Showing papers in "International Organization in 1973"

Transnational Strategies of Protection and Defense by Multinational Corporations: Spreading the Risk and Raising the Cost for Nationalization in Natural Resources

Abstract: Multinational corporations in natural resource industries that are challenged by economic nationalists in the countries where they have their production stage can no longer count automatically on the direct diplomatic support of their home governments as they could in the days of the Big Stick or the Pith Helmet. To protect their investments, they are realizing that they may have to devise their own means for the defense of their interests. Gunboats and marines no longer respond unhesitatingly to their beck and call. And even the more subtle pressures from loans blocked, funds impounded, credits unavailable, and aid cut off require a carefully orchestrated private effort to arrange. In the study of transnational relations, the large international natural resource companies have frequently been singled out as nongovernmental actors who possess par excellence the power to carry out their own foreign policy, to form alliances and exercise influence with a scope and range that exceeds the control of the countries in which they operate.' Not all such companies need to perfect these skills in private diplomacy, however. I have shown in a prior study that vertically integrated natural resource companies in which the crucial scale factors or barriers to entry are located downstream from the production stagesuch as tropical agriculture, tin, bauxite, and iron ore-may have various opportunities to keep oligopoly control outside the reach of

Changing Attitudes through International Participation: European Parliamentarians and Integration

Abstract: Regional integration theory emphasizes elite social learning and attitude change as concomitant processes of integration. Participation by national elites in EEC decision making may bring about these changes. To test these hypotheses, French and German delegates to the European Parliament were interviewed, and their attitudes compared with those of a control group sampled among their national colleagues. The general finding was that the delegates’ attitudes appear to undergo cognitive, but not affective, changes. Delegates develop more complex perceptions and become better informed and more interested in European matters, yet they become neither more favorable nor less hostile to these issues because of the self–recruitment of many legislators who were avowed Europeans before their nomination. Strong ties to national parties apparently diminish the attitudinal effects of this learning experience. Only when the parliament has full time legislators who exercise potent policy–making tasks will its role in European integration increase.

The Analysis of Regional International Politics: The Integration Versus the Empirical Systems Approach

Abstract: It is argued that the study of regional international politics is important (1) for empirical reasons having to do with the real world saliency of the region as a factor in international politics; (2) for theoretical reasons having to do with the subordinate system as being relatively neglected in scholarship with the exception of the integrationist approach; and (3) for policy reasons having to do with the importance of accurately understanding the dynamics of the region as part of the objective of stabilizing the international system. The dominant approach to regional international politics of the integrationists (neo–functionalists and transactionalists) is then discussed and criticized in terms of the two approaches' normative concerns, the nature of the model utilized, and the theoretical issues that are raised. A major conclusion is that the integrative model used is inappropriate as a vestige of the level of analysis problem, and such theoretical issues as the nature of the dependent variable remain unspecified. It is then argued that the authors' formulation of an empirical systems approach begins to meet these criticisms.

Transgovernmental Interaction in the International Monetary System, 1960–1972

Abstract: The main hypothesis of this article is that transgovernmental interaction among central banks and finance ministries of industrialized countries was as significant in economic policy formation as intergovernmental interaction Elite interview data indicate, however, that the international consultative process among deputy central bank governors and deputy finance ministers conformed more closely to the intergovernmental image of international politics than had been expected Both interaction patterns within the deputies’ consultative group and the impact of international consultations upon national economic policies could be explained moderately well in terms of a unified rational actor model Examination of the transgovernmental interaction does suggest ways to systematically modify and improve interpretations based upon the rational actor model In addition, the degree of politicization of issues may prove to be a reliable guide when deciding whether the transgovernmental dimension of an issue requires detailed study

International Integration and the Interdependence of Economic Variables

Abstract: In recent years there has been considerable work on the measurement of economic integration and interdependence, both because of their direct interest and because of possible linkages between economic integration and interdependence and various types of social and political integration. Unfortunately, however, the value of a great deal of the empirical literature in this area must be seriously questioned because of the lack of satisfactory theoretical underpinnings for the statistical measurements employed. In the first section of this paper we offer a critical survey of measures used to analyze international transactions in terms of the extent to which they correspond to relevant theoretical concepts. We find that Russett's "chooser-chosen" GNP model has a good deal more theoretical justification than the Savage-Deutsch RA model. In the second section we go on to consider the concept of interdependence as used by most economists (such as Cooper) and indicate how it can be used as the basis for empirical work. Section three considers an alternative concept of interdependence developed by Waltz and how it also may be measured directly. In sections four and five we discuss a set of questions of considerable interest for the investigation of the political and social importance of economic interdependence. These concern the relationships between the levels of interand intra-country interdependence or integration and between international and regional integration. In section six we discuss the distinctions between integration and interdependence, terms which are used as interchangeable in much of the literature. In section seven

International Organization and Attitude Change: A Re–examination of the Functionalist Approach

Abstract: This study examines the functionalist approach to international relations, focusing on the proposed relationship between experience in international organizations and attitude change of the participants. The functionalist thesis on attitude change is amplified by reference to social–psychological work on the subject. In terms of functionalist theory, attitude change is essentially seen to be the product of socialization into the international organization. Empirical studies of the attitudes of participants to various international organizations are then evaluated for the extent to which they support the functionalist hypothesis. The evidence indicates that while socialization processes produce some attitude change toward the adoption of an “internationalist outlook,” the likelihood and nature of attitude change is also significantly affected by conflict processes within the organization. The functionalist approach is found to be inadequate in dealing with conflict in the organization as well as in need of greater elaboration with respect to socialization. Revisions are suggested which take into account variations in the sociological structure of international organizationsin addition to processes of socialization and organizational conflict as factors affecting attitude change.

Sanctions and Security: The League of Nations and the Italian–Ethiopian War, 1935–1936

Abstract: The imposition of limited sanctions against Italy was given fair prospect of success by members of the League. Sanctions were to have a twofold purpose. One was to uphold the Covenant and encourage collective security. The other was to end the war by putting pressure on the Italian government so as to make it amenable to a negotiated settlement. It was expected that economic and financial measures (as opposed to military means) would be sufficient, over a period of time, to achieve this. The timetable was upset by unexpected political events and by the collapse of Ethiopian military resistance. Policies are explained, events discussed, and to illuminate some dilemmas a distinction (not then well perceived) is made between politically important “consumatory” assumptions and diplomatically operative “instrumentalist” and reconciliationist practices.

The European Economic Community and National Civil Servants of the Member States-A Comment

Abstract: In a recent issue of this journal, Lawrence Scheinman and Werner Feld undertook a brief analysis of the relationship between the European Economic Community (EEC) and national civil servants of the member states who have worked with the Community both as Eurocrats and as members of the various working groups of the Community.' This comment is an attempt to add to the material presented by those two authors.

Innovation in Latin American Regionalism: The Andean Common Market

Abstract: The Andean Common Market, the most recent attempt at regional integration in Latin America, differs from the other Latin American efforts both in the factors that prompted its formation and in the support it had when it was established. More importantly, it differs in its terms and provisions, providing for a higher level of integration than any other Latin American effort. Several of its features—a common policy on foreign investment, regional planning and coordination in such fields as industry and agriculture, a quasi–supranational secretariat — make it an innovative approach to integration in Latin America. Numerous factors enhance the integrative potential of Andean integration. Among these are relatively favorable ratings on several of the neo–functional variables of regional integration. These indicators suggest that the effort may attain its objectives and perhaps even set an example to be followed by other economic groupings among Latin American countries. Still, projections about the future of the Andean Common Market must remain mixed. Some negative factors exist within the movement that could, if they triumph over the positive factors, lead to the same stagnation that now characterizes LAFTA and the CACM.

Business Government Relations: The Case of the International Coffee Agreement

Abstract: Relations between official agencies and private business concerning international coffee policy suggest that the power of the state dominates the international economic arena. The International Coffee Agreement did not benefit the United States coffee industry. Despite this, some large coffee roasting companies supported the Agreement. Without their support it would not have received Congressional approval. The action of the roasters can be explained by the behavioral theory of the firm, which emphasizes managerial discretion and risk avoidance. Large oligopolistic companies, potentially the most powerful of business enterprises, are also the ones least likely to oppose the state. However, the ability of one company to determine American policy toward the import of soluble coffee from Brazil shows that when the economic interests of an oligopolistic firm are unambiguously threatened, it can severely constrain official actors.

Collective Goods and International Cooperation: Comments

Abstract: Two recent articles appearing in this journal have attempted to relate the theory of public goods to the formation and functions of international organizations.' In both cases the authors are concerned with the supply of "relatively pure"2 public goods within the context of international collectivities which are joined voluntarily by states wanting to provide themselves with optimal amounts of the relevant public goods. Both articles suggest means by which member states may acquire a more optimal supply of international public goods. We find that as it is presented in these two works, the theory of public goods has little to offer as a guide to the behavior of international organizations. Throughout both articles, the assumption of a "relatively pure" public good is violated in such a way that the authors are not talking about member states voluntarily contributing for provision of a public good. Rather, they are talking either about member states voluntarily contributing for provision of a private good (or at least a very impure public good), or being coerced into payment for a public good. Our intent here is to briefly review the theory of pure public goods by examining a basic model extracted from economic theory, and then to examine the policy recommendations of Russett, Sullivan and Olson in this light, showing why they fit the theory of private goods better than of public. The model which we use improves upon that employed by Olson3 on several points. First, it can include income effects. While we do not

The Extra–Regional Transfer of Integrative Behavior

Abstract: The growing body of literature on international integration variously defines regional cooperation and the voluntary erosion of national sovereignty as a terminal condition, a process, and as both process and terminal condition.' Common to these differing notions, however, is a concern with outcomes or consequences of integrative activ'ities. What is likely to result from the interactions among actors, conditions, and mechanisms in integration arrangements? Several hypotheses have been put forward as to possible outcomes, some of which are: (1) politicization; (2) redistribution; (3) reduction of alternatives (automaticity); (4) externalization; and (5) encapsulation.2 In this note, an hypothesis

The United Nations and the Human Environment – Some Experiences

Abstract: Much has been said about the first United Nations Conference on the Human Environment, its preparations and results. If the author nevertheless adds to the wealth of material already available, it is because of a desire expressed by the editor of this journal for a nontechnical summary of some experiences from the five years which have passed since the Swedish government took its initiative to place the problems of the human environment on the agenda of the United Nations for the first time.

Role and Perception in International Crisis: The Cases of Israeli and Egyptian Decision Makers in National Capitals and the United Nations

Abstract: This research reports an exploration of the relationship between a decision maker's role and his perception during an international crisis. Research on the social and political processes of the United Nations suggests that a variety of factors, including communication patterns, nonnational roles, and learning experiences may produce a role orientation in delegates that would have an impact upon their perceptions even when their nation is involved in an international crisis. This proposition is explored using content analysis data from the 1956 Suez crisis. The decision makers whose perceptions furnish the data are the Egyptian and Israeli Permanent Representatives to the United Nations and the occupants of high foreign policy positions in the national capitals of Egypt and Israel. The initial analysis of the data indicates only very small differences in the perceptions. The analysis of the data does not support the original proposition. Finally, some caveats concerning the research are raised.

Public Corporations in Single–Country and Regional Settings: Kenya and the East African Community

Abstract: This essay draws from the experience of Kenya and the East African Community to ascertain the impact of single–country or regional ownership on the commercial performance of public enterprises. The advantages of the larger resource base of a regional community are mooted by the problems of mobilizing those resources. A fledgling public corporation can secure assistance most readily when owned by one state. It is also clear that traits of a corporation independent of its regional or single–country status affect commercial success. The essay concludes with a discussion of the limited contribution public corporations make to further levels of regional integration.

The Role of the “Outsider” in Quasi-Legislative Systems: The Potential Utility of a Legislative Model

Abstract: As periodic stock–taking efforts would indicate, 1 students of international organizations have become increasingly sophisticated in the methods and techniques used for assessing the dynamics of international efforts at cooperation, and the impact of these efforts on the general stream of international politics. Nowhere has this been more true than in attempts by scholars to come to grips with the political processes acted out in the General Assembly of the United Nations. To para–phrase Keohane, 2 we have come to witness a change of focus from a somewhat static description of structures, rules and regulations, to analyses of patterns of voting behavior (and correlates thereof) to, finally, systematic analyses of patterns of interactions leading to votes and resolutions.

The OAU Mission and the Middle East Conflict

Abstract: Can small states in the periphery of the international system help to resolve major conflicts in which the Great Powers have palpable interests?1 What role can they play when the superpowers and an international organization are also active participants in mediation activities?2 A great deal will depend upon the cohesion and influence of the small state or group of states who are trying to mediate, as well as the nature of the conflict and whether the parties to it are diametrically opposed to each other or nearing agreement. The possibilities of small states from the periphery trying to mitigate another region's conflict with global systemic repercussions were tested in 1971 when the Organization of African Unity (OAU) created a committee to help bring about a resumption of the Jarring mission in the short run and, implicitly, to try to improve the atmosphere in the Middle East in the long run. Although any evaluation of the mission has to be tentative, since it is impossible to have a complete perspective on a recent event, enough time has elapsed to submit it to a serious preliminary analysis.

Un prevention of human rights violations: the bangladesh case

Abstract: The United Nations never deliberately considered the massacre of at least several hundred thousand persons and the perpetration of other forms of gross violations of human rights in Bangladesh, formerly East Pakistan, from March to December 1971. The UN's non-response to these tragic events represents a serious omission in the exercise of its responsibility to promote human rights. Prompt UN consideration of the human rights violations when they were first reported might have prevented further violations as well as the secession of Bangladesh from Pakistan and the hostilities between India and Pakistan. The Bangladesh experience vividly illustrates the inextricable relationship between the UN Charter's principles of promoting human rights and maintaining international peace and security. It also illustrates, unfortunately, that member states consider that the charter's principle of non-interference in matters essentially within the domestic jurisdiction of a member state may prohibit UN intervention until a situation reaches a level of international conflict incapable of a non-violent solution. Scholars of UN affairs should consider the implications of the Bangladesh experience in terms of UN capability to prevent human rights violations. In December 1970, the Awami League-the East Pakistani political party led by Sheik Mujib Rahman, the present prime minister of Bangladesh-won a majority of the seats in the national assembly. The government of Pakistan refused to convene the national assembly, since it would result in shifting political control from West to East Pakistan. The government and the Awami League attempted to negotiate a political settlement. On March 25, the government discontinued nego-

The United States in the United Nations

Abstract: Reports on the United Nations by three United States groups, the Commission to Study the Organization of Peace, the President's Commission, and the United Nations Association of the USA, are summarized and compared. They reveal informed concern about United States participation in the UN at a time when Congress and the executive exhibit negativism and neglect. Conclusions are drawn on (1) differing priorities for the UN system and their interdependence, (2) the special capabilities of the United States for setting examples, (3) alternative models for UN problem solving, (4) United States contributions to the UN, and (5) generating political will for creative United States involvement in the UN. Concern is expressed about efforts to cut United States assessments for UN budgets and failure of the reports to adequately consider the political consequences of the fact that “maintenance of international peace and security” is not considered the most important UN task by all members. If congressional and executive neglect are to be overcome, public participation and involvement must be extended.

Nationalism in America's UN Policy, 1944–1945

Abstract: This article presents an interpretation of the conflicts between universalism and nationalism as they affected United States policy toward the creation of the United Nations. Drawing on heretofore unavailable sources, the author stresses the rising influence of nationalism in the evolution of decisions on the veto power, trusteeships, and regionalism. His focus is on the decision–making process during Roosevelt's last year and the initial months of the Truman administration. He contends that Cordell Hull's universalist UN blueprint, which Roosevelt supported, was inexorably eroded by critics within the American government, especially military spokesmen. These leaders took advantage of the apprehension about the Soviet Union's future policy to further their own ambitions for a strong post–war military posture. Truman was sympathetic to the voices of nationalism, and when he became president the shift away from a strong UN became more pronounced.

Interactions between Intergovernmental and Scientific Organizations in Marine Affairs

Abstract: A likely outcome of the 1972 United Nations Conference on the Human Environment is the establishment of a mechanism within the United Nations to facilitate intergovernmental actions on environmental problems. While the actions themselves will be taken by governments, the intergovernmental body will have a stimulating and coordinating role. A basic problem will be to evaluate the impact of human activities on the environment and to predict the consequences of alternative corrective actions. Rather than attempting to provide the intergovernmental group with a staff that is expert in all aspects of the problem, it will probably be more effective to create means for continuing interaction with appropriate specialists throughout the world. This can be done directly with the experts as individuals, in which case the intergovernmental body is responsible for their selection, or with the nongovernmental associations that the specialists have formed for their own purposes. In the former case, the intergovernmental group may get more thorough consideration of the specific problems it has identified, but it is less likely to benefit from the broad overview and critical monitoring provided by an independent external body. In the field of marine affairs, there is a long history of interaction between governmental and nongovernmental groups that may provide useful experience and examples for the broader environmental problems. Management of exploitation of living resources is probably most analogous to management of the environment, in that decisions must be based on a mix of scientific, economic, social, and political factors. It is

The United States vs. The United Nations

Abstract: The United States public and government, initially unrealistic in their visions of UN potentialities, have recently been turning toward the extreme of skepticism. There are various reasons for the change: the squabbles over Chinese representation and Rhodesian sanctions, the ever–increasing budgets voted by small powers who apparently pay a disproportionately low share of UN expenses, United States disillusionment at being out–voted by the Afro–Asian bloc, and the latter's insistence that the only really important function of the UN is to end colonialism and racism. Although some of these frictions have been adjusted, others are in danger of flaring into major disagreements, and, in any case, the old easy assumption of permanent US–UN friendship has gone by the board.

The Dominican Intervention of 1965: Recent Interpretations

Abstract: Dona Baron. "The Dominican Republican Crisis of 1965: A CaseStudy of the Regional vs. the Global Approach to Intemational Peace and Security," in Andrew W. Cordier (ed.), Columbia Essays in International Affairs (III): The Dean's Papers, 1967. New York: Columbia University Press, 1968, pp. 1-37. Theodore Draper. "The Dominican Intervention Reconsidered," Political Science Quarterly, March 1971 (LXXXVI, No. 1), pp. 1-36. Theodore Draper. The Dominican Revolt: A Case Study in American Policy. New York: Commentary, 1968. 208pp. Abraham F. Lowenthal. The Dominican Intervention. Cambridge, Mass: Harvard University Press, 1972. 246pp. Abraham F. Lowenthal. "The Dominican Intervention in Retrospect," Public Policy, Fall 1969 (XVIII, No. 1), pp. 133-148. Jos6 A. Moreno. Barrios in Arms: Revolution in Santo Domingo. Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press, 1970. 254pp. Jerome Slater. Intervention and Negotiation: The United States and the Dominican Revolution. New York: Harper and Row, 1970. 254pp. Jerome Slater. "The Limits of Legitimization in International Organizations: The Organization of American States and the Dominican Crisis," International Organization, Winter 1969 (Vol. 23, No. 1), pp. 48-72.

Europeans and Europeanism in 1970

Abstract: To those who have followed the results of public opinion polling among the peoples of the European Communities, it would probably come as something less than a surprise to learn that a solid majority in Europe is committed to international integration. Neither might it be especially revealing to hear that the Common Market has become a symbol of "European" identification, or that "third force Europe" sentiments are harbored only among a small Gaullist minority. Nor, again, might it be all that edifying to learn that the Dutch are the most regional minded and the Italians the most parochial of the EEC populations, or that young people are much more enthusiastic about European unification than their parents. As it turns out, not one of these articles of integrationist faith and "European" folklore is true. The dashing of these and many related cliches is a tribute to the objectivity, rigor, and imagination of those who designed and executed the EEC-wide pollings reported in Les Europeens et L'Unification de L'Europe. The research project which, in June 1972, produced the 200-page report under review here, was inspired and engineered by Jacques-Rene Rabier, a respected European sociologist and Director-General for Press and Information in the European Communities. Its goal was to go beyond the superficial soundings which have heretofore characterized most survey research into European integration. EEC analysts sought first

Policy Note: An “ACDA” for UN Policy

Abstract: Notwithstanding the present low estate of multilateral machinery, it is inevitable that during the next decade governments will have to turn increasingly to international organizations to carry out a variety of tasks well beyond those now performed. In political, economic and technological areas, the need for international political mechanisms of some kind to regulate, control, allocate, adjudicate, operate, inspect, enforce, or monitor will be irresistible.* Whether the major responsibility falls on, or can be carried out by, the UN is not at all clear today. The competence of the UN and its associated organs for assuming new, sensitive tasks is not encouraging. Moreover, the political interest and support for the UN, in developed countries at least, is not calculated to improve the UN's performance. The situation in the United States is no exception, with low political visibility for most UN actions and little real commitment within the executive branch or the legislature to the UN. But in time, and not much time, the UN, or new institutions yet to be created, will have to be able to perform adequately in many functions of great political, economic and social importance. The United States posture towards the UN family, once filled with hope and national commitment, has sunk to a low political ebb. Except for a small number of high politics issues, usually those at the Security Council, most UN matters receive little attention from the public or the higher echelons of government. Future planning is essentially unknown. The Department of State is formally in charge of policy, but on most issues it knows relatively little of the substance. As a conse-

Peacekeeping: Post–Mortems or Previews?

Abstract: Boyd, James M. United Nations Peace-Keeping Operations: A Military and Political Appraisal. New York: Praeger Publishers, 1971. xv + 261 pp. Fabian, Larry L. Soldiers Without Enemies: Preparing The United Nations for Peacekeeping. Washington, D.C.: The Brookings Institution, 1971. 315 pp. Harbottle, Michael. The Blue Berets. Harrisburg, Pennsylvania: Stackpole Books, 1972. 157 pp. James, Alan. The Politics of Peace-Keeping. New York: Praeger Publishers, 1969. 452 pp.