolitics in the Thought of Michel Foucault JReid Security: A Field Left Fallow DBigo Revisiting Franco's Death: Life and Death and Bio-Political Governmentality PPalladino PART III: BIOS, NOMOS, RACE Law Versus History: Foucault's Genealogy of Modern Sovereignty MValverde The Politics of Death: Race War, Bio-Power and AIDS in the Post-Apartheid DFassin Security, Race, and War MDillon