In this book, Andrew Harvey sets out to provide a unified and comprehensive theory of structural time series models. Unlike the traditional ARIMA models, structural time series models consist explicitly of unobserved components, such as trends and seasonals, which have a direct interpretation. As a result the model selection methodology associated with structural models is much closer to econometric methodology. The link with econometrics is made even closer by the natural way in which the models can be extended to include explanatory variables and to cope with multivariate time series. From the technical point of view, state space models and the Kalman filter play a key role in the statistical treatment of structural time series models. The book includes a detailed treatment of the Kalman filter. This technique was originally developed in control engineering, but is becoming increasingly important in fields such as economics and operations research. This book is concerned primarily with modelling economic and social time series, and with addressing the special problems which the treatment of such series poses. The properties of the models and the methodological techniques used to select them are illustrated with various applications. These range from the modellling of trends and cycles in US macroeconomic time series to to an evaluation of the effects of seat belt legislation in the UK.

Forecasting, Structural Time Series Models and the Kalman Filter

TH1OSE WHO WOULD CODIFY THE MEANINGS OF WORDS fight a losing battle, for words, like the ideas and things they are mneant to signify, have a history. Neither Oxford dons nor the Academie FranUaise have been entirely able to stem the tide, to capture and fix mneanings free of the play of huinan invention and imagination. Mary Wortley Montagu added bite to her witty denunciation "of the fair sex" ("my only consolation for being of that gender has been the assurance of never being mnarried to any one among them") by deliberately misusing the grammatical reference. ' Through the ages, people have made figurative allusions by employing gramnmnatical termns to evoke traits of character or sexuality. For example, the usage offered by the Dictionnaire de la langue francaise in 1876 was, "On ne sait de quel genre il est, s'il est mile ou femelle, se dit d'un homnme tres-cache, dont on ne connait pas les sentiments."2 And Gladstone made this distinction in 1878: "Athene has nothing of sex except the gender, nothing of the woman except the form."3 Most recently-too recently to find its way into dictionaries or the Encyclopedia of the Social Sciences-feminists have in a imore literal and serious vein begun to use "gender" as a way of referring to the social organization of the relationship between the sexes. The connection to grammar is both explicit and full of unexamined possibilities. Explicit because the grammatical usage involves formal

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Gender: A Useful Category of Historical Analysis

On exports and economic growth

The twentieth century gave rise to profound changes in traditional sex roles. However, the force of this 'rising tide' has varied among rich and poor societies around the globe, as well as among younger and older generations. Rising Tide sets out to understand how modernization has changed cultural attitudes towards gender equality and to analyze the political consequences of this process. The core argument suggests that women and men's lives have been altered in a two-stage modernization process consisting of (i) the shift from agrarian to industrialized societies and (ii) the move from industrial towards post industrial societies. This book is the first to systematically compare attitudes towards gender equality worldwide, comparing almost 70 nations that run the gamut from rich to poor, agrarian to postindustrial. Rising Tide is essential reading for those interested in understanding issues of comparative politics, public opinion, political behavior, political development, and political sociology.

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Rising Tide: Gender Equality and Cultural Change Around the World

Richard Rorty's Philosophy and the Mirror of Nature brings to light the deep sense of crisis within the profession of academic philosophy which is similar to the paralyzing pluralism in contemporary theology and the inveterate indeterminacy of literary criticism. Richard Rorty's provocative and profound meditations impel philosophers to examine the problematic status of their discipline— only to discover that modern European philosophy has come to an end. Rorty strikes a deathblow to modern European philosophy by telling a story about the emergence, development and decline of its primary props: the correspondence theory of truth, the notion of privileged representations and the idea of a self-reflective transcendental subject. Rorty's fascinating tale—his-story —is regulated by three fundamental shifts which he delineates in detail and promotes in principle: the move toward anti-realism or conventionalism in ontology, the move toward the demythologizing of the Myth of the Given or anti-foundationalism in epistemology, and the move toward detranscendentalizing the subject or dismissing the mind as a sphere of inquiry. The chief importance of Rorty's book is that it brings together in an original and intelligible narrative the major insights of the patriarchs of postmodern American philosophy—W. V. Quine, Wilfred Sellars, and Nelson Goodman— and persuasively presents the radical consequences of their views for contemporary philosophy. Rorty credits Wittgenstein, Heidegger and Dewey for having "brought us into a period of 'revolutionary' philosophy" by undermining the prevailing Cartesian and Kantian paradigms and advancing new conceptions of philosophy. And these monumental figures surely inspire Rorty. Yet, Rorty's philosophical debts—the actual sources of his particular anti-Cartesian and antiKantian arguments—are Quine's holism, Sellars' anti-foundationalism, and Goodman's pluralism. In short, despite his adamant attack on analytical philosophy—the last stage of modern European philosophy—Rorty feels most comfortable with the analytical form of philosophical argumentation (shunned by Wittgenstein and Heidegger). From the disparate figures of Wittgenstein, Heidegger, and Dewey, Rorty gets a historicist directive: to eschew the quest for certainty and the search for foundations.

Philosophy and the Mirror of Nature

The present paper is concerned with the systematic analysis of growth rates. I have three objectives. First, certain crucial objections to the methodologies commonly employed in the study of the causes of growth are established. These methodologies require assumptions such as proportionality between factor prices and marginal productivities, and constancy of relative shares across the sample, assumptions which are inappropriate when growth involves structural changes. The main contribution of the paper is to research methodology in terms of the development of a model explaining relative growth performance. The criticism of other studies and the empirical application are ancillary to the development of our model. They are included because they illustrate characteristics of our model which are preferable from a conceptual standpoint and demonstrate superior explanatory power, respectively. In common with most analyses of growth rates the model builds on the production theoretic foundations of causes of growth. Since the model is intended for practical application, it must be testable. Thus availability of data and econometric resources impose constraints on its structure, and its development must include explanation and justification of statistical methodology. Finally, growth rates cannot be treated in isolation but should be studied within a context of other major themes in development economics. Thus the model is extended to incorporate two established ideas from development theory, the first being that inefficiences due to disequilibrium factor pricing reduce growth rates, and the second that a country's political association will influence its growth performance. These extensions, far

Causes of Growth

The analysis of gender develops through four stages [40]. First comes the realization of how much women have been neglected, and second the exposure of theoretical and empirical fallacies made glaringly apparent by this realization. In the third stage, the results of research on women are added to mainstream discussions, which gives rise to yet a fourth stage in which the resulting analytical dualism is criticized and demands are made for greater integration. The stages are discernible in the development of economic historians' interest in women. The first priority was to learn more about women in order to rectify earlier neglect. This stage of the research program has flourished. Building on the classic texts [for example, 32, 10], and continuing through new studies of wives, mothers, and workers with different class backgrounds and family circumstances, a picture of the economic experience of women has emerged. But work on women was needed for correctness as well as completeness. Women had to be put back into the historical contexts from which they had been abstracted, and in the process economic historians needed to revise their understanding not only of the historical meaning of gender but also of the economic processes in which women were now seen as active participants [34]. As yet integration remains rudimentary. Mainstream economic history's lack of response to the accumulation of research on women is all the more surprising in that historical analysis of gender has affirmed women's importance in economic life. Subordinated as they might have been politically and socially, this did not exclude women from work, consumption, thrift, or accumulation. Indeed women's subordination seems to have been interwoven with their economic activities so that it molded

https://www.thebhc.org/sites/default/files/beh/BEHprint/v020/p0032-p0044.pdf

"Lurking in the Wings...": Women in the Historiography of the Industrial Revolution

The ‘Emancipation’ of women in the 1970s and 1980s: From the latent to the floating:

Equal Opportunities as a Productive Factor

Beside the low stone walls, lay many little, cold bundles, now unsuffering. The ground was frozen to an impenetrable depth and no-one had time to dig graves. Someone counted thirty-five bodies. These unfortunate people had not been prepared, having taken neither the warm clothing nor the provisions needed for survival. The agonies and miseries of those who found no shelter were indescribable, and I thought of the countless children who had already frozen and starved to death. —Martha von Rosen

Jane Humphries

Papers

Causes of Growth

"Lurking in the Wings...": Women in the Historiography of the Industrial Revolution

The ‘Emancipation’ of women in the 1970s and 1980s: From the latent to the floating:

Equal Opportunities as a Productive Factor

Hard labour: the forgotten voices of Latvian Migrant “Volunteer” workers