Showing papers in "Democratization in 1999"
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors analyze the increasing use of Elections Commissions and survey the boundary line between technical and political challenges in conducting transitional elections, and propose a research and policy agenda to disentangle the technical from the political and pursue each more effectively.
Abstract: Much has been written about the causes and consequences of democracy, but a crucial variable for explaining the success or the failure of democratic transitions has been omitted ‐ the administration of elections. In a poor country with low levels of education, the administration of an election is no simple matter, and accidents occur at the intersection between political suspicion and technical incapacity. Many elections fail because one party interprets a ‘technical irregularity’ as politically‐inspired by its opponents, whereas it might be due to administrative failures. This article analyses the increasing use of Elections Commissions and surveys the boundary line between technical and political challenges in conducting transitional elections. It proposes a research and policy agenda to disentangle the technical from the political and pursue each more effectively.
220 citations
TL;DR: In this article, the authors argue that the electoral system is a crucial factor behind the democratic transition in emerging democracies, in a number of cases including Kenya, Mongolia, Nepal and Tanzania.
Abstract: Drawing on evidence from first and second elections in emerging democracies, this article addresses issues pertinent to understanding the interplay between institutional design and change on the one hand and on the other hand the course of the democratization process, its background and concomitants. Because the electoral system (understood broadly, that is, not only as seat allocation rules) is often seen as an institution conducive to the legitimation of emerging ‐ and therefore fragile ‐democracies, it is important to examine how the development of the electoral system has influenced the democratic transition outcome, in a number of cases. Cases considered include Kenya, Mongolia, Nepal and Tanzania, while comparisons with countries outside the third world such as Bosnia‐and‐Herzegovina and South Africa throw additional light on the argument. By seeking to avoid both the fallacy of electomlism and the fallacy of anti‐electoralism, the article argues that the electoral system is a crucial factor behind ...
81 citations
TL;DR: In this article, the authors employ institutional analysis and a critical adaptation of concepts of social capital and political legitimacy to explain both the weaknesses of democracy and its survival, and demonstrate that a mismatch between the formal institutions of democracy introduced under US colonial rule and entrenched informal institutions of patronage politics has prevented democratic deepening and the construction of civic-minded social capital.
Abstract: Despite the mythology surrounding the 1986 ‘people power revolution’ in the Philippines, the political system remains a deeply flawed and fragile democracy. This study employs institutional analysis and a critical adaptation of concepts of social capital and political legitimacy to explain both the weaknesses of democracy and its survival. An historical analysis of the evolution of the political system demonstrates that a mismatch between the formal institutions of democracy introduced under US colonial rule and entrenched informal institutions of patronage politics has prevented democratic deepening and the construction of civic‐minded social capital. The concentration of power and wealth in relatively few hands and the persistence of local ‘boss rule’ have subjected democratic forms of governance to repeated crises of legitimacy. Nevertheless, 13 years of predatory authoritarian rule under Ferdinand Marcos and the collapse of the communist movement have discredited non‐democratic alternatives. The resto...
56 citations
TL;DR: In this article, a critical exploration of the boundaries of the new thinking and contrast it with more substantive models from the 1970s and 1980s is presented. But it does not address the underlying assumptions of the current civil society orthodoxy as rather less than value-free.
Abstract: Since 1989, civil society theory within the literature on democratization reflects the hold exerted by the model of actually existing liberal democracy over political studies. Thus civil society is viewed in largely instrumental terms ‐ as a support structure for democracy at the state level ‐ and earlier, more radical, models ‐ which understood civil society to be a democratic end in itself ‐ are forgotten. Liberal‐democratic conceptualizations of civil society, therefore, remain largely unchallenged as to their normative assumptions; increasingly, the category civil society is seen as a neutral tool for social science analysis. This essay seeks to complicate this picture, and to expose the current civil society orthodoxy as rather less than value‐free. It does this via a critical exploration of the boundaries of the new thinking, and by juxtaposing it with more substantive models from the 1970s and 1980s.
48 citations
TL;DR: The role and impact of non-state actors in the transnationalization of democracy promotion has been examined in this article, which has important consequences for the international politics of democratization and international relations more generally.
Abstract: Promoting democracy has developed into a common activity performed by a variety of actors in the post‐cold war world. While it is states and international institutions that receive most of the attention devoted to this increasingly important issue‐area, other non‐state actors also engage in democracy promotion. This article examines the activities of two such actors: political foundations ‐ quasi‐governmental organizations established in a number of advanced states ‐ and think‐tanks ‐ private institutions traditionally engaged in research and policy advocacy. It argues that the role and impact of these actors deepen the transnationalization of democracy promotion, which has important consequences for the international politics of democratization and international relations more generally.
46 citations
TL;DR: Botswana has long been viewed as a ‘shining light’ of democracy in southern Africa as discussed by the authors. But, as a predominant party system, where extensive powers are concentrated in the hands of a presidency that is not directly elected by the people, a record of official discouragement of free expression by the press exists, the polity is characterized by elitism, centralized political power and weak executive accountability.
Abstract: Botswana has long been viewed as a ‘shining light’ of democracy in southern Africa. But, as a predominant party system, where extensive powers are concentrated in the hands of a presidency that is not directly elected by the people, and a record of official discouragement of free expression by the press exists, the polity is characterized by elitism, centralized political power and weak executive accountability. In some democratic aspects Namibia and South Africa appear to have overtaken Botswana in recent years, notwithstanding the latter's impressive economic growth. Civil society is weak. The citizens have yet to express dissatisfaction with their passive and restricted form of democracy and to demand an end to the inequalities on which the elitism and non‐participation rest. Thus the durability of Botswana's elite democracy, stabilized as it is by the presence of electoral competition between unevenly matched parties, seems guaranteed for the foreseeable future.
37 citations
TL;DR: Ghana's decentralised form of administration run by elected District Assemblies was created in 1989 by Jerry Rawlings' military government as mentioned in this paper, which idealised the consensual character of ‘traditional’ village life and rejected the relevance of political parties.
Abstract: Ghana's decentralised form of administration run by elected District Assemblies was created in 1989 by Jerry Rawlings’ military government. As in Uganda under Museveni's National Resistance Council regime, it was inspired by populist theories of participatory, community‐led democracy which idealised the consensual character of ‘traditional’ village life and rejected the relevance of political parties. The Assemblies remain by law ‘no‐party’ institutions, notwithstanding Ghana's transition to multi‐party constitutional democracy in 1992. Their performance since 1989 is examined in the light of the question: to what extent can the Ugandan ‘no‐party’ model continue within a context of party competition, given that it assumes the all‐inclusive and non‐conflictual character of community politics? The conclusion is that the contradictions between the no‐party consensual model, de facto ruling party domination and the reality of local conflict have created significant difficulties for the Assembly system. Partic...
33 citations
TL;DR: In this article, the authors argue that unless the issues of class-based and caste-based differences are taken seriously by women's groups in India, the wider question of empowerment cannot be satisfactorily answered.
Abstract: This article reflects upon the debate on quotas for women in representative institutions of government. It poses the question whether current debates about quotas for women are relevant to debates on women's empowerment. In doing so, it points to the bases upon which the arguments for and against quotas have been presented within the Indian political system, taking into account the historical debates on caste, the emergence of coalition politics, the strength of the women's movement, and the engagement of women's groups with the politics of difference. The central argument of the article is that unless the issues of class‐based and caste‐based differences are taken seriously by women's groups in India, the wider question of empowerment cannot be satisfactorily answered. The conclusion assesses whether the Indian example is of relevance to wider debates on quotas as strategies of empowerment.
33 citations
TL;DR: The resilience of democracy is discussed in this article, where an introduction to the resilience of the democratic system is given. But the resilience is not limited to elections, but also to persistent practice.
Abstract: (1999). The resilience of democracy: An introduction. Democratization: Vol. 6, The Resilience of Democracy Persistent Practice, Durable Idea, pp. 1-32.
32 citations
TL;DR: The dangers posed by ethnic conflict and unrealized popular hopes for economic progress are two major stumbling blocks to democratic consolidation in Mauritius as discussed by the authors. But the dangers of corruption, personalization of political parties and the exclusion of the ti-kreol from power, while real, have a greater potential f...
Abstract: The dangers posed by ethnic conflict and unrealized popular hopes for economic progress are two major stumbling blocks to democratic consolidation. When Mauritius became independent in 1968 the many serious difficulties it faced included ethnic conflicts, economic stagnation, rapid population growth and high unemployment. Yet, three decades on Mauritius is a flourishing democracy and an economic success. The explanation seems to be good luck, a favourable colonial inheritance, good leadership and five consequences of that leadership: the development of competent and representative state bureaucracy; restraint of population growth; economic diversification; the integration of minority communities in the policy process through a civic network; and the accomodation of diverse ethnic communities. Democracy in Mauritius has been consolidated but not perfected. But the dangers of corruption, personalization of political parties and the exclusion of the ti‐kreol from power, while real, have a greater potential f...
29 citations
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors explore the hypothesis that people in less democratic nations will use the Internet newsgroups devoted to those countries as a relatively safe form of political discussion and even protest.
Abstract: This article explores the hypothesis that people in less democratic nations will use the Internet newsgroups devoted to those countries as a relatively ‘safe’ form of political discussion and even protest. Also, it is expected that nationals of those countries living overseas will use these newsgroups to more openly discuss politics in those nations than they could otherwise do so. Before turning to a content analysis of the messages posted in non‐United States Usenet groups, the number of these groups and the levels of political discussion in them are quantified. The article quantifies the international usage of the Usenet as a first attempt to find some patterns in this usage that may be politically motivated. After all, many pundits imagine that the Internet will become the vaunted ‘global village’ and source of ‘grass‐roots democracy’, and not merely in the United States. An examination of the content of about 2500 messages in 41 Usenet groups then follows, with a view to establishing the following: h...
TL;DR: The authors examines the resiliency of Southeast Asian struggles to expand political space and replace authoritarianism with more representative political regimes, and suggests that this terminology represents a rejection of liberalism and of associated western-style democratic values.
Abstract: Southeast Asia exhibits a remarkable range of political forms. This study examines the resiliency of Southeast Asian struggles to expand political space and replace authoritarianism with more representative political regimes. Following an introduction examining these struggles during the colonial and post‐colonial periods, attention is given to the notion of ‘Asian‐style’ democracy. It is suggested that this terminology represents a rejection of liberalism and of associated western‐style democratic values. Malaysia and Singapore are cited as examples of illiberal approaches to political space, democratization and representation by the ruling parties. In contrast, Thailand and Indonesia are examples of recent democratization, which have more to do with popular struggles for expanded political space than with elite notions of ‘Asian‐style’ democracy. There are some reasons for optimism regarding further democratization, or at least for the maintenance and expansion of political space, in the region as a whole.
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors investigated how the former communist successor parties have contributed to the process of democratic consolidation in new democracies (or not) and found that the degree to which a communist successor party appears to have a positive impact on democratic consolidation depends on the kind of party it has become and whether it is electorally successful.
Abstract: In recent years much attention has been paid to the political resurgence of the former communist parties, as well as to their recent electoral declines. This article investigates how the communist successor parties have contributed to the process of democratic consolidation in new democracies (or not). It addresses three questions: (1) To what extent have the communist successor parties drawn their electorate, and especially the ‘losers’ of the transition, into acceptance of the democratic rules of the game; (2) Are the supporters of more electorally successful communist successor parties more likely to embrace democracy than supporters of less successful successor parties; (3) Does the level of support for democracy among supporters of the communist successor parties vary across different organizational types of parties? It was found that the degree to which a communist successor party appears to have a positive impact on democratic consolidation depends on the kind of party it has become and whether tha...
TL;DR: In this article, the authors argue that a cautious and limited form of demo-optimism remains plausible in spite of obvious difficulties, and that despite obvious difficulties democracy is likely to remain firmly embedded into the African political agenda.
Abstract: The widespread democratization process which occurred in Africa during the early 1990s gave rise to a varied range of scholarly assessments. They have been categorized in relation to the extent that they presented more or less optimistic or pessimistic views of the significance of what had taken place. Demo‐pessimists tended to argue that this change was relatively superficial and likely to prove ephemeral, whilst demo‐optimists viewed it as having important and longer‐term consequences for the way African states were governed. More recent assessments reflect a movement towards a more demo‐pessimistic perspective on the part of academic observers. Based on an examination of developments in Africa since the early 1990s and an assessment of what are viewed as ‘obstacles’ to democracy in Africa, this article argues that a cautious and limited form of demo‐optimism remains plausible. In spite of obvious difficulties democracy is likely to remain firmly embedded into the African political agenda.
TL;DR: In the liberal political tradition, representative government, civil society and some form of market are widely regarded as indispensable ingredients of democracy as discussed by the authors, and western democracies have been actively engaged in transplanting organizations to bolster civil society, along with political institutions, constitutions, and legal codes to Central-East Europe (CEE) since 1989 as part of their democratization assistance.
Abstract: In the liberal political tradition, representative government, civil society and some form of market are widely regarded as indispensable ingredients of democracy. The first two are essentially ‘home grown’, embedded in the enduring, albeit not immutable, political culture of a given society if they are to have substance as well as form. None the less, western democracies have been actively engaged in transplanting organizations to bolster civil society, along with political institutions, constitutions, and legal codes to Central‐East Europe (CEE) since 1989 as part of their democratization assistance. This article examines if, and how, external assistance can intervene constructively to promote the development of democracy. A brief discussion of western assumptions about post‐communist society in CEE is followed by a review of the roles assigned to culture and institutions in the transition literature which undergird these assumptions. The comparative cultural advantages of the United States and Germany ...
TL;DR: Mali and Niger, two neighbouring countries in Francophone West Africa, offer a good opportunity for identifying key factors favouring the survival of a young democracy as mentioned in this paper. But, given comparable levels of poor economic development and similar troubled modern political histories, economic and societal preconditions do not provide clues to the different experiences of the two countries.
Abstract: Mali and Niger, two neighbouring countries in Francophone West Africa, offer a good opportunity for identifying key factors favouring the survival of a young democracy. While democracy has so far survived, just about, in Mali, it ended in Niger with a coup d'etat in January 1996. Given comparable levels of poor economic development and similar troubled modern political histories, economic and societal preconditions do not provide clues to the different experiences of the two countries. Instead, the answer must be sought in the institutional choices made and in the interaction between key players during the democratic transition. An electoral system with proportional representation resulted in political instability in Niger, while a majoritarian system ensured a stable political majority in Mali. Political crisis in Niamey provided an opportunity for the army to retake power. While the military had been alienated from the Nigerien national conference, it had participated actively in and supervised the Mali...
TL;DR: The Caribbean has the reputation of being the most democratic region in the developing world as discussed by the authors, and nearly all the states can be defined as liberal democratic, and in the Commonwealth Caribbean most of the countries are liberal democratic.
Abstract: The Caribbean has the reputation of being the most democratic region in the developing world. Nearly all the states can be defined as liberal democratic, and in the Commonwealth Caribbean most of t...
TL;DR: In this paper, Mozambique between two elections: A political economy of transition, a transition from dictatorship to democracy, and a transition to democracy is discussed, with a focus on the transition process.
Abstract: (1999). Mozambique between two elections: A political economy of transition. Democratization: Vol. 6, No. 4, pp. 166-180.
TL;DR: In this article, formal and informal political institutions in Uganda are examined in order to establish what, and how much has changed since the National Resistance Movement (NRM) led by Yoweri Museveni came to power in 1986.
Abstract: Formal and informal political institutions in Uganda are examined in order to establish what, and how much has changed since the National Resistance Movement (NRM) led by Yoweri Museveni came to power in 1986. The country's 1995 constitution offers many democratic innovations but it also continues to reflect the informal institution of presidentialism. The presidential tradition has nonetheless changed since Museveni took office: the executive is now more accountable than before. The use of state resources for political legitimation also continues to exist but is no longer a form of outright robbery of the state. Clientelism and ‘affective’ ties constitute a further informal institution. The ‘tribal’ features have become stronger since 1986. The persistence of certain informal institutions is confirmed by reference to recent political discourse in Uganda. Thus the NRM government has built relative stability and peace, which are important for constitutional rule, but is simultaneously undermining stability...
TL;DR: The durability of the current great expansion of democratizations since 1989 has important implications for international peace and stability and for popular political freedoms in numerous polities as mentioned in this paper. But how should we think about the likely longevity of this global democratic pulse?
Abstract: The durability of the current great expansion of democratizations since 1989 has important implications for international peace and stability and for popular political freedoms in numerous polities. Yet how should we think about the likely longevity of this global democratic pulse? This article argues for a shift in analytic focus away from national‐level domestic processes and up to the international‐systemic level. Examining the historical instances of country democratizations in the twentieth century, one finds considerable activity in post‐war ‘liberal moments’ after World War I and World War II and in the current post‐cold war moment (the strongest and most clearly defined). The article outlines the dynamics of these moments, examines the two post‐world war moments comparatively, and then applies this to analysis of the current third moment since 1989. This exercise reveals the systemic environment of the current moment to be an extraordinarily good one in historical terms. The permissive effect of a...
TL;DR: In this article, the authors explore the nature of party political competition four years after Mozambique's first democratic national elections, with particular attention being accorded to the democratization of local government.
Abstract: This article explores the nature of party political competition four years after Mozambique's first democratic national elections, with particular attention being accorded to the democratization of local government. It commences with an overview of the nature of contemporary party politics in Mozambique. Secondly, the democratization of local government is reviewed. Thirdly, recent political developments are located within the context of major economic reconstruction and escalating corruption. It is concluded that whilst Mozambique does have a stable multi‐party system in the formal sense at least, the substance of genuine multi‐partyism remains elusive, given the near‐total lack of policy alternatives and the proliferation of corruption at the highest levels of political life.
TL;DR: In this paper, the ECOWAS democratic intervention in the West African state of Sierra Leone can be located in a wider debate about international dimensions of democratization, and it also reflects the changing nature of international politics in the post-cold war period particularly with regards to certain traditional norms of international society, namely nonintervention and state sovereignty.
Abstract: The wave of democratization in the 1990s has brought considerable challenges and opportunities for post‐cold war Africa. One such challenge is the democratic intervention of the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) under the aegis of the multilateral intervention force, ECOMOG, to restore a democratic government and constitutional order. The ECOWAS democratic intervention in the West African state of Sierra Leone can be located in a wider debate about international dimensions of democratization. In several respects, it also reflects the changing nature of international politics in the post‐cold war period particularly with regards to certain traditional norms of international society, namely non‐intervention and state sovereignty. The ECOWAS democratic efforts in Sierra Leone demonstrate that it is increasingly becoming acceptable for regional and international organisations to ‘defend’ democracy, albeit under the auspices of forcible as well as non‐forcible humanitarian intervention. Howeve...
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors consider why democracy has not so far led to the creation of impartial, honest and effective state institutions in Mexico, Venezuela and Peru, focusing on Mexico, Peru and Venezuela because these are all cases in which democracy has failed spectacularly to discipline political competition within a framework of law.
Abstract: This discussion considers why democracy has not so far led to the creation of impartial, honest and effective state institutions in Mexico, Venezuela and Peru. The explanation offered is essentially historical‐institutional. Non‐impartial (that is, biased) types of governance have a tendency to reproduce themselves over time due to the advantages that they offer to the powerful. However this observation, while true, does not explain why democracy has not done more to bring about the rule of law. The research focuses on Mexico, Peru and Venezuela because these are all cases in which democracy has failed spectacularly to discipline political competition within a framework of law. The Mexico's ruling Institutional Revolutionary Party maintains significant popular support despite conclusive evidence of previous ballot rigging, and continuing evidence of large‐scale corruption. Peru's Fujimori was re‐elected as president in 1995 despite previously using force to close the national Congress. Venezuela's Chavez ...
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors examine how the women's movement, the non-governmental sector and the state have worked together to design policies for the prevention of domestic violence, and to transform the culture of authoritarianism which remains an integral part of gender relations within the state and in society.
Abstract: This article takes Chile as a case study to examine how the women's movement, the non‐governmental sector and the state have worked together to design policies for the prevention of domestic violence, and to transform the culture of authoritarianism which remains an integral part of gender relations within the state and in society. It conceptualizes the linkages between gender relations, authoritarianism and violence, examines how violence against women became a prominent issue during the transition to democracy, and shows that women's organizations have made significant advances in Chile as elsewhere in Latin America, by framing legislation on violence against women within the context of women's human rights. The study indicates that collaboration between the state, women's organizations and the police force can provide a window of opportunity to promote a democratic culture within the state and society.
TL;DR: Ghana moved from military to democratic rule for the third time, holding elections in 1992 and 1996 as discussed by the authors, which resulted in the election of former military leader, Jerry Rawlings, as president, and his party gained a majority of parliamentary seats on both occasions.
Abstract: Over the last decade Ghana moved from military to democratic rule for the third time, holding elections in 1992 and 1996. Both resulted in the election of former military leader, Jerry Rawlings, as president, and his party gained a majority of parliamentary seats on both occasions. This is not a simple case of an authoritarian regime trying to legitimate itself by dubious elections. Instead, Ghana displays some of the signs of democratic consolidation. The presence of a vocal, reasonably effective opposition is gradually affecting Ghanaian politics; and for the first time in nearly 20 years the government has to answer publicly for its programmes and policies. The possibility of another military coup still cannot be discounted, especially if the next elections, in 2000, return a government perceived to be hostile. But it is difficult to imagine Ghana going back to the status quo ante. Most likely is an extended period where both the regime and the state exhibit mixed characteristics of democracy and autho...
TL;DR: In this paper, the credibility gap of the parties, especially notable during elections, and which is leading the parties to respond by adopting more participatory practices at the base, is explored.
Abstract: Political education can play a crucial role in the process of democratization precisely because it is moulding the norms and expectations of the ‘ordinary’ citizen. After identifying three politico‐cultural obstacles to democratization, ‐ exclusion, violence and institutional manipulation ‐ the article explains how education for democracy programmes might undermine these obstacles. An assessment of several projects follows, including a new school curriculum and non‐governmental organization programmes among young people and poor communities. Given the enthusiasm shown towards such initiatives, it is paradoxical that levels of formal political participation via the parties are very low. The article explores the credibility gap of the parties, especially notable during elections, and which is leading the parties to respond by adopting more participatory practices at the base. El Salvador is in an advantageous position precisely because of its greatest problem: the lack of a liberal democratic history which ...
TL;DR: The survival of Indian democracy in spite of the contrary experience of the majority of post-colonization states continues to be a puzzle for the comparative study of democratization as mentioned in this paper.
Abstract: The survival of Indian democracy in spite of the contrary experience of the majority of post‐colonial states continues to be a puzzle for the comparative study of democratization. The Indian example questions two conventional assumptions of democratic theory. First, that democratic success requires medium to high levels of socio‐economic development. Second, that Asian societies can only be understood in terms of collective communities, whether they be family, tribe, caste or ethnically derived, in contrast to the individualistic character of western liberal democracies. Recognizing the inadequacy of ad hoc cultural explanations of India's relatively successful process of democratization and the resilience of her democracy, this study offers an explanation grounded in an examination of the flexibility of the party system to adapt to new challenges, by changing from the initial one‐dominant party system to the multi‐party democracy of today. Public opinion data presented here shows that India's democratic ...
TL;DR: In this paper, the condition of Russian democracy by focusing on the developing political relations between the central government and regional governments is addressed, and two political patterns in the current Russian Federation are explored, both of them promising broad and enduring significance.
Abstract: This article addresses the condition of Russian democracy by focusing on the developing political relations between the central government and regional governments. A situation of profound ambivalence and ambiguity has evolved since ratification of the Russian Federation Constitution in December 1993. Regional governments have found it possible to gain a degree of political autonomy uncharacteristic of Russia's long historical experience, yet increasingly in line with global trends toward decentralization of governmental authority. Two political patterns in the current Russian Federation are explored, both of them promising broad and enduring significance. First, the political ambiguity of relations between the national government and regional authorities may provide the context in which divided government serves to enable democracy, despite the appearance of authoritarian rule in many regions themselves. Second, the nature of the interaction between the centre and regional authorities may be breaking new...
TL;DR: Vásquez et al. as discussed by the authors pointed out that despite the evidence of decay in the political system, powerful vested interests in the maintenance of the political status quo have obstructed measures to improve representation and accountability, culminating in a slide toward...
Abstract: Following a pacted transition to democracy in 1958, Venezuela was viewed as a bedrock of democratic stability in Latin America. High rates of political participation and extensive partisan alignment underlined enduring support for the two dominant parties. Sustained economic growth was enjoyed in the 1960s. But a boom in Venezuela's oil economy in 1974 ended both economic and political stability, leading to corruption and clientelism of massive proportions Once economic performance began to decline, flaws in the democratic system were revealed. Support for the two main parties had been predicated on their capacity to enact economic redistribution, effectively purchasing support for a ‘limited’ form of democracy. The emergence of alternative competing parties was inhibited. Notwithstanding the evidence of decay in the political system, powerful vested interests in the maintenance of the political status quo have obstructed measures to improve representation and accountability, culminating in a slide toward...