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Showing papers in "Dados-revista De Ciencias Sociais in 2002"


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In Brazil, the executive has exclusive rights to initiate the annual budget and legislators have the right to amend the bill, but only if those amendments are compatible with the multi-year budget plan elaborated by the executive as well as with the law on budgetary guidelines as discussed by the authors.
Abstract: In Brazil the executive has exclusive rights to initiate the annual budget. Legislators have the right to amend the bill; but only if those amendments are compatible with the multi-year budget plan elaborated by the executive as well as with the law on budgetary guidelines. Moreover, congress may not authorize expenditures that exceed the budgetary revenue. It is also the executive, who is entitled to determine which amendment will really be appropriated, as the appropriation is contingent on the availability of resources in the national treasury. This paper argues that those rules not only restrict congressional action, but also enable the president to preserve at low costs its coalition inside Congress. It shows strong evidence that the Brazilian President rewards those legislators who most vote for his interests by executing their individual amendments to the annual budget and, equally, punishes those who vote less by not executing their individual amendments.

139 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors analyzed the process of reform in four areas of social policies that affect directly the interests of sub-national governments: basic education, social housing programs, basic sanitation and health.
Abstract: The article analyses the process of reform in four areas of social policies that affect directly the interests of sub-national governments: basic education, social housing programs, basic sanitation and health. As the study reveals, despite the varying degree of success achieved in the various policy initiatives and contrary to the expectations of the prevailing interpretations of the nature of Brazilian federalism, the federal government faced no insurmountable hurdles in implementing their reform agenda. The study aims at demonstrating that (i) in the absence of any constitutional mandatory requirement, the political autonomy of local governments - typical of federative States - actually enhances the veto power of local governments over policy initiatives proposed by the federal Executive branch. However, (ii) power resources available to the federal Executive branch - such as agenda definition and vetoing powers - in addition to control over resources that are essential to the political survival of the representatives increase the chances of success of the federal government. Furthermore, (1999), (iii) the constitutional authority of Brazilian states is far more limited than that of the North-American states; (iv) the category "federalism", however, is not sufficient to define the potential stability of specific policies, which depends upon how inter-governmental relations are structured in each particular policy. Specifically, (v) constitutional rules, legacies from previous policies and the political cycle frame the decision arenas in various ways, thus conditioning both the strategies and chances of success of the federative players.

108 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, the authors show that the rules and regulations governing the budget process affect the distribution of funds both between branches of government and within the legislative branch itself, and that the strategy adopted by the majority supporting the Executive takes into account their contribution to the success of policies sponsored by the administration of which they are part.
Abstract: This article challenges the interpretations concerning participation by Brazilian legislators in the budget process focused on incentives generated by the electoral legislation We show that the rules and regulations governing the budget process affect the distribution of funds both between branches of government and within the legislative branch itself Constitutional and legal rules preserve the original proposal submitted by the Executive Within Congress, the bylaws favor collective participation of members, for example, by way of submission of amendments by State representations We further show that participation by the legislative branch in the budget process can only be understood when the political parties are taken into account Coordination of efforts by the political parties thus ends up grouping them in two major blocs, pro-administration and opposition In other words, partisan participation in the budget process depends on the parties’ relations with the Executive Thus, the strategy adopted by the majority supporting the Executive takes into account their contribution to the success of policies sponsored by the administration of which they are a part

90 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors argue that the Brazilian President's lawmaking powers, especially related to budget-making, crucially modify the incentives for more or less cooperative behavior among House members vis-a-vis their respective party representations in Congress, comparing two democratic periods in Brazil: 1946-64 and post-1988.
Abstract: This article argues that the Brazilian President’s lawmaking powers, especially related to budget-making, crucially modify the incentives for more or less cooperative behavior among House members vis-a-vis their respective party representations in Congress, comparing the two democratic periods in Brazil: 1946-64 and post-1988. During the former period, given the President’s reduced agenda powers, Congress had greater freedom to define its approach to the President’s policy program without running the risk of retaliation in the form of lost patronage and budget resources. During the post-1988 period, since budget-making initiative is concentrated in the hands of the Executive Branch, the President’s bargaining power has expanded, requiring Congress to organize in more disciplined parties in order to more efficiently pressure the Administration to comply with agreements for mutual support. The study’s empirical section begins by identifying the pattern of coalitions that allowed for the developmentalist project in the 1950s as contrasted with the partisan coalition pattern that approved the constitutional reforms during the Cardoso Administration. The second section analyzes the parties’ policies towards the composition of crucial standing committees, demonstrating the impact of party loyalty on obtaining seats in the Committee on the Constitution and the Judiciary and the Committee on Finances and Taxation. The impact of party loyalty was significant in the former period and non-significant in the latter.

55 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors discuss how the ideas of Cesare Lombroso and his followers were incorporated into the intellectual debate in Brazil in the late 19th and early 20th centuries and demonstrate how these ideas contributed to the elaboration of differentiated forms of legal and penal treatment for certain segments of the population.
Abstract: In this article we discuss how the ideas of Cesare Lombroso (1835-1909) and his followers were incorporated into the intellectual debate in Brazil in the late 19th and early 20th centuries. By specifically analyzing the intellectual production of Brazilian legal scholars and jurists of the time - who drew on ideas from criminology to conceive Brazilian society and to propose legal and institutional reforms - we attempt to demonstrate how these ideas contributed to the elaboration of differentiated forms of legal and penal treatment for certain segments of the population.

52 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, the authors argue that the legal ability of the Brazilian Chief of State to issue decrees with the force of law and taking force immediately does not imply that members of Congress have abdicated from their legislative prerogatives in favor of the Executive Branch.
Abstract: This article discusses the relationship between the Executive and Legislative Branches in Brazil with regard to the issuing of Provisional Measures (PMs) by the former. The article contends that the legal ability of the Brazilian Chief of State to issue decrees with the force of law and taking force immediately (i.e., PMs) does not imply that members of Congress have abdicated from their legislative prerogatives in favor of the Executive Branch, as proposed by some authors analyzing the issue. After presenting the most important analyses of the dynamics in the Executive-Legislative relationship, the article aligns itself with the interpretation emphasizing the process of mutual delegation and control between the two powers, contending that the formation of a solid coalition government generates incentives for the Executive to issue PMs that meet the interests of the legislative majorities, and that Congress is also capable of inferring whether such measures meet its interests, by way of an indirect supervisory mechanism known as the "fire alarm". The article proposes that it is possible to view PMs as part of a complex and changing context of delegation within Brazilian Presidentialism, involving neither usurpation nor abdication.

50 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors apply quantitative methods to recover the individual preferences of Brazilian representatives, as expressed in their nominal votes in the 49th and 50th legislatures, assuming both the rational choice and spatial theories of voting.
Abstract: In this work we apply quantitative methods to recover the individual preferences of Brazilian representatives, as expressed in their nominal votes in the 49th and 50th legislatures. The method assumes both the rational choice and spatial theories of voting. Empirical analyses show that Brazilian representatives can be accurately positioned in a single ideological continuum that reflects, in part, the consensus of Brazilian politics observers: members of the Partido dos Trabalhadores (PT - Workers’ Party) are positioned at the extreme left and those of the Frente Liberal (PFL - Liberal Front) at the opposite end. The Partido da Social Democracia Brasileira (PSDB - Party of the Brazilian Social Democracy), in turn, moved from a center-left position in the 49th legislature to the right, in the 50th. Additional dimensions contribute very little to the explanatory capacity of the model. The spatial positioning of representatives of a same party vary significantly, and the paramount quality of the statistical model used is its capacity to provide us with a spatial interpretation of this variation. The first dimension is rather stable in both legislatures. Circumstantial evidence is raised to support the hypothesis that these dimensions reflect the relationship between the Executive and the Legislative branches of government. During this period, the Presidents of the Republic were located at the extreme right of the political space.

45 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, the authors analyze the issue of party unity, investigating the factors that favor or discourage party breaks, including intra-partisan institutional arrangement, internal ideological dissent, and the electoral costs of a split.
Abstract: This article analyzes the issue of party unity, investigating the factors that favor or discourage party breaks. Three independent variables are proposed, forming a model that seeks to evaluate the possibilities for splitting or maintaining party organization. The variables are the intra-partisan institutional arrangement, internal ideological dissent, and the electoral costs of a split. The model is applied to the case of the Workers' Party (PT), seeking to evaluate which factors are the strongest in this party, those leading to a split or those favoring maintenance of unity in the party's organization. The study draws on various data sources, including party documents and bylaws, theses proposed by party factions, and election results, covering four national events in the 1990s. The study contends that intra-partisan institutional arrangements and the electoral costs of a split have strongly discouraged any break in the PT as a political party, and that if all else remains constant, these factors will continue to produce the same effects in the foreseeable future.

39 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, the authors argue that Schumpeter's main conceptions of society and human nature have been inherited from a current of though that aimed at asserting the impossibility of any democratic organization: the so-called "theory of elites", materialized in the works of Vilfredo Pareto, Gaetano Mosca and Robert Michels.
Abstract: Claiming that democratic regimes were basically procedural (or competitive) in character, Capitalism, Socialism and Democracy published in 1942 by Austrian economist Joseph Schumpeter, was a turning point in the theory of democracy. From then on, all major lines of the theory of democracy have been defined vis-a-vis the Schumpeterian conception, and many of the most influential ones fit his key premises. However, Schumpeter’s main conceptions of society and human nature have been inherited from a current of though that aimed at asserting the impossibility of any democratic organization: the so-called "theory of elites", materialized in the works of Vilfredo Pareto, Gaetano Mosca and Robert Michels. The article tries to demonstrate that this legacy jeopardizes the prevailing conceptions of democracy and even the practices of western-type electoral regimes.

29 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In both systems, portfolio coalitions are formed only when the formateur party and the one closest to it are relatively distant in policy terms as discussed by the authors, which is not due to the difficulty of forming coalitions.
Abstract: Are government coalitions less frequent under presidentialism than under parliamentarism? The only difference be w e the two systems is that unscheduled elections are held under parliamentarism in those situations in which under presidentialism a majority legislative coalition opposes the executive. In both systems, portfolio coalitions are formed only when the formateur party and the one closest to it are relatively distant in policy terms. Otherwise, the formateur party governs alone, satisfied with the legislative outcomes. Hence, portfolio minority governments need not be less effective legislatively than coalition governments. Whatever is wrong with presidentialism, is not due to the difficulty of forming coalitions.

28 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors explore the mechanisms that have been used by Brazilian voters to punish and reward their representatives and explore the impact of the institutional arrangement on voters' capacity to evaluate their representatives.
Abstract: The purpose of this article is to explore the mechanisms that have been used by Brazilian voters to punish and reward their representatives. The article has three sections. The first discusses theoretical aspects of electoral control issues in traditional democracies. The second specifically analyzes two dimensions of the Brazilian system of representation: a) whether accountability operates on a partisan or personalized basis and b) the impact of the institutional arrangement on voters’ capacity to evaluate their representatives (clarity of responsibility). The last section explores some specific electoral control mechanisms exercised by Brazilian voters in the 1998 elections for House of Representatives.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, the authors argue that the so-called conservative modernization has been completed in Brazil and that success led to overcoming both the conservative modernization itself and the regulated order before a new integrative institutional frame could be fully developed.
Abstract: In this article, we propose that the so-called "conservative modernization" has been completed in Brazil. Dialectically, success led to overcoming both the conservative modernization itself and the "regulated order" before a new integrative institutional frame could be fully developed. In advancing this argument, we review the recent literature on the agrarian issue and the political-institutional evolution of Brazil, in addition to an overall perspective of the theory of modernization and citizenship. Furthermore, we propose that there is no reason to imagine the prevalence of a homogenous modernity, which would only reproduce in Brazil what can be found elsewhere. Consequently, we propound that, in contemporary Brazil, we find a specific modernity in which stands out the neo-thomist tradition of the country.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, an exploratory study on geographic displacement patterns among researchers in Brazil during the 1990s was carried out and the results indicated a rather intense migratory pattern, particularly between States of the country, and that the most frequent motivation was the search for better work conditions.
Abstract: This is an exploratory study on geographic displacement patterns among researchers in Brazil during the 1990s. The mobility of researchers has not been studied in Brazil since the 1970s, when the country’s demographic panorama was quite different from the present. The results indicate a rather intense migratory pattern, particularly between States of the country, and that the most frequent motive was the search for better work conditions. The Southeast region is the greatest magnet for skilled human resources, and the mobility pattern there is much complex merely than a migratory route from the North and Northeast to Rio de Janeiro and Sao Paulo. Finally, the data suggest that migration increased during the 1990s and that there was an appreciable brain drain out of the country.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, the authors present arguments from various fields to contend that socioeconomic inequalities should be given priority treatment by national public policies, especially in countries where such inequalities abound, and conclude that even under pressure, especially from certain inherent aspects of contemporary economic inequalities, egalitarianism can develop in several directions.
Abstract: This article presents arguments from various fields to contend that socioeconomic inequalities be given priority treatment by national public policies, especially in countries where such inequalities abound. Based on the economic, sociological, and political science literature, the article gathers hypotheses and evidence indicating that inequalities, especially when excessive, should concern all those (even non-egalitarians), who ascribe importance to such objectives as economic growth, poverty reduction, social cohesion, and democracy. In addition, based on a reading of normative perspectives, the article attempts to map some of the challenges currently faced by egalitarianism. It concludes that even under pressure, especially from certain inherent aspects of contemporary economic inequalities, egalitarianism can develop in several directions.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors assess the dynamics of the decision-making process of health policy in Brazil from the viewpoint of executive-legislative relations, and conclude that the legislative power of presidents in the area of health must be tempered.
Abstract: The Presidents and the National Congress in the Decision-MakingProcess of Health Policies in Democratic Brazil (1985-1998) The article assesses the dynamics of the decision-making process of healthpolicy in Brazil from the viewpoint of Executive-Legislative relations. Itexamines institutional mechanisms, negotiation strategies and politicalresources available to introduce, amend and regulate laws in this socialarena. It shows that congressional capacity to refine laws proposed by theExecutive branch is still limited (particularly due to both the MedidasProvisorias (Provisional Measure) and veto power of the Executive), butconcludes that the legislative power of Presidents in the area of health mustbe tempered. After all, during the period under analysis (1985-1998),Congressdisplayedenoughpowertoapproveagrowingnumberofbillsandconstitutional amendments in the area of health – significantly greater thanthe Executive’s. Keywords: health policy; Executive and Legislative relations;decision-making process; democratic Brazil

Journal ArticleDOI
Andy Baker1
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors provide evidence that Brazilians do politicize economic policy debates and that less educated Brazilians are less rational and coherent when it comes to evaluating their president.
Abstract: Free-Market Reform and Presidential Approval: The Politicization ofEconomic Policy Debates in Brazil To date, political scientists have argued that Brazilians’ attitudes aboutneoliberal reforms play no role in mass political behavior or politicalassessments. In this paper, I provide evidence that Brazilians do politicizeeconomicpolicydebates.DatafromaJanuary1998surveydemonstratethatmass attitudes about privatization, foreign direct investment and free tradeinfluenced citizens’ evaluations of the Fernando Henrique Cardosopresidency. Moreover, there is no evidence to support the conventionalwisdom that less educated Brazilians are less rational and coherent when itcomes to evaluating their president. Key words: economic policy; neoliberal reforms; political assessments;political behavior; electorate RESUME Reformes Liberalisantes et Approbation Presidentielle: La Politisation desDebats de la Politique Economique au Bresil Jusqu’anosjours,lesexpertspolitiquessoutiennentquel’avisdesBresiliensausujetdesreformesneoliberalesn’ontpasd’influencesurlecomportementpolitique ni sur l’evaluation politique de la part des electeurs. Dans cetarticle, l’auteur veut montrer que, au contraire, les Bresiliens politisent lesdebats sur la politique economique. Les donnees d’un

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, the authors focus on the configuration of biotechnology at the Oswaldo Cruz Foundation (FIOCRUZ) to exemplify developing countries' difficulty in disseminating an innovation model based on networks originally established in developed countries.
Abstract: The objective of this study is to reflect on the institutionalization of biotechnology in Brazil, relating it to the historical and institutional context marked by the national science and technology policy implemented since the 1970s. We focus on the configuration of biotechnology at the Oswaldo Cruz Foundation (FIOCRUZ) to exemplify developing countries' difficulty in disseminating an innovation model based on networks originally established in developed countries. The research shows that the lag between scientific capability and technological development at FIOCRUZ resulted from the institutional dynamic related to its process of reconstruction beginning in 1975, governed by both S&T policy and health policy for the production of immunobiological products in the country during that period.

Journal ArticleDOI
João Feres Jr.1
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors propose a typology of forms of disrespect based on Axel Honneth's critique of the Hegelian Republican treatment of the issue of recognition, inspired by the notion of asymmetrical counter-concepts as proposed by Reinhart Koselleck.
Abstract: In this article we propose a new typology of forms of disrespect. Based on Axel Honneth’s critique of the Hegelian Republican treatment of the issue of recognition, we elaborate an alternative proposal, inspired by the notion of asymmetrical counter-concepts as proposed by Reinhart Koselleck. We identify three basic forms of disrespect as expressed through the use of language, pointing to the horizons of expectations and the practical consequences they generate. Finally, we examine the advantages presented by our typology as compared to that proposed by Honneth, amongst which the possibility of applying this analytical tool to identify forms of disrespect that transcend the borders of the nation-state.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In the context of the history of sociology, and in a dialogue with some of his twentieth-century readers, the authors analyzed Le Play’s concept of family and its intimate connection with his findings.
Abstract: Among nineteenth-century authors, sociologist Frederic Le Play (1806-1882) stands out for the research methodology he developed to study European workers. In the perspective of the history of sociology, and in a dialogue with some of his twentieth-century readers, I analyze Le Play’s concept of family and its intimate connection with his findings. The so-called family monograph method, as the name indicates, intended to learn the living conditions of workers in different European countries by monitoring the life of some of their families. I intend to show how the construction of concepts, methods and survey and data-analyses techniques enabled the systematic reproduction of his observations, both by Le Play himself and his uncountable followers. In his methodology, the family is the core concern, and will enable future generations of both social scientists and historians to revisit them in their studies.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, a critical analysis of the model proposed by Jose Eisenberg in "Justificacao, Aplicacao e Consenso: Notas sobre Democracia e Deliberacao" (Dados, 44(1):195-213, 2001), which aims to explain the genesis of political arrangements in contemporary democracies is presented.
Abstract: The present article is a critical analysis of the model proposed by Jose Eisenberg in "Justificacao, Aplicacao e Consenso: Notas sobre Democracia e Deliberacao" (Dados, 44(1):195-213, 2001), which aims to explain the genesis of political arrangements in contemporary democracies. The article’s analysis focuses on Jurgen Habermas’ "discourse ethics" concepts, adopted by the model in question as its main theoretical reference. Based on the works of the German philosopher and social theorist, the article seeks to demonstrate that these concepts were initially developed from the Habermasian notion of discourse and, consequently, are not based on empirical consensus, as the model under analysis suggests. The article also points to other problems in the model’s theoretical consistency and suggests an approach for its improvement.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, the authors examined the extent to which the new economic institutional environment, the investment cycle, and the effects of industrial changes are affecting the labor market in Sao Jose dos Campos, Sao Paulo, Brazil.
Abstract: This article examines the extent to which the new economic institutional environment, the investment cycle, and the effects of industrial changes are affecting the labor market in Sao Jose dos Campos, Sao Paulo, Brazil. In the late 1990s, the region underwent a phase of economic prosperity with a major renewal of its technological complex, increased production, and employment sustained by the aircraft industry. Additional factors enter into the analysis: the persistence of a high threshold of overall unemployment throughout the 1990s; the dissemination of new quality and productivity programs with the partial and selective adoption of Japanese-inspired production management techniques; investments in the expansion of installed capacity and incorporation of new high-precision, high-speed equipment; a heavy demand by the aircraft industry for specialized engineers and other professionals, leading to a scarcity in some occupations such as quality technicians and aeronautics engineers; and expanded strategies for outsourcing production and services. Meanwhile, accelerated globalization of commercial, industrial, and technological activities in the aircraft industry produced a paradoxical trend involving concentration of innovation networks with multinational companies located outside of Brazil from the global production chain, and the strengthening of the firm's innovation system as compared to a weakening of the regional STI (Science, Technology, and Innovation) system. Thus, although the technological and employment opportunities created in the process have increased and been important, they have been insufficient to spawn more linked and integrated regional development for the local industrial sector as a whole.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: Bazzanella morreu nos primeiros dias defevereiro de 2002 as discussed by the authors, onde vivia com a family of imigrantes italianos, em Santa Catarina, Brazil.
Abstract: aleceu no Rio de Janeiro, onde vivia com a familia, o professorWaldemiro Bazzanella. Nao tenho nenhuma duvida de que, paraamaioriadaspessoas,estenomenaosignificanada.Era“afaceinthecrowd”… Acontece que, para outros – e entre estes eu me incluo –,Bazzanellaealguemdificildenaoserlembrado,pelapessoaqueeraepelo trabalho que realizou. Bazzanella morreu nos primeiros dias defevereiro de 2002.Ele advinha de uma familia de imigrantes italianos que se radicou noBrasil em fins do seculo XIX, em Santa Catarina. Seu avo foi um dosfundadores da cidade de Rio do Sul, onde seus familiares exerceramcargosdeprefeito,tabeliao,equasetudoomais…Suairma,Eda,umabela

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, the authors discuss the link in the work of Carl Schmitt between the critique of romanticism and the reflection on the themes of sovereignty and decision, and highlight both the structurally controversial nature of the German jurist’s ideas and the close ties between his legal/political theory and his critique of the liberal-bourgeois order as a synthesis of modernity.
Abstract: The objective of this article is to discuss the link in the work of Carl Schmitt between the critique of romanticism and the reflection on the themes of sovereignty and decision. Based on an analysis of some key issues in the books Politische Romantik (Political Romanticism), Politische Theologie (Political Theology), and Die Diktatur (The Dictatorship), the article analyzes how, in Carl Schmitt, romanticism and decisionism represent counterpoised conceptual universes, which refer to each other in various aspects. The attempt is thus to highlight both the structurally controversial nature of the German jurist’s ideas and the close ties between his legal/political theory and his critique of the liberal-bourgeois order as a synthesis of modernity.