Showing papers on "Ideology published in 1968"

American Kinship: A Cultural Account

Abstract: "American Kinship" is the first attempt to deal systematically with kinship as a system of symbols and meanings, and not simply as a network of functionally interrelated familial roles. Schneider argues that the study of a highly differentiated society such as our own may be more revealing of the nature of kinship than the study of anthropologically more familiar, but less differentiated societies. He goes to the heart of the ideology of relations among relatives in America by locating the underlying features of the definition of kinship-nature vs. law, substance vs. code. One of the most significant features of "American Kinship," then, is the explicit development of a theory of culture on which the analysis is based, a theory that has since proved valuable in the analysis of other cultures. For this Phoenix edition, Schneider has written a substantial new chapter, responding to his critics and recounting the charges in his thought since the book was first published in 1968.

The Spirit of Chinese Politics

Abstract: Preface to the New Edition The Authority Crisis in Modernization The Comforts of Hierarchy and Ideology Politics without Modern Men The Millstone of Greatness The Discovery of Hate Authority, Self Discipline, and Order Broken Fathers and the Bitter Search for New Authorities Willpower and Morality: The Dynamics of Action Organizational Behavior and the Martial Spirit The Dynamics of Chinese Politics Erratic State, Frustrated Society Index

Ideology and the Development of Sociological Theory

Abstract: Part 1 The enlightenment: the enlightenment - philosophical foundations Montesquieu (1689-1755) Rousseau (1712-1778) perfectibility through education - Rousseau's "Emile" and "Sophy" Mary Wollstonecraft (1759-1797). Part 2 Post-revolutionary thought: the Romantic-Conservative reaction Bonald and Maistre Saint-Simon (1760-1825) Auguste Comte (1798-1857) Alexis de Tocqueville (1805-1859) Harriet Martineau (1802-1876) Harriet Taylor (1807-1858) and John Stuart Mill (1806-1873). Part 3 The Marxian watershed: the philosophical orientations of Karl Marx (1864-1920) the new Machiavelians - Pareto, Mosca, and Michels Gaetano Mosca (1858-1941) Robert Michels (1876-1936) Emile Durkheim (1858-1917) Karl Mannheim (1893-1947).

An Appeal in Favor of that Class of Americans Called Africans

Abstract: Published in Boston in 1833, Lydia Maria Child's Appeal provided the abolitionist movement with its first full-scale analysis of race and slavery. Indeed, so comprehensive was its scope, surveying the institution from historical, political, economic, legal, racial, and moral perspectives, that no other antislavery writer ever attempted to duplicate Child's achievement. The Appeal not only denounced slavery in the South but condemned racial prejudice in the free North and refuted racist ideology as a whole.Child's treatise anticipated twentieth-century inquiries into the African origins of European and American culture as well as current arguments against school and job discrimination based on race.This new edition--the first oriented toward the classroom--is enhanced by Carolyn L. Karcher's illuminating introduction. Included is a chronology of Child's life and a list of books for further reading.

The Theatre of Bertolt Brecht: A Study from Eight Aspects

Abstract: This study of Brecht's theatre from eight different aspects was first published in 1959. The book aims to explain the difficult aspects of his ideology and political leanings in a straightforward manner. It traces his stylistic development as a playwright and stage director through each of his major plays and explains his evolving notion of epic theatre within the political and social climate of the 1920s, Marxism, Nazism and post-war Communism.

Ideology and Conflict in Lower Class Communities

Abstract: This essay deals with factors that contribute to the emergence of egalitarian ideologies, tracing the social processes they entail and analysing their consequences for social life.

Schools and Society

Abstract: This chapter discusses schools and society. The chapter presents the character of Australian schools both state and non-state. In Australian social ideology and educational assumption, equality has always had its peculiar nuances. There is a closer resemblance that has in fact ever existed between Australian and American educational thought and policy. In the history of American educational thought, there has been one strong tradition, expressed at widely separated points of time by Jefferson, Horace Mann, and Dewey, resting on the conception of the common school as a potent democratizing institution. The conception of the common school is in which children of every kind were made aware of themselves as the members of a single community. The notion of the school as being itself a kind of society, impregnated with particular social ideologies or moralities derived from the objectives and ideals operative throughout the national society has not been very conspicuous in the modes of educational thought in Australia.

Motivation, Incentive Systems, and the Political Party Organization*

Abstract: Several different models of local political party organization can be found in the accumulating studies of American local politics. One model is typified by the research of Forthal, Gosnell, Kent, and Salter, and presents a picture of the party organization as attracting and disciplining workers through material incentives, non-ideological in its appeals, and oriented toward obtaining votes for securing or maintaining the party in political control of the government. An alternative model has been described in more recent research by Wilson, Hirschfield, and Carney. They portray the party activist as being more ideologically oriented, responding to ideological rather than material incentives, and seeking governmental reform or improved governmental services. Changes in the environment have been identified as the causal forces for this change in political party organizational style. For example, Greenstein points out that urban party machines developed to provide required services for which demand was generated by rapid urbanization, disorganized governmental structures, and the needs of recent immigrants. The research describing the material-incentive-motivated political machines was produced primarily during the 1920's and 1930's when the need for accommodation to urban problems of the type described existed to a greater degree than at present.The social characteristics of the activists as well as the political style of the two types of party organizations described in the professional and amateur models also differ. The professional model presents a party organization whose members are male, oriented toward material rewards or a career in government, and exhibit little concern for issues.

Psychiatric treatment orientations and professional ideology.

Abstract: The concept of professional ideology is defined and discussed, and it is applied to psychiatrists' views about the cause and treatment of mental illness. Existing literature leads to the hypothesis of three orientations as ideologies: somatotherapeutic, psychotherapeutic, and sociotherapeutic. Using data from a sample of psychiatrists, only the first two are shown to satisfy the criteria of professional ideology. The data also reveal that these two treatment ideologies are systematically related to other activities and views of psychiatrists.

Social deviance and political marginality: toward a redefinition of the relation between sociology and politics

Abstract: The traditional distinction between social problems and the political system is becoming obsolete. Behavior which in the past was perceived as social deviance is now assuming well-defined ideological and organizational contours; while political marginals are adopting a deviant life style. This merger of social deviance and political marginality creates a new style of politics, based on strategies that are traditionally considered illegitimate. The result of this trend is estimated to be an increase in the use of violence as a political tactic, and the development of a revolutionary potential among the expanding ranks of deviant sub-groups. In the light of such developments, sociology and political science must revise their theoretical formulations to take into account the merger of social deviance and political marginality.

Prelude to nation-states : the French and German experience, 1789-1815

Abstract: PrefaceThe quarter of a century between 1789 and 1815 was a crucial time in the history of Continental Europe. It brought the first break with the remnants of feudalism; it gave the people the knowledge that it could and was entitled to change the existing social and political order and it determined the character of nationalism and the rising nation-states in the two leading nations of the Continent. It explains much of their following history, and its influence has not ended yet. Since 1945 the two nations have lost their dominant position in Europe, but their different behavior and “ideas” were to set in the intervening time the model for the aspirations to form nation-states everywhere, outside the English- speaking nation-states which with their religious matrix and their late- seventeenth and mid-eighteenth-century background have remained incomprehensible to most European observers. For that reason Germany underestimated the strength and the intervention of Britain and the United States in both world wars.Within this late-eighteenth and early-nineteenth-century context, France and Germany set the often conflicting models for the emerging nation-states which evolved in the nineteenth century in Europe and in the twentieth century in other continents. This process is far from finished. Thus this historical study, like probably all historical studies, is of some importance for an understanding of our present-day world. For me personally it has been a work of many years. It establishes the bridge between the Idea of Nationalism and the various books which followed and which deal with nineteenth-century European and twentieth-century worldwide nationalism, books like Prophets and Peoples, The Making of the Modern French Mind, The Mind of Germany, Pan-Slavism, Its History and Ideology, and The Age of Nationalism.I have always loved teaching because, among other things, it has kept me in contact with young minds, which have now become half-a-century younger than mine. In that way I have remained in touch with living history. For real teaching is always a give and a take, and it is difficult to say who is more enriched by this partnership. Perhaps it has taken time away from my research and writing. I do not regret it. One (one, not the only but probably the most important) task of the university is to continue the long chain of learning which started with the ancient Greeks and which assures us of the continuity of our civilization. Naturally, and legitimately, each generation adds its own point of view, changes the tradition, “revolts” against the “burden of the past.” When we were young, we did it too. I am glad that the present generation follows this pattern, perhaps sometimes with greater consciousness than we did. Yet with many of them I always found a common language and a common ground, and with many of their complaints I have been in full agreement.

The Ottoman Bureaucracy: Modernization and Reform

Abstract: This paper discusses the attempts by the rulers of the Ottoman empire to modernize the society-by modernizing the bureaucracy to implement reforms needs as: promotion of Ottomanism as a, counter ideology to nationalism, reform of provincial administration, and an Ottoman constitution. The reformers were so strongly committed to Ottoman values, that they could not become committed to the radical social and political changes required for modernization. As a result, the changes made in the bureaucracy only increased the ascriptive orientation of the society, and continued the authoritarian rule. Committment to fundamental social and political change would seem to be among the conditions for bureaucrats to help effect modernization in underdeveloped countries. Walter F. Weiker is associate professor in the department of Political Science at Rutgers University, Newark, New Jersey.

Social Unrest, Social Class, and Quebec’s Bureaucratic Revolution

Abstract: Political structures in a mass society are fragile things. Since the Second World War, we have witnessed the collapse of age-old political regimes. The break-up of formal political empires, with the intellectual backing and sympathetic understanding of the majority of liberal intellectuals of the western world, is now nearly complete. Seldom was the use of force necessary to achieve this. Massive ideological agitation with wide popular support achieved what armed might would not have attained. In most cases, the two structural conditions prerequisite to national liberation were: 1) a newly created native elite, highly educated, politically conscious and through nationalist identification effectively engineering the revolt of expectations within 2) an awakened, restless native population whose aspirations are to be fulfilled by political independence. National independence has often been achieved though the heightened expectations usually have yet to be met.

Prolegomena on the Spanish American Political Tradition

Abstract: IT IS THE PURPOSE of this essay to raise some questions about a central dogma held by many writers on Latin American politics. A typical interpretation asserts that "there is little doubt that the Latin American ideal of government for more than a century and a half has been that of political democracy. "I This is largely taken for granted. While few members of the intellectual community now engaged in Latin American research are specifically studying political ideology, it appears to me that many of us, whether beginning with a consensus or a conflict model, implicitly assume Latin American approval of democracy.2 In this we are following a long academic tradition, albeit with new methods. Most North Americans tend to believe that a stable, viable Latin America would be a democratic Latin America. They derive that conviction from scholarly perceptions of early nineteenth-century political thought in Latin America. And this democratic argument is based upon two propositions: that Latin Americans borrowed the form and substance of their government; and that they failed to implant the alien system because they lacked political preparation. Writers who make these assumptions see the United States and French polities evolving out of their past despite certain foreign borrowings of an ideological and institutional nature. By contrast they often portray

Functions of a Bureaucratic Ideology: “Citizen Participation”

Abstract: Bureaucracies are users of ideologies, aimed at target groups for the purpose of energizing these groups toward acting in the interest of the bureaucracy and groups who are in a position to use it for their own ends. The ideology of “citizen participation” is inspected, as it is used by urban renewal and community action program bureaucracies. The intended and unintended consequences of both acceptance and rejection of the ideology are considered, for both the target group—the poor—and the organizational proponents of the ideology. The fate of an ideology depends upon its uses.

Participation in Community Associations by Occupation: A Test of Three Theories

Abstract: social strata from which they are drawn. Apparent aggregate differences between leaders and nonleaders (in Table 4) essentially conceal the differing social compositions of the two aggregates. And to the extent that political ideologies influence the direction of other political actions-such as perceiving or not perceiving the need for "rat extermination"-then the political stratum is not autonomous, but is complexly intertwined with and derivative from the social stratification system. We here are observing only the present consequences of past processes of allocation and socialization. Future research will be directed to inquiring how self-selection and post-recruitment leadership socialization produce political behavior and ideologies.

Authority and Ideology in the Administered University

Abstract: Santa Cruz, a Monteith and hope for thebest, while the dominant interests and ideologies lead to structures that insure greater cultural deprivation and social alienation for important minorities. It is time for a new sense of effectiveness in the major universities, one that goes far beyond the annual figures of size and output and far beyond the claims to fame which are the magnified sum of the reputation of individual scholars. If we did not know it before, we know it now good scholars and good students can make a bad educational system. Everything depends on how they are put together. Unless administrators and faculty learn to ask about the quality of interaction on campus, and take that line of inquiry as basic rather than

Athenian Democracy and the Revival of Imperialistic Expansion at the Beginning of the Fourth Century B.C.

Abstract: 7T~HE story of Athenian aspirations to hegemony and the history of Athenian imperialism are well established subjects of research in Greek history. Discussion of Athenian imperialist policy generally also touches on the problem of connection between external policy and the composition and ideology of the political parties within the state. Though the composition of the political parties and the inner circulation of their leadership have recently been reconsidered,1 it seems that there is still a widespread tendency to attribute extreme imperialistic policy to extreme democratic parties and a moderate foreign policy or opposition to imperialistic expansion to moderate or antidemocratic political parties. Can this be also deduced from our sources for the period at

Comparative Politics and the Study of Government: The Search for Focus

Abstract: Years ago, it seems now decades ago, I outlined in a little book some of the most widespread dissatisfactions with what was at the time the study of comparative government-the way it was taught, the kinds of preoccupations and research it inspired, and more generally its place in the discipline.' I concluded, not unjustifiably it seems to me in retrospect, that the traditional approach was essentially parochial, monographic, descriptive, bound to the West and particularly to Western Europe, excessively formalistic and legalistic, and insensitive to theory-building and theory-testing. I suggested at the time a crude conceptual outline in terms of which individual systems could be studied and compared. It comprised the following three categories: interests and interest configuration, ideology, and governmental structures. The first corresponded to what are generally referred to today as the "input" factors. I defined interest in a broad sense. It encompassed primarily manifested and articulated interests rather than "latent" interests. My definition had, therefore, a concrete and direct relevance to the political process. Ideology was a loose term I gave to all the relevant political attitudes as they manifest themselves and as they have crystallized in various political systems over a period of time. I think it corresponds to what some call today the political culture. Finally, by "government" I understood the structures through which public officials, selected in one manner or another, make decisions. I viewed a political system in terms of its capacity to translate interests and aspirations into policy and to resolve conflicts2 by transforming both interests and aspirations into decisions that are widely accepted. In this view, stability and consensus correlate directly with performance and responsiveness. I did not go beyond this crude formulation. Perhaps I lacked the appropriate theoretical sophistication. But I also felt, and continue to feel, that given the state of our discipline, an attempt to. develop a well-knit and broad-gauge theoretical scheme was, and remains, not only premature but downright unproductive. I felt, and continue to feel, that the major task of comparative politics was, and remains, that of raising political questions,

The economic approach to social questions

Abstract: Once upon a time-long ago now-it was possible to refer anyone who thought that economic theory had something to say about society and its problems, and wanted to find out what it was, to Marshall's classic Principles of Economics, wherein he could find the structure of economic theory spelled out in literary terms intended to be comprehensible to the businessman of average intelligence (Even when I went up to Cambridge in 1945 the myth still prevailed that "it is all [mercifully] in Marshall") That situation has been revolutionized as a result of the introduction of geometrical and mathematical methods of theoretical investigation in the 1930s, and the post-war emphasis on the empirical testing of hypotheses and measurement of economic relationships Economic theory is now written in set theory, mathematical models and regression results, with the consequence that it seems to be too abstruse and remote from reality, as well as too technical, to be of any interest or use to the non-specialist concerned with understanding and improving the world in which he lives This impression, unfortunately, is all too often shared by the professional economists themselves, who frequently confine the use of their scientific tools to technical and academic problems, while relying on intuition, emotion, or political ideology to form their attitudes on social questions Yet economics is essentially a social science, concerned to further understanding of society by the application of scientific methods of analysis and research to the economic aspects of society's activities, and the great advance of the science that has occurred in the past thirty-odd years has made it more and not less capable of illuminating social questions This, at least, is what I hope to demonstrate-necessarily in very broad and sketchy terms-in this lecture Economists have, of course, always expressed themselves freely on social questions, though their views have rarely been popular among the rest of the educated elite It was, indeed, the insistence of the classical economists and their followers on the inevitability of the consequences of Malthus' (fallacious), theory of population growth that earned the discipline in the nineteenth century the description of "the dismal science": while their general endorsement of laissez-faire though

Social Identity and Expressive Symbols: The Meaning of an Initiation Ritual1

Abstract: This paper examines the relationship between expressive symbols and the identity transformations implicit in adolescent initiation rituals. Previous work views these rites as a means of insuring role commitment; they enable a society to motivate its members to willingly accept adult role obligations essential to its survival. On the other hand, our analysis of high school sorority initiation rites in an urban community suggests that they confirm the initiate's new social identity in a way that strengthens the moral categories that define the local status system. In contrast to those who argue that these sorts of rituals promote community solidarity, we maintain that they support the ideology of the dominant groups in a local status hierarchy.