Showing papers in "Canadian Journal of Political Science in 2008"

Whodunnit? Voters and Responsibility in Canadian Federalism

Abstract: . Government accountability in Canada depends on Canadian voters' attributing responsibility to multiple levels of government for policy outcomes. This study presents the first comprehensive account of these responsibility judgments. The data are from panel surveys of voters in Ontario and Saskatchewan as they faced provincial elections in the fall of 2003 and then the federal election of 2004. Voters were asked about conditions in a number of policy areas and then asked to separately attribute responsibility to the two senior levels of government. Voters do not strongly differentiate the governments' roles and there is little variation across issues. Attentiveness to politics only very slightly improves the quality of responsibility attributions, and only on issues where responsibility is objectively clearer. The results suggest that federalism is a major challenge for Canadian voters wishing to reward or punish their governments for policy outcomes.Resume. La responsabilisation gouvernementale au Canada depend de la capacite du citoyen a differencier clairement les spheres d'activite des divers paliers de gouvernement. Cette etude offre, pour la premiere fois, un portrait exhaustif des mecanismes d'attribution de la responsabilite dans le systeme federal canadien. Les donnees sont tirees de deux enquetes en panel realisees durant les campagnes electorales provinciales de l'Ontario et de la Saskatchewan a l'automne 2003, puis durant la campagne federale de 2004. Deux aspects principaux de ces enquetes ont ete retenus pour cette etude. Tout d'abord, les repondants ont ete interroges sur leur perception de l'etat des choses quant a une serie d'enjeux de politique publique (economie, systeme de sante, et ainsi de suite). Ils ont ensuite du attribuer la responsabilite de ces politiques aux deux paliers superieurs de gouvernement au Canada. Il s'avere que les electeurs ne differencient que faiblement le role de chaque palier de gouvernement et ce, quel que soit l'enjeu. La capacite d'attribution de la responsabilite n'est que legerement affectee par le niveau d'attention a la politique de l'electeur. Les resultats de l'analyse suggerent que la nature federale du systeme politique canadien demeure un defi important a surmonter pour l'electeur qui desire recompenser ou punir ses gouvernements pour une politique publique donnee.

The Politics of Free Markets: The Rise of Neoliberal Economic Policies in Britain, France, Germany, and the United States

Abstract: The Politics of Free Markets: The Rise of Neoliberal Economic Policies in Britain, France, Germany, and the United States , Monica Prasad, Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2006 pp. 328, ix. Following the Second World War many western democracies embarked on an expansion of their respective welfare states. This effort would be effectively stopped, even reversed, with the development of neoliberal policies within established parties of the right. In other states, neoliberalism was effectively blocked from affecting public policy. Monica Prasad's book is an effort to explain the success or failure of neoliberalism in western democracies.

Does Compulsory Voting Lead to More Informed and Engaged Citizens? An Experimental Test

Abstract: . Does compulsory voting lead to more knowledgeable and engaged citizens? We report the results from a recent experiment measuring such “second-order effects” in a compulsory voting environment. We conducted the experiment during the 2007 Quebec provincial election among 121 students at a Montreal CEGEP. To receive payment, all the students were required to complete two surveys; half were also required to vote. By comparing knowledge and engagement measures between the two groups, we can measure the second-order effects of compulsory voting. We find little or no such effects.Resume. Le vote obligatoire augmente-t-il le niveau d'information et l'engagement politique des citoyens? Nous presentons les resultats d'une experience mesurant de tels « effets secondaires' » dans un environnement caracterise par le vote obligatoire. Nous avons mene une experience aupres de 121 etudiants d'un cegep montrealais lors de l'election quebecoise de 2007. Afin de recevoir une somme d'argent, les etudiants n'avaient qu'a completer deux questionnaires; une moitie des participants devait en plus voter le jour de l'election. En comparant le niveau d'information et l'engagement entre les deux groupes, nous pouvons mesurer les effets secondaires du vote obligatoire. Notre experience revele que le vote obligatoire a peu ou pas d'effet sur les connaissances et la participation.

Can Canadians Take a Hint? The (In)Effectiveness of Party Labels as Information Shortcuts in Canada

Abstract: . This paper examines the usefulness of Canadian political party labels as information shortcuts. We supplement survey data analysis with the results of an experiment that tested whether knowing a party's position on an issue influenced opinion expression. We find that, contrary to findings in other countries, among our subject pool, Canadian political parties are not consistently useful as information cues. The Liberal party cue is hardly useful, and while the Conservative party cue can be effective, it appears to push partisans toward a more liberal stance on selected opinions. Only the NDP cue appears to influence opinions in the expected direction. These mixed findings run counter to foundational works on party labels as information shortcuts (mostly focused on US politics) and, instead, are consistent with previous scholarship on Canadian politics.Resume. Cet article examine l'utilite des etiquettes politiques des partis canadiens comme sources d'information sommaire. Nous analysons des donnees d'enquete ainsi que les resultats d'un sondage visant a determiner si le fait de connaitre la position d'un parti sur une question donnee influencait l'expression des opinions. Contrairement aux resultats obtenus dans d'autres pays, nous constatons chez les sujets observes que les etiquettes des partis politiques canadiens ne sont pas uniformement utiles comme sources d'information sommaire. L'etiquette du Parti liberal s'avere a peine utile, tandis que l'etiquette du Parti conservateur, peut-etre plus efficace, semble inciter les partisans a une position plus liberale. Seule l'etiquette du NPD semble influencer les avis dans la direction prevue. Ces conclusions mixtes contredisent des travaux fondamentaux sur le meme sujet (portant pour la plupart sur la politique aux Etats-Unis) et confirment plutot les etudes anterieures sur la politique canadienne.

Le monde de Pierre Bourdieu : Éléments pour une théorie sociale des Relations internationales

Abstract: Resume. Cet article jette un regard original sur les debats contemporains en Relations internationales (RI) a la lumiere de la sociologie de Pierre Bourdieu. Sa riche theorie sociale permet d'etablir des ponts entre les approches conventionnelles et celles qui sont issues de la mouvance critique en RI. Plus precisement, nous identifions six contributions que pourrait apporter une approche bourdieusienne. Sur le plan metatheorique, cette approche se caracteriserait par une epistemologie reflexive, une ontologie relationnelle et une theorie de la pratique, trois axes qui s'inscrivent a la jonction des grands debats theoriques en RI. D'un point de vue plus centre sur l'application, la sociologie de Bourdieu permet l'etude de la politique mondiale en tant qu'imbrication complexe de champs sociaux, l'ouverture de l'Etat comme champ de pouvoir, de meme qu'une meilleure prise en compte de la nature symbolique de la puissance.Abstract. This article takes a fresh look at current debates in International Relations (IR) in the light of Pierre Bourdieu's sociology. We argue that Bourdieu's social theory could help build bridges between conventional and critical approaches in IR. More specifically, we identify six contributions that a Bourdieusian approach can make. At the meta-theoretical level, such an approach would be characterized by a reflexive epistemology, a relational ontology and a theory of practice – three dimensions that address key theoretical debates in IR. On a more applied level, Bourdieu's sociology enables us to study world politics as a complex of “embedded social fields”, to open up the state's field of power, and to factor in the symbolic nature of power.

The Political “Nature” of Pregnancy and Childbirth

Abstract: . In this paper, I examine the theoretical debates concerning “medicalization” in relation to the empirical trend toward increased demand for “natural” options for childbirth. Many feminist theorists have argued that medical intervention in pregnancy and childbirth is both unwarranted and disempowering and devalues women's own abilities and experiences. Further, it is argued that medicalization (of seemingly natural events) is particularly damaging for women and other marginalized people. In this paper, I explore the claims (of both providers and consumers) concerning medical care for pregnancy and childbirth among privileged populations and ask why rejection of medical care for pregnancy and childbirth is not proportional to disadvantage. It appears to be the case that criticism of medical intervention in pregnancy and childbirth is strongest among privileged women and is expressed consistently as preference for “natural,” “traditional” or “normal” approaches and practices. Reverence for the natural, I argue, is a political claim that asserts social position, identity, and resistance. I consider this political claim to be embodied and demonstrated in the occurrence of a physical and psychic duality, a “split subjectivity,” that is exacerbated by the sharpness of the public-private divide in women's lives.Resume. Dans cet article, j'examine le debat theorique sur la medicalisation a la lumiere de la vogue actuelle croissante des options plus naturelles pour l'accouchement. De nombreux auteurs feministes ont soutenu que les interventions medicales durant la grossesse et l'accouchement etaient injustifiees et qu'elles privaient les femmes de leur autonomie, tout en devaluant leur experience et leurs aptitudes naturelles. De meme, la medicalisation (de phenomenes apparemment naturels) est, selon certains, particulierement nefaste pour les femmes et les groupes marginalises. Dans cet article, j'explore les affirmations (a la fois des prestataires et des beneficiaires) concernant l'assistance medicale durant la grossesse et l'accouchement parmi les populations favorisees et je souleve la question de savoir pourquoi le rejet de l'assistance medicale durant la grossesse et l'accouchement n'est pas surtout le fait des milieux defavorises. Il semble, en effet, que les critiques envers les interventions medicales durant la grossesse et l'accouchement proviennent surtout des femmes de milieux favoriseset que ces dernieres manifestent de maniere constante une preference pour les approches et les pratiques «naturelles», «traditionnelles» ou «normales». La reverence envers le naturel est, selon moi, une revendication politique afin d'affirmer sa position sociale, son identite et sa resistance. Je considere que cette revendication politique est incarnee et demontree par l'existence d'une dualite physique et psychique, une «subjectivite divisee» qui est exacerbee par l'acuite de la division entre le monde public et le monde prive dans la vie des femmes.

Is Race Political

Abstract: . This article demonstrates that though the political nature of race is evident and constitutes an important area of research, there is a dearth of literature on race in English Canadian political science particularly as compared to other social sciences. The article provides explanations for this disciplinary silence, including methodological fuzziness, dominant elite-focused and colour-blind approaches to the study of politics, and the prevalence of ideas and foci about the nature of Canadian politics. In order to avoid the danger of disciplinary lag, it concludes with several ways of addressing this disparity between the political science and the society it purports to analyze.Resume. Malgre l'essence politique evidente du concept de «race» et son importance indeniable comme sujet de recherche, la litterature de science politique canadienne-anglaise s'y attarde tres peu, surtout en comparaison des autres sciences sociales. L'article explique les causes de ce silence disciplinaire. Celles-ci incluent un flou methodologique, une approche surtout centree sur l'elite, une perspective «daltonienne» concernant l'etude de la politique, ainsi que la predominance de certaines idees quant a la nature de la politique canadienne. Afin d'eviter un danger de lacune disciplinaire, l'article propose des solutions permettant de reduire l'ecart entre la science politique et son objet d'etude, soit la societe reelle.

Le débat public : une expérience française de démocratie participative , Martine Revel, Cécile Blatrix, Loïc Blondiaux, Jean-Michel Fourniau, Bertrand Hériard Dubreuil, Rémi Lefebvre (dir.), Paris: La Découverte, 2007, 412 pages.

Abstract: Le modèle de débat public qu'incarne la Commission nationale de débat public (CNDP) suscite autant d'espoirs que de critiques. Depuis la loi Barnier de 1995, qui en a posé les fondements, jusqu'aux débats organisés en 2006 sur l'EPR, ITER ou la gestion des déchets nucléaires, cette forme de concertation nouvelle des citoyens sur les projets qui les regardent s'est imposée comme un terrain d'expérimentation privilégié des transformations de la démocratie contemporaine. Cet ouvrage collectif dresse un bilan de cette expérience de démocratie participative unique en Europe. Dans quelle mesure conduit-elle à ancrer dans l'action publique le droit à la participation du public aux processus décisionnels ouvert par la Convention d'Arhus et la Charte de l'environnement ? Une trentaine de chercheurs de toutes provenances (science politique, sociologie, sciences de l'information et de la communication, droit, aménagement...) partagent ici leurs analyses autour de l'objet politique encore mal identifié qu'est le débat public et sur les effets réels de l'intervention de la CNDP dans l'élaboration des grands projets d'aménagement.

Building States without Society: European Union Enlargement and the Transfer of EU Social Policy to Poland and Hungary

Abstract: Building States without Society: European Union Enlargement and the Transfer of EU Social Policy to Poland and Hungary, Beate Sissenich, Lanham, MD: Lexington Books, 2007, pp. xiv, 237. Social policy has been a crucial and at times controversial area for the European Union, yet it remains limited in scope and clout. EU social policy is not a major annoyance of a kind to alarm employers nor does it present labour unions with tantalizing opportunities for social change. It does not deal with redistribution politics and does not establish an EU-level welfare state. Important topics are left out. In the negotiations before the 2004 enlargement, the issues of mobility and the freedom of movement of persons—politically charged issues in view of the fears on the part of some older members of a significant influx of workers from new lower-wage EU states—were handled in a separate negotiating chapter.

The Logics and Politics of Post-WWII Migration to Western Europe

Abstract: The Logics and Politics of Post-WWII Migration to Western Europe, Anthony M. Messina, New York: Cambridge University Press, 2007, pp. xv, 290.One of the most contentious and politically sensitive issues in Europe is immigration. The demographic trends indicate that the Old Continent is indeed getting older. To maintain their living standards, Europeans have to either increase birth rates or open the gates to immigrants in an orderly and welcoming way. Yet despite the practicality and, sooner rather than later, the necessity for an open, comprehensive and pro-active immigration policy, European countries are far from having one. At best, they have procedures concerning how to handle foreigners. The main “culprits” for this state of affairs are the people rather than governments. The Europeans, however rational the arguments for increasing immigration may be, are unwilling to embrace it. Paradoxically, those who are most opposed (and vote accordingly) are older people, even though they depend most on a large taxpayer base without which cheques from government-run pension plans would stop flowing eventually and publicly managed health care systems would run out of money.

Economic Voting, Multilevel Governance and Information in Canada

Abstract: . While an important component of incumbent support, the effect of economic conditions on vote choice (economic voting) can be undermined by the presence of multilevel institutions; voters are faced with the prospect of evaluating economic conditions and governments at different levels simultaneously. This paper tests the applicability of a model which seeks to account for how and how well voters cope with the complexity of multilevel governance. The accountability-centred model suggests that federal and provincial governments should only be evaluated for those actions and outcomes that they can reasonably be seen to have influence over. Additionally, it is asked whether high information respondents are better able to navigate some of the complexities of Canada's multilevel system. Analyses are conducted using data from the 1993 and 1997 Canadian Election Studies.Resume. Les conditions economiques constituent un facteur d'appui electoral important pour les dirigeants politiques. Il semble, toutefois, que l'impact de ce facteur soit amoindri dans les Etats presentant plusieurs niveaux de gouvernement. Dans les societes ayant des institutions multi-paliers, les electeurs ont en effet le defi d'attribuer les performances economiques aux divers paliers de gouvernement. Cet article teste un modele theorique qui tente d'expliquer comment les electeurs se comportent face a la complexite de la gouvernance multi-paliers au Canada. Le modele, centre sur la responsabilite des dirigeants, suggere que les gouvernements federal et provinciaux devraient uniquement etre juges pour les decisions et resultats politiques sur lesquels ils exercent manifestement une influence. Cet article examine, en outre, la question de savoir si les electeurs bien informes saisissent mieux la complexite de la gouvernance multi-paliers lorsqu'ils evaluent la performance des dirigeants. L'analyse se fonde sur les donnees de l'Etude electorale canadienne de 1993 et de 1997.

Terms of Entitlement: Is there a Distinctly Canadian "Rights Talk"?

Abstract: . One of the most frequently mentioned, yet seriously understudied, changes brought to Canadian society by the Charter of Rights and Freedoms is its influence on political debate and how citizens understand and treat rights. This empirical lacuna is significant because several scholars of Canadian politics have suggested that “rights talk” can have negative implications for political discourse, given that rights are too often presented in absolute, uncompromising terms. This article represents a first attempt to investigate this phenomenon. It presents a content analysis of the media's presentation of rights issues, and evaluates how rights are portrayed during coverage of Supreme Court Charter decisions.Resume. L'un des changements les plus notables apportes a la societe canadienne par l'adoption de la Charte des droits et libertes est son influence sur les debats politiques et, plus particulierement, sur la maniere dont les citoyens interpretent leurs droits. Ce changement important est toutefois tres peu etudie. Cette lacune empirique est significative puisque plusieurs politologues canadiens ont suggere que le «langage des droits» a des repercussions negatives sur les debats politiques, etant donne que les droits sont souvent decrits en termes absolus et definitifs. Cet article represente une premiere tentative d'exploration de ce phenomene. Il presente une analyse du contenu mediatique et evalue comment les medias depeignent les droits dans leur couverture des decisions de la Cour supreme portant sur la Charte.

Social Capital and Political Participation of Canadians

Abstract: . This paper evaluates the importance of social capital for political participation of native-born Canadians and immigrants. The Survey of Social Engagement in Canada, a large survey of Canadians conducted by Statistics Canada in 2003, is used in order to test the role of social relations and connections in accounting for political participation. Analyses show that although the “usual suspects” play important roles in explaining political activities, the main culprit is social capital. Among social capital measures, though all are important, associational involvement and social networks, followed by trust and volunteering, are the best predictors of political participation. Moreover, the effect of social capital varies by period of immigration. Theoretical and policy implications of findings are discussed.Resume. Cet article evalue l'importance du capital social pour la participation politique des Canadiens de naissance et des immigres. L'Enquete sociale generale, cycle 17 : L'Engagement social, une grande enquete menee par Statistique Canada en 2003, sert de toile de fond pour estimer le role des rapports et liens sociaux dans la participation politique. Les analyses montrent que, bien que d'autres facteurs connus jouent un role dans le choix d'activites politiques, le plus important est le capital social. Parmi les mesures de ce facteur, qui sont toutes importantes, l'activite au sein d'une association et les reseaux sociaux, suivis de la confiance et du travail benevole, sont les meilleurs predicteurs de la participation politique. Suit une discussion des consequences theoriques de ces resultats et de leur incidence sur la politique generale.

Nested Federalism in Arctic Quebec: A Comparative Perspective

Abstract: . The creation of an autonomous region of Nunavik within the province of Quebec would constitute a new phase in the development of Canadian federalism. Although there is no existing domestic model for such a political arrangement, the system of nested federalism in the Russian Federation offers a useful comparative tool for examining the internal and external features of the emerging system of government in Nunavik, as well as the challenges of operationalizing and embedding such a system within the Canadian federal structure. This article outlines the basic principles of nested federalism and considers them in light of recent developments in the region of Nunavik, including the initialing of an “Agreement in Principle concerning the amalgamation of certain public institutions and the creation of the Nunavik Regional Government” between the regional, provincial and federal governments in August 2007. The article concludes that although the Agreement in Principle does not entrench the types of intergovernmental mechanisms and jurisdictional powers that were recommended by the 2001 Report of the Nunavik Commission and that are necessary to the proper functioning of a nested federal arrangement, the political amalgamation outlined in this document represents a significant step forward in terms of creating an institutional framework for an autonomous, nested region in Nunavik.Resume. La creation d'une region autonome du Nunavik a l'interieur de la province du Quebec constituerait une nouvelle phase dans le developpement du federalisme canadien. Bien qu'il n'y ait aucun modele domestique existant d'un tel arrangement politique le systeme de federalisme “encastre” dans la Federation Russe offre un outil comparatif utile pour examiner les caracteristiques internes et externes du systeme de gouvernement emergeant au Nunavik. L'exemple russe demontre aussi les defis fonctionnels lies a l'etablissement d'un tel systeme a l'interieur de la structure federale existante au Canada. Cet article developpe les principes de base d'un “federalisme encastre” et les considere en vue des developpements recents dans la region du Nunavik, incluant les negociations pour un “Entente de principe sur la fusion de certaines institutions publiques et la creation du gouvernement regional du Nunavik” entre les differents gouvernements regional, provincial et federal en aout 2007. L'article conclut que bien que l'Accord de Principe n'inclut pas les types de mecanismes intergouvernementaux et les pouvoirs juridictionnels qui etaient recommandes dans le Rapport de 2001 de la Commission de Nunavik et qui sont necessaires au bon fonctionnement d'un arrangement federal “encastre,” le fusionnement politique developpe dans ce document represente un pas en avant significatif dans la construction institutionnelle d'un Nunavik autonome a l'interieur du Quebec.

Polarized Pluralism in the Canadian Party System: Presidential Address to the Canadian Political Science Association, June 5, 2008

Abstract: . The Canadian party system is an example “polarized pluralism,” whose key feature is domination by a party of the centre. Centrist domination induces centrifugal tendencies elsewhere in the system. Polarized pluralism accounts for several of the system's peculiar features: three-party competition in individual ridings, contrary to the predictions of Duverger's Law; the existence and episodic dynamics of sectional parties; boom and bust cycles in Conservative party electoral history; and the large gaps between federal and provincial outcomes within many provinces. But domination by a centrist party itself demands explanation.Resume. Le systeme canadien des partis politiques exemplifie le «pluralisme polarise», dont l'element cle est la force dominante d'un parti du centre. Une telle domination induit des tendances centrifuges ailleurs dans le systeme. Pour sa part, le pluralisme polarise explique plusieurs elements du systeme canadien : la presence de trois partis competitifs au niveau de la circonscription, malgre les predictions du Duverger; l'existence meme et la dynamique des partis sectionalistes; l'alternance entre force et faiblesse dans l'histoire du Parti conservateur; et les grands ecarts qui se presentent dans plusieurs provinces entre les elections federales et les elections provinciales. Dans ce contexte, la force d'un parti centriste se doit d'etre expliquee.

Life Cycle, Generational and Period Effects on Protest Potential in Yeltsin's Russia

Abstract: . Regime change in Eastern Europe affords an excellent opportunity for investigating linkages between age and politics in times of social turmoil. Using data from three waves of the World Values Survey, this paper explores life cycle, generational and period effects on protest potential in Yeltsin's Russia. The study finds that an individual's position in the life cycle is the strongest predictor of protest potential in the post-communist state. Furthermore, the analysis suggests that citizens socialized during periods of relative socioeconomic stability exhibit the highest protest potential under conditions of uncertainty characteristic of the transition period.Resume. Les changements de regime en Europe de l'Est permettent d'examiner la relation complexe entre l'âge et la politique pendant les periodes d'instabilite sociale. S'appuyant sur les donnees de trois vagues du World Values Survey (sondage mondial sur les valeurs), cet article explore l'incidence du cycle de vie, de la generation et de la periode sur le potentiel protestataire dans la Russie d'Eltsine. L'etude demontre que la position de l'individu dans le cycle de vie est le plus puissant facteur de prediction du potentiel protestataire dans la societe postcommuniste. En outre, les citoyens socialises pendant des periodes de relative stabilite socio-economique presentent le potentiel protestataire le plus eleve dans des conditions d'incertitude caracteristiques de la periode de transition.

The Arctic Promise: Legal and Political Autonomy of Greenland and Nunavut

Abstract: The Arctic Promise: Legal and Political Autonomy of Greenland and Nunavut, Natalia Loukacheva, Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2007, pp. xii, 255. Is there political space for a northern vision of governance? This book is a comparative evaluation of Inuit efforts to realize autonomy within the Danish realm and Canadian federation through the creation and evolution of Greenland and Nunavut. A comparative legal and historical analysis is used to make normative claims about Inuit autonomy in these two jurisdictions. The concept of autonomy is defined by the author as “equivalent to self-government in the context of an internal right to self-determination” (6). It is argued that there is no need for Inuit in either territory to pursue a special type of indigenous autonomy because Inuit legal and political aspirations can be realized through existing arrangements. Loukacheva claims, “The Inuit majorities of Nunavut and Greenland in practice are turning de jure territorial forms of governance into de facto indigenous ones” (40). The evidence presented in this book may not constitute the last word on Inuit autonomy, but it sure is provocative.

Empire's Law: Alexis de Tocqueville on Colonialism and the State of Exception

Abstract: . In recent years there has been a debate about how to evaluate Alexis de Tocqueville's defense of colonialism. Some scholars have argued that there is a tension between the key doctrines of Tocqueville's political theory and his enthusiastic promotion of the French conquest and colonization of Algeria. Others have concluded that the apparent contradiction can be explained by paying careful attention to the nuances of his work or the logic of liberalism. This article advances this debate by reconstructing Tocqueville's theory of martial law, a dimension of his work that has been frequently overlooked. In a series of letters, notes and parliamentary reports on Algeria, Tocqueville criticized of the use of martial law in governing French citizens and defended its use against native Algerians. Tocqueville's writings on Algeria make it clear that he treated the rule of law not as a natural right held by all people but rather as a technique of government that was appropriate in communities already united by social ties.Resume. Recemment, l'interpretation de la defense du colonialisme par Alexis de Tocqueville est devenue l'objet d'un debat important. Certains auteurs discernent une tension entre les principes centraux de la philosophie politique de Tocqueville et sa promotion enthousiaste de la conquete et la colonisation de l'Algerie par la France. D'autres ont conclu que la contradiction apparente s'explique lorsqu'on regarde de pres les nuances de ses ecrits sur la logique interne du liberalisme. Cet article contribue a ce debat en reconstruisant la theorie de la loi martiale de Tocqueville – une dimension de son oeuvre trop souvent negligee. Dans une serie de lettres, notes et rapports parlementaires sur l'Algerie, Tocqueville a critique l'usage de la loi martiale dans le gouvernement des citoyens francais, mais l'a defendu contre les indigenes. Ses ecrits sur l'Algerie demontrent que Tocqueville considerait l'Etat de droit non comme un droit naturel inherent a la personne, mais plutot comme une technique de gouvernement s'appliquant principalement aux communautes deja unies par des liens sociaux.

Business and Environmental Politics in Canada

Abstract: Business and Environmental Politics in Canada , Douglas MacDonald, Peterborough ON: Broadview Press, 2007, pp. xi, 224. Whether because of Al Gore, increasingly stern warnings from the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change or the strange weather of late, this past year has seen political actors of all stripes—business leaders prominent among them—restate their commitment to the environment. MacDonald's new book is thus a timely contribution, offering a historical perspective that may lead readers to treat the latest round of corporate “greening” with caution. This study of shifting business interests, strategies and power in relation to environmental policy making demonstrates how firms have worked over the last fifty years, notwithstanding public statements and even some sincere efforts to the contrary, to minimize the threats posed by new environmental regulations.

Neoliberalism and Violence against Women: Can Retrenchment Convergence Explain the Path of Provincial Anti-Violence Policy, 1985–2005?

Abstract: . This article examines the impact of neoliberalism on provincial policies aimed at addressing the problem of violence against women during a period (1985–2005) when welfare state retrenchment convergence has been documented both provincially and in a variety of Western democracies, including in Canada. Using measurements of both aggregate government expenditures and qualitative evaluations of anti-violence policy progression during this time frame, my analysis questions the existence of welfare state convergence in both Ontario and British Columbia. Instead, it demonstrates evidence of pronounced anti-violence policy divergence in both cases, which is better explained by a partisan theory of public policy framework.Resume. Cet article examine l'incidence du neoliberalisme sur les politiques provinciales visant a enrayer le probleme de la violence faite aux femmes au cours de la periode 1985–2005. Cette periode coincide avec la remise en question de l'Etat providence, phenomene largement documente a l'echelle provinciale comme dans diverses democraties occidentales, incluant le Canada. En mesurant les depenses publiques d'agregat ainsi que les evaluations qualitatives de l'evolution des politiques contre la violence durant cette periode, mon analyse remet en question l'existence d'une convergence dans l'evolution de l'Etat providence en Ontario et en Colombie-Britannique. En fait, elle demontre plutot l'evidence d'une divergence prononcee de politiques dans les deux cas, qui peut etre mieux expliquee par une theorie “partisane” des politiques publiques.

Media, Public Opinion and Health Care in Canada: How the Media Affect “The Way Things Are”

Abstract: Health care has arguably been the most important issue in Canadian politics in the past decade. This paper focuses on the extent to which the media affect public perceptions of “the way things are” in the Canadian health care system. Individual perceptions of the state of health care are analyzed as being a function of personal experience with the system, loyalty or pre-formed opinions and the information that the individual receives through the media. Results indicate that media use has a significant effect on the likelihood of negative perceptions regarding the state of health care.

Citizenship and the Welfare State: A Critique of David Miller's Theory of Nationality

Abstract: . For much of the post-war period of welfare state formation, T.H. Marshall's idea of shared entitlement to universal social rights of citizenship formed the theoretical foundations of social democratic political reforms and legitimacy. This approach has been updated by contemporary egalitarian theorists, such as John Rawls. The ongoing politics of restructuring have led to a growing number of arguments against the motivational capacity of an institutional account of social unity. This paper examines a particular argument against rights-based citizenship—David Miller's theory of nationality. Miller argues that “pure” citizenship rests on self-interest, and thus when differences in risk are explicit it can only legitimate minimal redistribution. Strong welfare states require pre-political ties and must be embedded in the ethical relations of shared nationality. Against Miller's position, it is advanced that shared citizenship has both effective motivational and moral dimensions. It can also address the problems the nationality thesis faces in reconciling its account of motivation with the moral diversity that is constitutive of pluralist societies.Resume. Dans l'apres-guerre, au moment de la formation des Etats-providence, la mise en place et la justification des politiques social-democrates s'appuyerent en grande majorite sur la theorie de T.H. Marshall a propos du role joue par les droits sociaux dans l'integration civique. Cette approche a ete actualisee par des theoriciens egalitariens tels que John Rawls. Les politiques actuelles de restructuration de l'Etat-providence ont provoque la multiplication d'un certain type de critiques soulignant les insuffisances de cette approche institutionnelle du lien social en termes de ressources motivationnelles. Cet article examine l'une ces critiques, formulee par David Miller dans sa theorie sur la nationalite. Miller soutient que la citoyennete “pure” repose sur l'interet personnel et qu'elle ne peut justifier qu'une redistribution minimale, lorsque les differences engagees sont manifestes. Pour affirmer leur autorite, les Etats-providence ont besoin d'etre fondes sur des liens prepolitiques et soutenus par les rapports de solidarite d'une nationalite commune. A l'encontre de la position defendue par Miller, on avancera que la citoyennete possede de facon effective une dimension qui est a la fois morale et motivationnelle. En outre, elle est a meme d'affronter les problemes que souleve la these sur la nationalite, en reconciliant sa conception de la motivation avec la diversite morale inherente aux societes pluralistes.

How Ideology Divides Generations: The 2002 and 2004 South Korean Elections

Abstract: . An interesting phenomenon in recent South Korean electoral politics is the generation gap. In the 2002 presidential and the 2004 National Assembly elections, voting behaviour was sharply split between different age groups. A main question of this article is to figure out the underlying characteristics of the generational differences in the two elections and of the ideological division in the South Korean context. Findings show that the generation gap reflects different assessments of the authoritarian period and its inheritance. Young voters took a libertarian view and a negative assessment of the authoritarian era, while older voters, especially in their fifties and older, had a positive attitude toward the authoritarian legacies. Roh Moo-hyun's victory was largely attributed to his successful mobilization of young voters' generational rebellion.Resume. Un des phenomenes interessants dans la vie politique electorale sud-coreenne concerne les differences de generations. Les groupes d'âge differents ont montre un comportement electoral differencie dans les elections presidentielles de 2002 et les legislatives de 2004. L'interrogation majeure de cet article est de trouver les principales caracteristiques des differences generationnelles dans les deux elections, ainsi que les clivages ideologiques dans le contexte sud-coreen. Les resultats de cette etude montrent que les differences generationnelles refletent celles du jugement sur la periode du regime autoritaire et de ses heritages. Les jeunes electeurs possedent une vision libertaire et un jugement negatif sur la periode du regime autoritaire, tandis que les electeurs plus âges, notamment ceux qui ont plus de 50 ans, font preuve d'une attitude positive sur les heritages de la periode autoritaire. La victoire de Roh Moo-hyun s'explique en grande partie par la mobilisation reussie de la revolte generationnelle de jeunes electeurs.

Needs, Rights and "One Law for All": Contemporary Debates in New Zealand Maori Politics

Abstract: This paper examines contemporary debates in Maori politics by responding to the argument of the former leader of the opposition National party, Don Brash, that Maori public policy is most properly based on “need” alone because indigenous status offers no “rights” beyond those of common national citizenship The paper's alternative argument is that the politics of indigeneity and associated theories of self-determination provide a way of avoiding a general belief that addressing need is all that is required to include Maori fairly in the national polity It is argued that Maori ought to enjoy rights of indigeneity as the basis of an inclusive, cohesive and fair societyResume Cette etude examine certains debats dans le domaine de la politique maorie en repondant aux propos de l'ancien chef du parti National, Don Brash, selon qui la politique publique maorie se baserait le plus aptement sur la notion du seul ‘besoin’, le statut de peuple indigene ne conferant aucun ‘droit’ au-dela de ceux qu'accorde la citoyennente nationale reguliere Nous proposons par contre que la politique de l'indigeneite et les theories de l'auto-determination qui y sont associees constituent un moyen de parer a une croyance generalisee qu'il suffirait de suppleer au besoin pour inclure avec justice les Maoris dans la politique nationale Nous demontrerons que dans une societe inclusive, cohesive et juste, les Maoris devraient jouir des droits accordes par l'indigeneite

Freedom of Speech in Early Stuart England

Abstract: Freedom of Speech in Early Stuart England, David Colclough, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2005, pp. 314. The rhetorical lynchpin of this fascinating book's central argument is the concept of parrhesia, which is a Greek term that began life as a catch-all expression for the quality of speech belonging to citizens of the polis (6). Colclough implies that the tradition of parrhesia took a circular route via the freedom of expression inherent in the group rights of Greek citizens to the need for frank expression of unpleasant truths by courtiers to their rulers. This transition required that “frankness” be elevated to the status of a virtue once it became apparent that rulers did not always make decisions in the best interest of the state. After the Reformation in northern Europe this virtue evolved into a religious imperative in the face of sectarian persecution and in England, especially, this imperative naturally extended itself to the admonition of monarchs who encroached on their citizens' religious freedoms. Religious conflict led to war, war required economic investment and soon the religious imperative to oppose the wrong-headed heretic blended with a protestant parliament's right to admonish the monarch on purely secular matters. Thus, under the Stuarts, parrhesia eventually came to resume its original sense as the right and duty of a free subject to speak out in public without fear that his desire to preserve the common good would be prosecuted under laws aimed at the seditious and libelous. It is but a rising sense of the secular that enables us to recognize the change in values that led an onerous religious duty to become the unimpeachable liberal right we so casually assert today.

Youth Turnout: Adolescents' Attitudes in Ontario

Abstract: . The last two decades have witnessed dramatic downswings in voter turnout. Turnout decline among the youngest voters has been particularly pronounced, even discounting for normal life-cycle effects. Voting and abstention are habitual, so initial turnout decisions set the course for the life span. Consequently, greater attention to the immediate pre-adult years is necessary. This is the task we undertake using survey data on Ontario adolescents' attitudes toward voting.Resume. Les deux dernieres decennies temoignent d'un declin dramatique de la participation electorale. Chez les plus jeunes electeurs, cette tendance s'avere particulierement prononcee, meme en tenant compte des effets habituels du cycle de vie. Le fait de voter ou de s'en abstenir sont une question d'habitude, de sorte que la decision initiale de pparticiper ou non tend a determiner le comportement pour la vie. Il importe donc d'accorder plus d'attention aux annees precedant immediatement l'âge adulte. C'est la tâche que nous entreprenons en nous appuyant sur les donnees de sondages portant sur l'attitude des adolescents de l'Ontario a l'egard du vote.

Les lieux d'activisme: le mariage gai en Belgique, en France et en Espagne

Abstract: Resume. Cet article etudie les lieux investis par les activistes LGBT durant les mobilisations en faveur de l'ouverture du mariage civil aux couples de meme sexe en France, en Espagne et en Belgique. Il montre que l'articulation entre les niveaux etatique et infraetatiques ne resulte pas uniquement des variations institutionnelles de la structure des opportunites politiques ou, a l'image du scale-jumping , de considerations strategiques. Elle s'inscrit aussi dans des phenomenes plus vastes : la culture politique, l'histoire et l'organisation des mouvements LGBT dans chacun des pays analyses. Ce texte discute ainsi certaines observations de Miriam Smith (et de John Grundy) sur la deconnexion des niveaux d'action au sein du mouvement LGBT canadien. Abstract. This article examines the places invested by LGBT activists while advocating the opening-up of civil marriage to same-sex couples in France, Spain and Belgium. It shows how the articulation between state and sub-state levels does not only result from institutional variations of the political opportunities structure or, as for scale-jumping, from strategic concerns. It also ensues from broader phenomena: political culture, as well as the history and organisation of LGBT movements in each of the countries under study. This text also discusses some of Miriam Smith (and John Grundy)'s observations on the disconnections of action levels within the Canadian LGBT movement.

Quebec Labour and the Referendums

Abstract: . The Quebec labour movement's decision to withdraw its support for Canada's federal system in the 1970s and instead embrace the sovereignist option was unquestionably linked to the intersection of class and nation in Quebec. In this period, unions saw the sovereignist project as part of a larger socialist or social democratic societal project. Because the economic inequalities related to ethnic class, which fuelled the labour movement's support for sovereignty in the 1970s, were no longer as prevalent by the time of Quebec's 1995 referendum, organized labour's continued support for the sovereignist option in the post-referendum period cannot adequately be explained using the traditional lens of class and nation. This paper employs an institutional comparative analysis of Quebec's three largest trade union centrals with a view to demonstrating that organized labour's primary basis for supporting sovereignty has changed considerably over time. While unions have not completely abandoned a class-based approach to the national question, they have tended to downplay class division in favour of an emphasis on Quebec's uniqueness and the importance of preserving the collective francophone identity of the nation. Party–union relations, the changing cultural, political and economic basis of the sovereignist project and the emergence of neoliberalism in Quebec are offered as key explanatory factors for the labour movement's shift in focus.Resume. La decision du mouvement syndical quebecois de retirer son soutien du systeme federal, dans les annees 1970, et d'embrasser l'option souverainiste, a ete liee incontestablement a l'intersection de classe et nation au Quebec. Dans cette periode, les syndicats ont vu le projet souverainiste en tant qu'element d'un plus grand projet de societe a caractere social democratique ou socialiste. Toutefois, puisque les inegalites economiques associees a la classe ethnique qui avaient pousse le mouvement syndical dans le camp de la souverainete n'etaient plus aussi prononcees lors du referendum de 1995, l'analyse traditionnelle de classe et nation ne peut plus expliquer le maintien de sa position souverainiste durant la periode postreferendaire. Cet article se fonde sur une analyse comparative et institutionnelle des trois plus grandes centrales syndicales quebecoises en vue de demontrer que les motifs premiers de l'appui syndical au projet souverainiste ont change considerablement avec le temps. Meme si les syndicats n'ont pas completement abandonne l'approche militante surla question nationale, ils ont relegue les divisions de classes au second plan et plutot mis l'accent sur le caractere distinct du Quebec et sur l'importance de preserver l'identite francophone collective de la nation. Les relations entre les syndicats et les partis politiques, la base culturelle, politique et economique du projet souverainiste, et l'introduction du neoliberalisme au Quebec sont presentees en tant que facteurs principaux expliquant l'evolution de la position syndicale a l'egard de la question nationale.

The 1982 Mexican Bank Statization and Unintended Consequences for the Emergence of Neoliberalism

Abstract: . The 1982 Mexican presidential decision to statize all domestic commercial banks was meant to reset state bank capital relations and salvage some form of state-led capitalism. However, bank statization had the counterintuitive and ultimately unintended consequence of enabling a more rapid transition to neoliberalism, financialization and market-led capitalism than otherwise may have been possible. The implications of this are profound as alternatives to neoliberalism that seek a return to state-led development are ultimately flawed without more collective, local, and substantively democratic calls for the control of credit and, hence, human development.Resume. La decision presidentielle mexicaine de 1982 d'etatiser toutes les banques commerciales domestiques avait pour but la reconfiguration des relations capitalistes Etat-banque afin de recuperer une certaine forme de capitalisme etatique. Or, ce processus eu pour consequences inattendues l'acceleration de la transition au neoliberalisme, a la financiarisation et au capitalisme de marche. Les implications sont profondes pour les alternatives au neoliberalisme qui, cherchant un retour au capitalisme d'Etat, s'averent inefficaces sans un controle collectif, local et democratique du credit et, par ricochet, du developpement humain.