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Showing papers in "International Political Science Review in 2008"


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The authors empirically examined the motives of workers for supporting a right-wing populist party in Western Europe and found that cultural protectionism is complemented by deep-seated discontent with the way the country's democracy works and the nonintegration into inter- mediary networks.
Abstract: During the 1990s, the working class has become the core clientele of right-wing populist parties in Western Europe. This article empirically examines the motives of workers for supporting a right- wing populist party. Based on data from the European Social Survey for Austria, Belgium, France, Norway, and Switzerland, three different sets of explanations are tested: (1) hypotheses stressing economic determinants, that is, the fear of wage pressure and competition over welfare benefi ts; (2) hypotheses emphasizing cultural determinants, that is, the perception of immigration as a threat to national identity; and (3) hypotheses focusing on social alienation, that is, dissatisfaction with the way the country's democracy works and the nonintegration into inter- mediary networks (trade unions). We fiquestions of community and identity to be clearly more important than economic grievances. Hence, in Austria and Switzerland, the electoral success of right-wing populist parties among workers seems primarily due to cultural protectionism: the defense of national identity against outsiders. In Belgium, France, and Norway, cultural protectionism is complemented by deep-seated discontent with the way the countries' democracies work.

472 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In practice, the concept of meritocracy is often transformed into an ideology of inequality and elitism as discussed by the authors, which can come into conflict with its focus on talent allocation, competition, and reward.
Abstract: The concept of meritocracy is unstable as its constituent ideas are potentially contradictory. The egalitarian aspects of meritocracy, for example, can come into conflict with its focus on talent allocation, competition, and reward. In practice, meritocracy is often transformed into an ideology of inequality and elitism. In Singapore, meritocracy has been the main ideological resource for justifying authoritarian government and its pro-capitalist orientations. Through competitive scholarships, stringent selection criteria for party candidacy, and high ministerial salaries, the ruling People's Action Party has been able to co-opt talent to form a “technocratic” government for an “administrative state.” However, as Singapore becomes more embedded in the processes of globalization, it will experience new forms of national crisis, alternative worldviews through global communications technology, and a widening income gap, all of which will force its ideology of meritocracy to unravel.

171 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: This article examined support for foreign aid with a large, multi-level, cross-national study and found that the determinants of public opinion on foreign aid in donor countries have received little attention.
Abstract: The determinants of public opinion on foreign aid in donor countries have received little attention. This paper examines support for foreign aid with a large, multi-level, cross-national study. Hyp...

165 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The state of women's participation in the political process in Bangladesh is explored in this paper, where available data substantiates that women's organizations, donors, and nongovernmental organizations have influenced the government of Bangladesh to introduce quotas for women.
Abstract: This article explores the state of women's participation in the political process in Bangladesh. Available data substantiates that women's organizations, donors, and nongovernmental organizations have influenced the government of Bangladesh to introduce quotas for women. Although quotas have increased the total number of women in political arenas, their representation in the decision-making process has not yet been ensured. They still face several social, cultural, and religious challenges which hinder their participation and they are still neglected by their male counterparts. Once they ask for their rights, they are very often victimized, assaulted, and harassed.

116 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, the authors suggest that the state can play a positive role in the creation of social trust as a third-party enforcer of private agreements and also argue that the effects of the state on social trust will be unevenly distributed among majoritarian and minoritarian ethnic groups.
Abstract: The role of the state in the promotion of social or generalized trust is one of the most important ongoing topics in social capital research. We suggest that the state can play a positive role in the creation of social trust as a third-party enforcer of private agreements. This positive effect depends on the effi cacy of the state. We also argue that the effects of the state on social trust will be unevenly distributed among majoritarian and minoritarian ethnic groups. These hypotheses are tested using the European Social Survey (2002-03) and confi rmed for a dataset of 22 European countries.

106 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: This paper explored the emergence of deliberation in a non-deliberative setting and found that the rationalities that participants bring to their interaction, and the ways in which those rationalities change with the development of trust between participants, are as important in determining whether deliberation occurs as is the setting within which the interaction takes place.
Abstract: This article explores the issue of what we call "deliberative drift": the emergence of deliberation in a non-deliberative setting. The literature on deliberative democracy has tended to focus upon practices taking place in specifically deliberative settings. We ask whether deliberation cannot logically occur elsewhere in the policy process, or, more specifically, can politics based on bargaining and aggregation be transformed (or drift) toward deliberative practice? In pondering this question, Habermas's argument that a communicative rationality underpins deliberation is useful, as it demarcates deliberative from other practices by a willingness of participants to cast aside fixed preferences. While procedures and institutional designs are inflexible, the orientations or rationalities of individuals may be much more malleable. We explore one empirical case in which what started as negotiating and instrumental processes drifted toward a deliberative practice. We speculate that the rationalities that participants bring to their interaction, and the ways in which those rationalities change with the development of trust between participants, are as important in determining whether deliberation occurs as is the setting within which the interaction takes place.

55 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors assess the impact of physical variables (size and islandness) on the degree of democracy and find that the success of democracy in non-Christian settings does not depend on the level of socioeconomic development.
Abstract: The aim of this global study is to assess the impact of physical variables (size and islandness) on the degree of democracy. The study is conducted at three points in time: 1972, 1985, and 2005. The following variables are controlled for: socioeconomic development, ethnic or linguistic heterogeneity, British or American colonial heritage, and dominant religion. The results show that size per se contains little explanatory value. Findings indicate that religion is becoming a key determinant of democracy during the “fourth wave” of democratization. Furthermore, the success of democracy in non-Christian settings does not depend on the level of socioeconomic development. Instead, results show that as democracy tries to gain a foothold in non-Christian settings, insularity smoothes the transition to popular government. The impact of islandness on democracy within this particular context is increasing over time.

52 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, the authors present a partial theory of post-Soviet regime change and attempt to explain the outcomes of elite conflicts in post-former Soviet states and their consequences for regime change.
Abstract: Why do some countries become democracies, while others move from one nondemocratic regime to another? Post-communist transformations in the countries of the former Soviet Union could be viewed as a “natural experiment” in regime change: the politics of post-Soviet states demonstrate a great diversity. In this article, I present a partial theory of post-Soviet regime change and attempt to explain the outcomes of elite conflicts in post-Soviet states and their consequences for regime change. The account of political transformations in Russia, Ukraine, and Belarus will outline certain common features and peculiarities of regime change in each case and provide several implications for comparative studies of regime change.

40 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, a comparative analysis of the institutional trajectories traced by women's policy agencies within government in the province of British Columbia in Canada and in the state of New South Wales in Australia is presented.
Abstract: This article presents a comparative analysis of the institutional trajectories traced by women's policy agencies within government in the province of British Columbia in Canada and in the state of New South Wales in Australia. In both cases, a period during which the principal women's policy agency took the form of a freestanding government ministry was followed by a period during which that ministry (along with an array of women's policy agencies located elsewhere in government) was dismantled. The partisan complexion of the governments undertaking these initiatives has been quite different in the two cases, and presents an apparent paradox. The article explores this paradox, as well as other patterns observable across the two cases, and provides an assessment of their implications.

37 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: This paper surveyed members of the Turkish parliament during a period of considerable party-system turmoil to test the applicability of the prominent theories of committee organization (the distributive, informational, and partisan theories) to a parliamentary system.
Abstract: In the USA, scholars have developed theories to explain the role of legislative committees, but these theories have not been widely tested outside the USA. This ambivalence results from the perception that the strength of political parties in parliamentary systems undermines the importance of other legislative institutions, including the committees. We surveyed members of the Turkish parliament during a period of considerable party-system turmoil to test the applicability of the prominent theories of committee organization (the distributive, informational, and partisan theories) to a parliamentary system. We found strong support for the distributive and partial support for the informational specialization and partisan theories. We consider the implications of these results for our understanding of the role of committees in parliamentary democracies and the study of parliamentary politics.

34 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The authors argue that the political processes that accompany modernization influence value formation, arguing that people embrace postmaterialist values such as self-expression and the quality of life, including support for gender equality.
Abstract: Postmaterialists argue that citizens' values change when economic development expands educational opportunities. In modernized societies, people embrace postmaterialist values such as self-expression and the quality of life, including support for gender equality. We argue that the political processes that accompany modernization influence value formation. Since all societies do not modernize in the same way, citizens in different regions do not share an identical set of values at a particular stage in modernization. We compare East Asia with other regions, arguing that in East Asia, state-driven modernization processes incorporated gender inequality, and citizens' values reflect the norms disseminated by their governments. We use the underutilized Gallup International Millennium Survey, conducted in more than 60 countries in 2000.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The authors analyzes the realist support for the current regime as well as the support for democracy as a set of "idealist" principles in Russia, Ukraine, Belarus, Moldova, Armenia, Georgia, Kazakhstan, and Kyrgyzstan.
Abstract: This article analyzes the “realist” support for the current regime as well as the support for democracy as a set of “idealist” principles in Russia, Ukraine, Belarus, Moldova, Armenia, Georgia, Kazakhstan, and Kyrgyzstan It also analyzes political support for nondemocratic regimes as alternatives to democratic governance The main conclusion of this article is that mass public support for democracy as the best form of government encompasses an absolute majority of citizens in Georgia, Ukraine, Moldova, Armenia, and Belarus as well as a relative majority of Russian citizens Political support for the current regimes declined between 1992 and 2002 and collapsed in Georgia, Ukraine, Moldova, and Armenia This collapse of public support for the current political regime contributed to the “revolutions” in Georgia and Ukraine The proportion of supporters for authoritarian regimes in Russia and the other post-Soviet countries decreased from about one-third to onefifth of their respective electorates This cros

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, the authors introduce the concept of rhetorical capital, defined as the aggregate persuasive resources inherent in entities, and apply the concept to the study of theories and identify the structural duality of accessibility and incomprehensibility overlaid with the prestige of objectivity as the theories' resources.
Abstract: The article introduces the concept of rhetorical capital, which is defined as the aggregate persuasive resources inherent in entities. It then proceeds to apply the concept to the study of theories and identifies the structural duality of accessibility and incomprehensibility overlaid with the prestige of objectivity as the theories' resources of rhetorical capital that render them vulnerable to political and rhetorical abuses. The article focuses on the democratic peace thesis and its mobilization by the Israeli right, mainly by Benjamin Netanyahu and Natan Sharansky, in helping to bring about the Roadmap.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In a 2006 International Political Science Review article, entitled "Choosing to Go It Alone: Irish Neutrality in Theoretical and Comparative Perspective," as mentioned in this paper argued that Irish neutrality is best understood through a neoliberal rather than a neorealist international relations theory framework and posits an alternative "critical social constructivist" framework for understanding Irish neutrality.
Abstract: In a 2006 International Political Science Review article, entitled "Choosing to Go It Alone: Irish Neutrality in Theoretical and Comparative Perspective," Neal G.Jesse argues that Irish neutrality is best understood through a neoliberal rather than a neorealist international relations theory framework. This article posits an alternative "critical social constructivist" framework for understanding Irish neutrality. The first part of the article considers the differences between neoliberalism and social constructiv ism and argues why critical social constructivism's emphasis on beliefs, identity, and the agency of the public in foreign policy are key factors explaining Irish neutrality today. Using public opinion data, the second part of the article tests whether national identity, independence, ethnocentrism, attitudes to Northern Ireland, and efficacy are factors driving public support for Irish neutrality. The results show that public attitudes to Irish neutrality are structured along the dimensions of independence and identity, indicating empirical support for a critical social constructivist framework of understanding of Irish neutrality.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: A number of articles in the past few years have found that democracies are more likely to commit to a floating exchange rate regime. as discussed by the authors argue that we do not have a solid understanding of the causal mechanism that explains why democracies would float more often.
Abstract: A number of articles in the past few years have found that democracies are more likely to commit to a floating exchange rate regime. I argue that we do not have a solid understanding of the causal mechanism that explains why democracies would float more often. I test a variety of hypotheses to explore exactly what features of democratic practice might account for the propensity to declare a float, using two different datasets. While the tests are not conclusive, they suggest that the number of veto players or the regular use of open, competitive elections may influence exchange rate commitments.

Journal ArticleDOI
Theo Papaioannou1
TL;DR: In this article, the authors re-examine the formation of the moral dimension of Nozick's political theory and argue that this dimension consists of the idea of absolute individual rights and is formed upon the premises of full self-ownership and the moral inviolability of persons.
Abstract: Nozick's Anarchy, State, and Utopia is still influential today among right-wing (neo-)libertarian thinkers. The latter are engaged in the current debate on distributive justice, insistently defending the minimal state and the case against social justice on the grounds of inviolable individual rights. The premises of their defense are explicitly derived from Anarchy, State, and Utopia. Therefore, if one is interested in challenging the right-wing libertarian arguments today, one should be interested in revisiting Nozick, refuting the key elements of his theory. That is what this article does: it re-examines the formation of the moral dimension of Nozick's political theory. It argues that this dimension consists of the idea of absolute individual rights and is formed upon the premises of full self-ownership and the moral inviolability of persons. Both premises are problematical because they are abstracted from any epistemological principle of self-realization.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, the authors examined the background conditions, trends, and scenarios of Russian economic internationalization and concluded that the most probable mid-range alternative for economic internationalisation will resemble the Venezuelan scenario, with some elements of the Chinese model also evident.
Abstract: This article examines the background conditions, trends, and scenarios of Russian economic internationalization. In the context of globalization, Russia is stepping up efforts to re-establish itself as a regional and global power. Despite recent progress in domestic economic development, Russia's comparative ratings in major international surveys remain modest or low and many indicators of political rights and civil liberties in Russia demonstrate worsening trends. Russia still lags behind other countries on many of the criteria measuring economic freedom, market attractiveness, globalization, corruption, opacity, and competitiveness. The article explores the lessons for Russia in its political economic transformation from "peer" countries such as Chile, China, and Venezuela. In exploring the driving forces of Russian economic internationalization, the article focuses on three alternative scenarios conceptualized as "Chilean," "Chinese," and "Venezuelan." Each of these scenarios reflects various traits that have commonalities with the Russian political-economic system, leadership, and situational characteristics in the international context. After examining the internal dynamics and external environmental factors pertaining to Russia, the article concludes that the most probable mid-range alternative for economic internationalization will resemble the Venezuelan scenario, with some elements of the Chinese model also evident.

Journal Article
TL;DR: The authors refocuses the current debate by taking up the Kuhnian link between substance and science and elaborates a view of science as a communal practice built on intersubjective conventions and argumentative procedures.
Abstract: Constructivism is often identified as the legitimate occupant of the middle ground between rationalism and reflectivism that emerged from the Third Debate in international relations (IR) theory. Indeed, the rationalist–constructivist debate is already being framed as the next dominant debate with the IR community. This paper evaluates the bridge-building project as initiated by Alexander Wendt, and takes issue with the via media as proposed by the so-called conventional constructivists. It is claimed that the rationalist–constructivist debate has been limited to a discussion of ontology, which has brought about a contradiction between ontology and epistemology. Returning to the pressing epistemological issues that were put on the table by reflectivist scholars, this article refocuses the current debate by taking up the Kuhnian link between substance and science. It elaborates a view of science as a communal practice built on intersubjective conventions and argumentative procedures. This leads to an alternative conception of the middle ground as a communicative space.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The United States' unilateral military action against Iraq has been criticised as not being in conformity with international law, customary law, and UN Security Council resolutions as mentioned in this paper, leading to the suggestion that the UN is redundant in such circumstances, a view seen by US and Indian foreign policy ideologues as a favorable development.
Abstract: During the Iraq war, the Bush administration justified its pre emptive military strike against Iraq on grounds of national security. The strike, carried out under the administration's National Security Strategy, asserts the right of the USA to take unilateral military action against rogue states and terrorist organizations so as to prevent or mitigate a presumed attack by such nations or organizations against the United States. However, the administration's action has been widely criticized as not being in conformity with international law, customary law, and UN Security Council resolutions. The doctrine's implications are serious as it may encourage other states, such as India, to take unilateral action against their adversaries. The failure of the UN to prevent US aggression against Iraq has also given rise to the suggestion that the UN is redundant in such circumstances, a view seen by US and Indian foreign policy ideologues as a favorable development.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The authors present an overview of some of the best electronic resources available on-line for political science, drawing from their experience as editors of IPSAPortal, the International Political Science Association's website dedicated to selecting and reviewing the top e-hubs in our discipline.
Abstract: The purpose of this review article is to contribute to monitoring and debating changes in the electronic research environment. We shall present an overview (mainly tailored to cyberspace neophytes) of some of the best electronic resources currently available on-line for political science, drawing from our experience as editors of IPSAPortal, the International Political Science Association's website dedicated to selecting and reviewing the top e-hubs in our discipline. However, in venturing into political science cyberspace, we will try to offer a more general understanding of the major trends now impacting upon the internet galaxy. Much as we may be tempted just to stick to our little planet, we must be aware that it is part of, and emerges from, a much larger system.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, the impact of World Bank funding on health care sector performance in Central and Eastern European countries has been investigated, and it has been shown that those countries that perform better economically, that are more favorably evaluated by the World Bank, and that have more effective institutions are also more likely to benefit from World Bank assistance, through improvements in the performance of their health care sectors.
Abstract: This article looks at the impact of World Bank funding on health care sector performance in Central and Eastern European countries. The World Bank has been one of few organizations involved in health care sector assistance in these nations during the transition period, mainly through funds disbursement. This article tests hypotheses that those countries that perform better economically, that are more favorably evaluated by the World Bank, and that have more effective institutions are also more likely to benefit from World Bank assistance, through improvements in the performance of their health care sectors.


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: A new agenda is emerging for private international banks as discussed by the authors, where political issues such as human rights seem to be a current concern. But what about democracy? What about political regimes? Are they taken into account by private banks when they decide whether to invest in a country?
Abstract: Clearly, a new agenda is emerging for private international banks. Political issues such as human rights seem to be a current concern. But what about democracy? What about political regimes? Are they taken into account by private banks when they decide whether to invest in a country? Put another way, do private banks

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: Based on survey data drawn from the Second PEW Global Attitudes Project in 2002, the authors finds that a majority of the surveyed respondents, especially in urban China, had "positive" attitudes toward economic internationalism, and subjective orientations (such as the belief in cultural superiority, the sense of modernity, and life satisfaction) significantly influenced their support for economicinternationalism; objective socio-demographic attributes (that is, education, age, and contact with overseas friends or relatives) helped shape such support.
Abstract: Since the onset of the post-Mao reform, China has become more and more dependent on the world economy. Based on survey data drawn from the Second PEW Global Attitudes Project in 2002, this article finds that a majority of the surveyed respondents, especially in urban China, had “positive” attitudes toward economic internationalism. Moreover, the findings indicate that Chinese people's subjective orientations (such as the belief in cultural superiority, the sense of modernity, and life satisfaction) significantly influenced their support for economic internationalism; objective socio-demographic attributes (that is, education, age, and contact with overseas friends or relatives) helped shape such support. These findings have important political implications for the future of China's involvement in the world economy.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: Growth The dismal science is in a foul mood. Pity the "orthodox" economist who sets foot in debates about development economics these days, for the clearest con sensus of the books reviewed here is that the old orthodoxy in development thinking should be quickly put behind us as discussed by the authors.
Abstract: Growth The dismal science is in a foul mood. Pity the "orthodox" economist who sets foot in debates about development economics these days, for the clearest con sensus of the books reviewed here is that the old orthodoxy in development thinking should be quickly put behind us. The real world has not been kind to the policy prescriptions of the 1990s. Latin America failed to grow rapidly, despite enthusiastic implementation of so-called "Washington Consensus" reforms. Meanwhile, the Chinese economy's dynamic growth is galling in light of the country's insistent rejection of so many mainstream precepts. Orthodox economists may take solace that they are unlikely to be burned at the stake, as were some particularly misfortunate free-trade advocates following the War of

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: For better or worse, scholars who write about the origins, activities, and consequences of social movements often talk past each other Babel occurs partly because social movement scholars are trained in different disciplines with dissimilar analytic concepts, presumptions about relevance, and methodological techniques as discussed by the authors.
Abstract: For better or worse, scholars who write about the origins, activities, and consequences of social movements often talk past each other Babel occurs partly because social movement scholars are trained in different disciplines with dissimilar analytic concepts, presumptions about relevance, and methodological techniques In addition, one finds in every discipline competing (if not clashing) intellectual currents and political orientations, which contribute to the multiplicity of voices and perspectives on any topic For instance, one can find social-movement analysts in departments of political science who are Marxists, mass-society theorists, world-systems theorists, subaltern-studies folks, post-cultural-studies scholars,

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, a literature review based on six books suggests that more than social capital, it is democratic capital (i.e., modern political institutions, electoral processes, strategic reform of the social and economic structure, and accountability) that leads to democratic transition in postcolonial societies.
Abstract: Is democracy a moveable feast, capable of spreading beyond its native land in the liberal-democratic West? This article asks this comparative question in the context of an area (India) through a general argument, and in the form of a literature review based on six books. The conjecture that connects them suggests that more than social capital,1 it is democratic capital (modern political institutions, electoral processes, strategic reform of the social and economic structure, and accountability) that leads to democratic transition in postcolonial societies.2 In its