Showing papers on "Ideology published in 2005"

Discourse: A Critical Introduction

Abstract: This engaging 2005 introduction offers a critical approach to discourse, written by an expert uniquely placed to cover the subject for a variety of disciplines. Organised along thematic lines, the book begins with an outline of the basic principles, moving on to examine the methods and theory of CDA (critical discourse analysis). It covers topics such as text and context, language and inequality, choice and determination, history and process, ideology and identity. Blommaert focuses on how language can offer a crucial understanding of wider aspects of power relations, arguing that critical discourse analysis should specifically be an analysis of the 'effects' of power, what power does to people, groups and societies, and how this impact comes about. Clearly argued, this concise introduction will be welcomed by students and researchers in a variety of disciplines involved in the study of discourse, including linguistics, linguistic anthropology and the sociology of language.

What is journalism? Professional identity and ideology of journalists reconsidered

Abstract: The history of journalism in elective democracies around the world has been described as the emergence of a professional identity of journalists with claims to an exclusive role and status in society, based on and at times fiercely defended by their occupational ideology. Although the conceptualization of journalism as a professional ideology can be traced throughout the literature on journalism studies, scholars tend to take the building blocks of such an ideology more or less for granted. In this article the ideal-typical values of journalism’s ideology are operationalized and investigated in terms of how these values are challenged or changed in the context of current cultural and technological developments. It is argued that multiculturalism and multimedia are similar and poignant examples of such developments. If the professional identity of journalists can be seen as kept together by the social cement of an occupational ideology of journalism, the analysis in this article shows how journalism in the...

The rediscovery of ‘ideology’: return of the repressed in media studies

Abstract: Mass communications research has had, to put it mildly, a somewhat chequered career. Since its inception as a specialist area of scientific inquiry and researchroughly, the early decades of the twentieth century-we can identify at least three distinct phases. The most dramatic break is that which occurred between the second and third phases. This marks off the massive period of research conducted within the sociological approaches of ‘mainstream’ American behavioural science, beginning in the 1940s and commanding the field through into the 1950s and 1960s, from the period of its decline and the emergence of an alternative, ‘critical’ paradigm. This paper attempts to chart this major paradigmshift in broad outline and to identify some of the theoretical elements which have been assembled in the course of the formation of the ‘critical’ approach. Two basic points about this break should be made at this stage in the argument. First, though the differences between the ‘mainstream’ and the ‘critical’ approaches might appear, at first sight, to be principally methodological and procedural, this appearance is, in our view, a false one. Profound differences in theoretical perspective and in political calculation differentiate the one from the other. These differences first appear in relation to media analysis. But, behind this immediate object of attention, there lie broader differences in terms of how societies or social formations in general are to be analysed. Second, the simplest way to characterize the shift from ‘mainstream’ to ‘critical’ perspectives is in terms of the movement from, essentially, a behavioural to an ideological perspective.

The Long Civil Rights Movement and the Political Uses of the Past

Abstract: The civil rights movement circulates through American memory in forms and through channels that are at once powerful, dangerous, and hotly contested. Civil rights memorials jostle with the South’s ubiquitous monuments to its Confederate past. Exemplary scholarship and documentaries abound, and participants have produced wave after wave of autobiographical accounts, at least two hundred to date. Images of the movement appear and reappear each year on Martin Luther King Jr. Day and during Black History Month. Yet remembrance is always a form of forgetting, and the dominant narrative of the civil rights movement—distilled from history and memory, twisted by ideology and political contestation, and embedded in heritage tours, museums, public rituals, textbooks, and various artifacts of mass culture—distorts and suppresses as much as it reveals.1

The Invention of World Religions: Or, How European Universalism Was Preserved in the Language of Pluralism

Abstract: The idea of "world religions" expresses a vague commitment to multiculture alism. Not merely a descriptive concept, "world religions" is also a particular ethos, a pluralist ideology, a logic of classification, and a form of knowledge that has shaped the study of religion and infiltrated ordinary language. In this ambitious study, Tomoko Masuzawa examines the emergence of "world religions" in modern European thought through a close reading of a variety of sources as early as the seventeenth century. Devoting particular attention to the relation between the comparative study of language and the nascent science of religion, she demonstrates how new classifications of language and race caused Buddhism and Islam to gain special significance as these religions came to be seen in opposing terms - Aryan on one hand and Semitic on the other. Masuzawa also explores the complex relation of "world religions" to Protestant theology, from the hierarchical ordering of religions typical of the Christian supremacists of the nineteenth century, to the aspirations of early twentieth-century theologian Ernst Troeltsch, who embraced the pluralist logic of "world religions" and by so doing sought to reclaim the universalist destiny of European modernity.

Management as ideology: the case of ‘new managerialism’ in higher education

Abstract: The paper explores ideological conceptions of management, especially ‘new managerialism’, with particular reference to their role in the reform of higher education. It is suggested that attempts to reform public services in general are political as well as technical, though there is no single unitary ideology of ‘new managerialism’. Whilst some argue that managers have become a class and have particular interests, this may not be so for all public services. The arguments presented are illustrated by data taken from a recent research project on the management of UK higher education. It is suggested that managers in public service organisations such as universities do not constitute a class. However, as in the case of manager‐academics, managing a contemporary public service such as higher education may involve taking on the ideologies and values of ‘new managerialism’, and for some, embracing these. So management ideologies do seem to serve the interests of manager‐academics and help cement relations of po...

From cultural to creative industries

Abstract: This article analyses the cultural policy implications in the United Kingdom of a shift in terminology from cultural to creative industries. It argues that the use of the term “creative industries” can only be understood in the context of information society policy. It draws its political and ideological power from the prestige and economic importance attached to concepts of innovation, information, information workers and the impact of information and communication technologies drawn from information society theory. This sustains the unjustified claim of the cultural sector as a key economic growth sector within the global economy and creates a coalition of disparate interests around the extension of intellectual property rights. In the final analysis, it legitimates a return to an artist‐centred, supply side defence of state cultural subsidies that is in contradiction to the other major aim of cultural policy – wider access.

After legal consciousness

Abstract: ▪ Abstract Legal consciousness as a theoretical concept and topic of empirical research developed to address issues of legal hegemony, particularly how the law sustains its institutional power despite a persistent gap between the law on the books and the law in action. Why do people acquiesce to a legal system that, despite its promises of equal treatment, systematically reproduces inequality? Recent studies have both broadened and narrowed the concept's reach, while sacrificing much of the concept's critical edge and theoretical utility. Rather than explaining how the different experiences of law become synthesized into a set of circulating schemas and habits, the literature tracks what particular individuals think and do. Because the relationships among consciousness and processes of ideology and hegemony often go unexplained, legal consciousness as an analytic concept is domesticated within what appear to be policy projects: making specific laws work better for particular groups or interests.

“Ideal Theory” as Ideology

Abstract: individual subsume the workers, women, and nonwhites who are also persons-even if, admittedly, they were not historically recognized as such? I think the problem here is a failure to appreciate the nature and magnitude of the obstacles to the cognitive rethinking required, and the mistaken moveespecially easy for analytic philosophers, used to the effortless manipulation of variables, the shifting about of p's and q's, in the frictionless plane (redux!) of symbolic logic-from the ease of logical implication to the actual inferential patterns of human cognizers who have been socialized by these systems of domination. (This failure is itself, reflexively, a manifestation of the idealism of ideal theory.) To begin with the obvious empirical objection: if it were as easy as all that, just a matter of modus ponens or some other simple logical rule, then why was it so hard to do? If it were obvious that women were equal moral persons, meant to be fully included in the variable "men," then why was it not obvious to virtually every male political philosopher and ethicist up to a few decades ago? Why has liberalism, supposedly committed to normative equality and a foundational opposition to ascriptive hierarchy, found it so easy to exclude women and nonwhites from its egalitarian promise? The actual working of human cognitive processes, as manifested in the sexism and sometimes racism of such leading figures in the canon as Plato, Aristotle, Aquinas, Hobbes, Hume, Locke, Rousseau, Kant, Hegel, and the rest, itself constitutes the simplest illustration of the mistakenness of such an analysis. Moreover, it is another familiar criticism from feminism that the inclusion of women cannot be a merely terminological gender neutrality, just adding and stirring, but requires a rethinking of what, say, equal rights and freedoms will require in the context of female subordination. Susan Moller Okin argued years ago that once one examines the real-life family, it becomes obvious that women's exit options from marriage are far more restricted than men's, because of the handicaps of sacrificing one's career to childrearing (Okin 1989). So a commitment to fairness, equal rights, and justice in the family arguably requires special measures to compensate for these burdens, and reform social structures accordingly. But such measures cannot be spun out, a priori, from the concept of equality as such (and certainly they cannot be generated on the basis of assuming the ideal family, as Rawls did in A Theory of Justice). Rather, they require empirical input and an awareness of how the real-life, nonideal family actually works. But insofar as such input is crucial and guides theory (which is why it's incorrect to see this as just "applied" ethics), the theory ceases to be ideal. So either ideal theory includes the previously excluded in a purely nominal way, which would be a purely formal rather than substantive inclusion, or-to the extent that it does make the dynamic of oppression central and theory-guiding-it is doing nonideal theory without calling it such. (Compare the conservative appeal to a superficially fair "color-blindness" in the treatment of people of color, whose practical effect is to guarantee a blindness to the distinctive measures required to redress and overcome the legacy of white supremacy.) 178 This content downloaded from 157.55.39.56 on Tue, 18 Oct 2016 04:58:54 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

The Power of Critical Theory for Adult Learning And Teaching.

Abstract: 'Stephen Brookfield disturbs and enriches the entire field of adult learning with this brilliant piece of teaching' - Robert Kegan, Harvard University, USA. 'Simplifying without eroding the complexity of critical theory, Brookfield traverses the grand themes of ideology, power, alienation, liberation, reason and democracy; showing how they inform the adult education practice of fostering critical thinking and critical reflection' - Mark Tennant, University of Technology, Sydney, Australia. 'I learned more from this book than from dozens of other adult education publications! This book is sure to become a major reference text in the field' - Elizabeth Hayes, University of Wisconsin-Madison, USA. '!A lucid, accessible overview of how critical theory (with its daunting vocabularies and internal debates) illuminates the contexts of adult learning and orients teaching practices' - Michael Welton, Mount St. Vincent University, Canada.'This is a sophisticated and comprehensive treatment of the power of Socratic questioning of dogmas and a prophetic witness against the conservative status quo! A must read for all seriously engaged teachers' - Cornel West, Princeton University, USA. This major contribution to the literature on adult education provides adult educators with an accessible overview of critical theory's central ideas. Using many direct quotes from the theorists' works, Brookfield shows how critical theory illuminates the everyday practices of adult educators and helps them make sense of the dilemmas, contradictions and frustrations they experience in their work.Drawing widely on central texts in critical theory, Brookfield argues that a critical theory of adult learning must focus on understanding how adults learn to challenge ideology, contest hegemony, unmask power, overcome alienation, learn liberation, reclaim reason and practice democracy. These tasks form the focus of successive chapters, while later chapters review the central contentions of critical theory through the contemporary lenses of race and gender. The final chapter reviews adult educational practices and looks at what it means to teach critically. It is essential reading for anyone teaching, working in, studying or researching adult education.

Anthropology and Development: Understanding Contemporary Social Change

Abstract: * 1. Introduction: The three approaches in the anthropology of development * The discourse of development * Populism, anthropology and development * Entangled social logic approaches * Conclusion: the future of the entangled social logics approach and its work in progress (research in Africa and beyond) * 2. Socio-anthropology of Development: some preliminary statements * Development * Socio-anthropology of development * Comparativism * Action * Populism * A collective problematic * Social change and development: in Africa or in general? * 3. Anthropology, Sociology, Africa and Development: a brief historical overview * French colonial ethnology * Reactions: dynamic and/or Marxist anthropology * From a sociological viewpoint: sociology of modernization and sociology of development * Systems analysis * The current situation: multi-rationalities * 4. A renewal of anthropology ? * To the rescue of social science? * The 'properties' of 'development facts' * Two 'heuristic points of view' * Anthropology of social change and development and the fields of anthropology * 5. Stereotypes, ideologies and conceptions * A meta-ideology of development * Infra-ideologies: conceptions * Five stereotypes * The relative truth of stereotypes: the example of culture * The propensity for stereotypes: the example of needs * 6. Is an anthropology of innovation possible ? * A panorama in four points of view * Is an innovation's problematic possible in anthropology ? * 7. Developmentist populism and social science populism : ideology, action, knowledge * Intellectuals and their ambiguous populism * The poor according to Chambers * The developmentist populist complex * Moral populism * Cognitive populism and methodological populism * Ideological populism * Populism and miserabilism * Where action becomes compromise ... and where knowledge can become opposition... * ... yet methodology should combine! * 8. Relations of production and modes of economic action * Songhay-zarma societies under colonization: peasant mode of production and relations of production * Subsistence logic during the colonial period * Relations of production and contemporary transformations * Conclusion * 9. Development projects and social logic * The context of interaction * Levels of project coherence * Peasant reactions * Two principles * Three logics, among many others * Strategic logics and notional logics * 10. Popular knowledge and scientific and technical knowledge * Popular technical knowledge * A few properties of popular technical knowledge * Popular technical knowledge and technical-scientific knowledge * Fields of popular knowledge and infrastructure * 11. Mediations and brokerage * Development agents * A parenthesis on corruption * Development agents as mediators between types of knowledge * Brokers * The development language * 12. Arenas and strategic games * Local development as a political arena * Conflict, arena, strategic groups * The ECRIS canvass * 13. Conclusion : The dialogue between social scientists and developers * Logic of knowledge and logic of action * Action Research? * Training development agents * Adapting to side-tracking * On enquiry * Bibliography * Index

Political Trust, Ideology, and Public Support for Government Spending

Abstract: This article analyzes the relationship between political trust, ideology, and public support for government spending. We argue that the political trust heuristic is activated when individuals are asked to sacrifice ideological as well as material interests. Aggregate- and individual-level analysis shows that the effects ofpolitical trust on supportfor government spending are moderated by ideology. Consistent with the unbalanced ideological costs imposed by requests for increased government spending, we find that the effects of political trust are significantly more pronounced among conservatives than among liberals. The analysis further demonstrates that ideology conditions the effects of political trust on attitudes toward both distributive and redistributive spending. Or findings suggest that political trust has policy consequences across a much broader range ofpolicy issues than previously thought. he decline of political trust in America has been a frequent target of scholarly investigation. Numerous attempts have been made to identify and explain the factors most responsible for declining levels of trust in the federal government (Citrin 1974; Hibbing and Theiss-Morse 2001; Miller 1974). Comparatively less effort has been spent analyzing the consequences of this decline. Recently, however, several studies have underscored the theoretical import of political trust by demonstrating that it has important attitudinal and behavioral consequences for American democracy. On the behavioral side, political trust is important because it fosters citizen compliance with governmental demands (Levi 1997; Scholz and Lubell 1998; Tyler and Degoey 1995) and influences citizens' likelihood of voting for challengers and thirdparty candidates (Hetherington 1999). Political trust also matters because it affects citizens' beliefs about the proper balance of power in our federal system (Hetherington and Nugent 2001) and shapes public support for domestic policy liberalism (Chanley, Rudolph, and Rahn 2000;

Singles in Society and in Science

Abstract: We suggest that single adults in contemporary American society are targets of stereotyping, prejudice, and discrimination, a phenomenon we will call singlism. Singlism is an outgrowth of a largely uncontested set of beliefs, the Ideology of Marriage and Family. Its premises include the assumptions that the sexual partnership is the one truly important peer relationship and that people who have such partnerships are happier and more fulfilled than those who do not. We use published claims about the greater happiness of married people to illustrate how the scientific enterprise seems to be influenced by the ideology. We propose that people who are single—particularly women who have always been single—fare better than the ideology would predict because they do have positive, enduring, and important interpersonal relationships. The persistence of singlism is especially puzzling considering that actual differences based on civil (marital) status seemtobequalifiedandsmall, thenumberof singles isgrowing,andsensitivity to other varieties of prejudice is acute. By way of explanation, we consider arguments from evolutionary psychology, attachment theory, a social problems perspective, thegrowthof thecultof thecouple,and theappealofan ideology thatoffersasimpleand compelling worldview.

Old Times There Are Not Forgotten: Race and Partisan Realignment in the Contemporary South

Abstract: Our focus is the regional political realignment that has occurred among whites over the past four decades. We hypothesize that the South's shift to the Republican party has been driven to a significant degree by racial conservatism in addition to a harmonizing of partisanship with general ideological conservatism. General Social Survey and National Election Studies data from the 1970s to the present indicate that whites residing in the old Confederacy continue to display more racial antagonism and ideological conservatism than non-Southern whites. Racial conservatism has become linked more closely to presidential voting and party identification over time in the white South, while its impact has remained constant elsewhere. This stronger association between racial antagonism and partisanship in the South compared to other regions cannot be explained by regional differences in nonracial ideology or nonracial policy preferences, or by the effects of those variables on partisanship.

Cultural Cognition and Public Policy

Abstract: People disagree about the empirical dimensions of various public policy issues. It's not surprising that people have different beliefs about the deterrent effect of the death penalty, the impact of handgun ownership on crime, the significance of global warming, the public health consequences of promiscuous sex, etc. The mystery concerns the origins of such disagreement. Were either the indeterminacy of scientific evidence or the uneven dissemination of convincing data responsible, we would expect divergent beliefs on such issues to be distributed almost randomly across the population, and beliefs about seemingly unrelated questions (whether, say, the death penalty deters and whether global warming is a serious threat) to be relatively independent of one another. But this is not the case: factual disagreement is highly polarized across distinct social groups - ethnic, religious, racial, regional, and ideological. Moreover, factual beliefs highly correlate across discrete and disparate issues. What explains these patterns? The answer, we will argue, is the phenomenon of cultural cognition. We discuss original empirical evidence showing that individuals form factual beliefs that reflect and reinforce competing cultural orientations - hierarchic and egalitarian, individualistic and communitarian. We also identify the social and psychological mechanisms through which these orientations shape factual beliefs. And we discuss the implications of this phenomenon for enlightened democratic decision-making.

INDUSTRIES An analysis of the implications of the "creative industries" approach to arts and media policy making in the United Kingdom

Abstract: This article analyses the cultural policy implications in the United Kingdom of a shift in terminology from cultural to creative industries. It argues that the use of the term “creative industries” can only be understood in the context of information society policy. It draws its political and ideological power from the prestige and economic importance attached to concepts of innovation, information, information workers and the impact of information and communication technologies drawn from information society theory. This sustains the unjustified claim of the cultural sector as a key economic growth sector within the global economy and creates a coalition of disparate interests around the extension of intellectual property rights. In the final analysis, it legitimates a return to an artistcentred, supply side defence of state cultural subsidies that is in contradiction to the other major aim of cultural policy ‐ wider access.

Over-Stating the Arab State: Politics and Society in the Middle East

Abstract: Part 1 The Middle East and the state debate - a conceptual framework: the state debate the state in comparative perspective the non-individualistic path to the state the Arabs and the issue of the state schematic argument and conceptual framework. Part 2 Modes of production and the origins of the Arabo-Islamic state: modes of production and social formations the ancient Near-Eastern state and the "Asiatic mode of production" early Islamic Arabia and the nomadic/conquestal mode of production the Umayyads and the lineage/"iqta'i" symbiosis the Abbasids and the "iqta'i"/mercantile symbiosis the Ottomans and the military/"iqta'i" symbiosis the articulation of modes of production in the historical Arabo-Islamic state politics and ideology in the historical Arabo-Islamic state. Part 3 State formation in the modern era - the colonial/indigenous mix: the European encroachment a colonial mode of production? state formation in Egypt state formation in the Levant state formation in North Africa state formation in Arabia and the Gulf. Part 4 The Arab state - territorial or pan-Arabist?: the pan-Arabist ideology pan-Arabism and the "state" the regional/functional approach the "missing bourgeoisie" and the future of Arab unity. Part 5 The sociology of articulated modes - community, class and polity: political culture or political economy? social correlates of articulated modes a closer look at social class corporatism and state - society relations. Part 6 The political system of articulated forms - the radical, populist republics: socialism or "elatisme"? corporatist devices - macro and micro Arab populisms in comparative perspective. Part 7 The political system of articulated forms - the conservative, kin-ordered monarchies: rentier economies, rentier states politics and ideology - the kinship/religion symbiosis "political tribalism" - or corporatism Gulf-style. Part 8 Civil-military relations: causes for military intervention explaining the decline in coups the radical republics and the military-industrial complex the conservative monarchies and the military-tribal complex. Part 9 Bureaucratic growth - development versus control: expansion in the economic role of the state bureaucratic growth in the Arab countries explaining the expansion the control functions of Arab bureaucracies. Part 10 Economic liberalization and privatization - is the Arab state contracting?: modalities or privatization domestic versus international stimuli country cases Arab liberalizations in comparative perspective the politics of economic adjustment. Part 11 Prospects for democracy - is the civil society striking back?: cultural and intellectual requisites for democracy socio-economic requisites for democracy political correlates of economic liberalization country cases the Yemeni adventure public/private, civil/civic. Part 12 Conclusion - the "strong", the "hard" and the "fierce".

The Competition for Worldviews: Values, Information, and Public Support for Stem Cell Research

Abstract: When it comes to public opinion about controversial issues related to science and technology, many policy makers and scientists assume that increased public understanding of science will lead to increased public support. Yet, instead of a fully informed and deliberative public, past research indicates that it is more likely that the public by nature is ‘miserly’, with individuals relying on their value predispositions and only the information most readily available to them from the mass media and other sources in order to formulate an opinion about science controversy. Building on this latter ‘accessibility’ or ‘memorybased’ model of opinion formation, this study tests the relationship between an increase in available information—or increasing ‘awareness’—and public support for embryonic stem cell research. An analysis of national survey data collected in the USA during the fall of  and the fall of  indicates that although an increase in awareness leads to an increase in support for research, both religious and ideological value predispositions strongly moderate the impact of awareness. The controversy in the USA over government funding for embryonic stem cell research is representative of the competition among various institutions for the worldviews of the public, pitting religion against the scientific community, universities, and industry. Strategic actors linked to these competing institutions have struggled to marshal momentum for their preferred policy outcomes by influencing public opinion, and the mass media has played a key role in the competition for the public’s support. A central assumption of the scientific community and other funding advocates has been that increasing public understanding of the issue via the media will automatically translate into increased public support for research. Greater scientific understanding, it is assumed, will ensure that the public makes ‘proper’ judgments about science, that is assessments in line with The author would like to thank Cary Funk of the Virginia Common Wealth University for providing access to the VCU Life Sciences Survey data analyzed in this study. The article was first submitted to IJPOR September , . The final version was received May , , but some additions were made in December . T H E C O M P E T I T I O N F O R W O R L D V I E W S  those of scientists. This reasoning is offered not only in the context of the stem cell debate, but has been voiced relative to many science controversies. The scientific community’s perspective is based on the presumed existence of a fully informed public where opinion consists of individual judgments about an issue arrived at only after conscious and knowledgeable deliberation. Previous research, however, paints this ideal as unlikely, documenting extremely low levels of public knowledge across a wide range of policy matters. Instead of a fully informed and deliberative public, past studies indicate that it is much more likely that the public by nature is ‘miserly’, with individuals relying primarily on their existing value predispositions and only the information most readily available to them from the mass media in order to formulate an opinion about complex and remote policy disputes. In order to demonstrate and test this opinion process, the current study therefore focuses on the institutional struggle to define policy relative to stem cell research, the impact of increasing information, or ‘awareness’, on opinion, and the moderating role of values in shaping public support for research. CONNECTING INSTITUTIONS WITH INDIVIDUAL-LEVEL OPINION FORMATION THE INSTITUTIONAL CONTEXT OF OPINION-FORMATION At the macro-level, the controversy over stem cell research is the outcome of conflict and cooperation among a number of central institutions in contemporary American society including science, Christian religion, the bureaucratic state, the market, and the university. The driving logic of science is based in its ‘exceptionalism’: when it comes to research, the scientific community believes it should be mostly free from direct regulation and political control (Bimber & Guston, ). The logic of scientific exceptionalism is complemented by the laissez faire logic of the market, with stem cell research considered vital to the success of the biomedical industry and the economic competitiveness of the USA; by the bureaucratic agencies that fund science, where scientist-administrators would prefer that their ‘expert’ oversight of the scientific community take place behind closed-doors; and by universities, the direct beneficiaries of federal funding. Against these other institutions, the logic of institutionalized religion stands in opposition to stem cell research. The roots of religious opposition can be understood 1 The emphasis in this study on Christian religion does not mean to discount the important position of other religions relative to stem cell research. Rather the emphasis simply reflects the status of Christianity as the overwhelmingly dominant organized religion in the USA, with more than  percent of the U.S. public identifying themselves as either Protestant or Catholic. 2 There are other institutional structures that may oppose embryonic stem cell research on slightly different grounds than religion, and these additional institutional structures are discussed in the conclusion to the paper.  I N T E R N A T I O N A L J O U R N A L O F P U B L I C O P I N I O N R E S E A R C H in the context of a wider institutional competition for the Weltanschauungen, or worldviews of the public (Berger & Luckmann, ). Religious institutions are a dominant source of worldviews, especially in the USA. In fact, American religiosity and support for religion as an institution are unique national characteristics (Pew, ). Yet religious belief, like other meaning structures for interpreting the world, is precarious. A religious individual’s ‘world taken for granted’ must be legitimated over and over again, not only in competition with other religions, but also with other institutions of modern society, such as science, that offer competing views. According to Berger and Luckmann (), institutions therefore contend for the allegiances of potential consumers of Weltanschauungen. This need in modern society to constantly re-legitimate the religious worldview explains in part why religious institutions, especially Catholic and evangelicalaffiliated organizations, have been the most opposed to human embryonic stem cell research. From a traditional Christian perspective, human life is created in God’s image. Catholic and evangelical elites consider embryos to be human beings, ‘a human life worthy of full moral protection from the moment of conception,’ (NBAC, , p. ). When scientists use or create embryos only to destroy them for the purpose of extracting stem cells, Catholic and evangelical elites view scientists as taking on the role of God, violating divine will. Therefore, according to religious advocates, use of government tax dollars to fund research would make ‘all citizens complicit in this research,’ (NBAC, , p. ), de-legitimating the Christian worldview, and ultimately threatening the authority of religious institutions. This religious perspective stands in sharp contrast to the scientific view that generally defines a ‘human being not as a miraculous act of divine creation, but rather as the sum of a series of material causes that can be understood and manipulated by human beings’ (Fukuyama, , p. ). The conflict between religion and other institutions over stem cell research has catalyzed organized opposition from religious pro-life groups, and has given rise to a germinal social movement of research advocates. The mass media have been the chief arena where these social movements have struggled to define the stem cell debate in terms that favor policies consistent with their own particular logic or rules. Pro-research elites assume that they need only focus programmatically on public communication efforts based on a common assumption that enhanced science knowledge enables individuals to sort through the misinformation, ‘bad’ science, and extraordinary claims that emerge during political disputes over science and technology. In other words, a scientifically literate public is assumed to be more appreciative of science and technology, and more supportive of science as an institution (Bodmer, ). In contrast, religious research opponents have sought to mobilize the public by attempting to define stem cell research in media coverage as a moral issue, emphasizing certain considerations that are likely to promote public opposition to research (Nisbet, Brossard, & Kroepsch, ). T H E C O M P E T I T I O N F O R W O R L D V I E W S 

Critical Care: A Color(full) Analysis of Care Narratives in the Schooling Experiences of Puerto Rican Girls

Abstract: In this article, the author explores the intersection between race/ethnicity and caring in the educational experiences of middle school Puerto Rican girls. Critical race theory and Latino/Latina critical theory are used as data analysis frameworks because of their emphasis on the roles of race/ethnicity and racism in shaping the circumstances of individuals and institutions. The author calls for a color(full) critical care praxis that is grounded in a historical understanding of students' lives; translates race-conscious ideological and political orientations into pedagogical approaches that benefit Latino/a students; uses caring counternarratives to provide more intimate, caring connections between teachers and the Latino communities where they work; and pays attention to caring at both the individual and institutional levels.

Frames of protest : social movements and the framing perspective

Abstract: Chapter 1 Frames of Protest: A Roadmap to a Perspective Part 2 I Framing and Mobilization Processes Chapter 3 Explaining Suffrage Mobilization: Balance, Neutralization, and Range in Collective Action Frames Chapter 4 Collective Action Frames in the Gay Liberation Movement, 1969-1973 Chapter 5 Strategic Framing, Emotions, and Superbarrio-Mexico City's Masked Crusader Part 6 II Non-Movement Framing: The State and Media Chapter 7 Official Frames in Social Movement Theory: The FBI, HUAC, and the Communist threat in Hollywood Chapter 8 Mobilizing the White March: Media Frames as Alternatives to Movement Organizations Part 9 III Framing and Political Opportunities Chapter 10 Framing, Political Opportunities, and Eastern European Mobilization Chapter 11 Political Opportunities and Framing Puerto Rican Identity in New York City Part 12 IV Refining the Perspective Chapter 13 What a Good Idea! Ideology and Frames in Social Movement Research Chapter 14 Clarifying the Relationship between Framing and Ideology Chapter 15 Breaking the Frame Chapter 16 Strategic Imperative, Ideology, and Frame Chapter 17 Comparative Frame Analysis 18 Index 19 About the Contributors

The political economy of peacebuilding: a critical theory perspective.

Abstract: The ideology of the liberal peace has propelled the political economies of war-torn societies into a scheme of global convergence towards "market liberalisation". This orthodoxy was an uncontestable assumption underlying external economic assistance. However, the project faltered under its inherent contradictions and because it ignored the socio-economic problems confronting war-torn societies, even aggravating them by increasing the vulnerability of populations to poverty and shadow economic activity. Although revisionists have embarked on a mission to boost the UN's peacebuilding capacity and also rescue the Millennium Development Goals, the basic assumptions of the liberal peace are not challenged and potential alternatives are overlooked. How far are external agencies dictating the pattern of economic transformation in societies emerging from conflict? From current practice in a variety of situations, and from proposed reforms to peacebuilding and development, the answer seems to be: "as far as the eye can see!" The hubris of peacebuilders keys the political economy of war-torn societies into a map captioned "the liberal peace project;" that, in its economic dimension, requires convergence towards "market liberalisation." This became an aggressively promoted orthodoxy, with variations, derived from the late 1990s Washington Consensus on the logically correct path of development for undeveloped states. Perhaps not treated as a high priority in stabilising peace per se (the vanguard of which has been allocated to fostering security, rule of law and democratic forms), neoliberal economic policies were nevertheless barely-contested assumptions underlying external economic reconstruction assistance and management in war-torn societies. This article interrogates the current, and proposed revisions of, political economy as it affects peacebuilding from a critical theory perspective in international relations. This perspective concerns the power of post-industrial capitalism and the agency behind globalisation ideology. Certainly, there is considerable disagreement among critical authors about the ontology of so-called market democracy, the power of its non-state networks and agencies vis-a-vis states, and the pre-eminence of a fundamentalist version of neoliberalism (its passing having been identified by John Ralston Saul, 2005). Theorists from rather disparate standpoints have grappled with the problematique of global capitalism (Cox, 2002; Van der Pijl, 1998; Baumann, 2000; Murphy, 2005; Hardt and Negri, 2000). They have in common, however, a concern to construct an inclusive and emancipatory concept of political economy, an approach that can also be applied to peacebuilding. In applying a critical approach, this analysis focuses on the politics of the economic projects within the liberal peace framework, drawing examples from south-east Europe. First, it deals with the orthodox rationale of the political economy of peacebuilding. Next, the article notes the virtual death of the Washington Consensus and identifies a millennial revisionist agenda that emerged internationally during the course of 2004-05. This interrogation, then, allows reflection about the objectification of war-torn societies as well as reflection on the essentialist rationale of the political economy of peacebuilding and its dysfunctional and normative/ethical contradictions. The article contends that, although the depiction of an aggressive, undifferentiated liberal peacebuilding has been refined, the millennial revisionist project ultimately fails to address these contradictions. An inclusive/emancipatory participation of local actors and structural diversity in political economies indicates alternative options to the revisionist ideology that is embedded in a liberal structuring of global political economy. The Economic Peacebuilding Rationale The rationale for determining rules and frameworks for the development of societies that will release them from so-called "conflict traps" (Collier et al. …

TARGET ARTICLE: Singles in Society and in Science

Abstract: We suggest that single adults in contemporary American society are targets of stereotyping, prejudice, and discrimination, a phenomenon we will call singlism. Singlism is an outgrowth of a largely uncontested set of beliefs, the Ideology of Marriage and Family. Its premises include the assumptions that the sexual partnership is the one truly important peer relationship and that people who have such partnerships are happier and more fulfilled than those who do not. We use published claims about the greater happiness of married people to illustrate how the scientific enterprise seems to be influenced by the ideology. We propose that people who are single-particularly women who have always been single-fare better than the ideology would predict because they do have positive, enduring, and important interpersonal relationships. The persistence of singlism is especially puzzling considering that actual differences based on civil (marital) status seem to be qualified and small, the number of singles is growing,...

Crisis Management By Apology: Corporate Response to Allegations of Wrongdoing

Abstract: Contents: Preface. Introduction. Apologia, Social Drama, and Public Ritual. Legality and Liability. Apologetic Ethics (written with Sandra L. Borden). Apologia and Individuals: Politicians, Sports Figures, and Media Celebrities. Apologia and Organizations: Retail, Manufacturing, and Not-for-Profits. Institutional Apologies: Institutional, Religious, and Governmental. Conclusions: Corporate Apologia, Ideology, and Ethical Responses to Criticism.

Interrogating the real

Abstract: Preface by Slavoj Zizek 'The Thing Itself' Appears: Introducing the Work of Slavoj Zizek Part One: Lacanian Orientations 1. The Society for Theoretical Psychoanalysis in Yugoslavia 2. Why Lavan is Hegelian 3. The Most Sublime of Hysterics: Hegel with Lacan 4. Connections of the Freudian Field to Philosophy and Popular Culture. 5. Lacan between Cultural Studies and Cognitivism Part Two: Philosophy Traversed by Psychoanalysis 6. The Limits of the Semiotic Approach to Psychoanalysis 7. A Hair of the Dog That Bit You 8. Hegel, Lacan, Deleuze: Three Strange Bedfellows 9. The Eclipse of Meaning: On Lacan and Deconstruction 10. The Parallax View Part Three: The Fantasy of Ideology 11. Between Symbolic Fiction and Fantasmic Spectre: Towards a Lacanian Theory of Ideology 12. Beyond Discourse Analysis 13. Re-visioning 'Lacanian' Social Criticism: The Law and its Obscene Double 14. Why is Wagner Worth Saving? 15. The Real of Sexual Difference Glossary.

Darfur: A New History of a Long War

Abstract: Written by two authors with unparalleled first-hand experience of Darfur, this is the definitive guide. Newly updated and hugely expanded, this edition details Darfur's history in Sudan. It traces the origins, organization and ideology of the infamous Janjawiid and rebel groups, including the Sudan Liberation Army and the Justice and Equality Movement. It also analyses the brutal response of the Sudanese government. The authors investigate the responses by the African Union and the international community, including the halting peace talks and the attempts at peacekeeping. Flint and de Waal provide an authoritative and compelling account of contemporary Africa's most controversial conflict.

Rethinking Mestizaje : Ideology and Lived Experience

Abstract: The ideology of mestizaje (mixture) in Latin America has frequently been seen as involving a process of national homogenisation and of hiding a reality of racist exclusion behind a mask of inclusiveness. This view is challenged here through the argument that mestizaje inherently implies a permanent dimension of national differentiation and that, while exclusion undoubtedly exists in practice, inclusion is more than simply a mask. Case studies drawn from Colombian popular music, Venezuelan popular religion and Brazilian popular Christianity are used to illustrate these arguments, wherein inclusion is understood as a process linked to embodied identities and kinship relations. In a coda, approaches to hybridity that highlight its potential for destabilising essentialisms are analysed.

The American School : 1642-2004

Abstract: 1 Thinking Critically about History: Ideological Management, Culture Wars, and Consumerism 2 Religion and Authority in Colonial Education 3 Nationalism, Multiculturalism, and Moral Reform in the New Republic 4 The Ideology and Politics of the Common School 5 The Common School and the Threat of Cultural Pluralism 6 Organizing the American School: The Nineteenth-Century Schoolmarm 7 Multiculturalism and the Failure of the Common School Ideal 8 Growth of the Welfare Function of Schools: School Showers, Kindergarten, Playgrounds, Home Economics, Social Centers, and Cultural Conflict 9 The School and the Workplace: High School, Junior High School, and Vocational Guidance and Education 10 Meritocracy: The Experts Take Charge 11 The Politics of Knowledge: Teachers Unions, the American Legion, and the American Way 12 Schools, Media, and Popular Culture: Influencing the Minds of Children and Teenagers 13 Education and National Policy 14 The Great Civil Rights Movement and the New Culture Wars 15 Education in the Twenty-First Century

Critical discourse analysis and social cognition: evidence from business media discourse

Abstract: This article aims at reconciling Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) and cognitive linguistics, particularly metaphor research. Although the two disciplines are compatible, efforts to discuss metaphor as a cognitive phenomenon have been scarce in the CDA tradition. By contrast, cognitive metaphor research has recently developed to emphasize the embodied, i.e. neural, origins of metaphor at the expense of its sociodiscursive impact. This article takes up the concept of social cognition, arguing that it organizes the modification of, and access to, cognitive resources, with metaphoric models playing a particularly salient role in the constitution of ideology. In a cyclical process, ideology will help particular models gain prominence in discourse, which will, in turn, impact on cognition. To illustrate the point, the article draws on an extensive corpus of business magazine texts on mergers and acquisitions, showing how that particular discourse centres on an ideologically vested metaphoric model of evolutionary struggle.

The Middle East in International Relations: Power, Politics and Ideology

Abstract: The international relations of the Middle East have long been dominated by uncertainty and conflict External intervention, interstate war, political upheaval and interethnic violence are compounded by the vagaries of oil prices and the claims of military nationalist and religious movements Fred Halliday sets this region and its conflicts in context, providing on the one hand, a historical introduction to its character and problems, and, on the other, a reasoned analysis of its politics In an engagement with both the study of the Middle East and the theoretical analysis of international relations, Halliday, one of the best known and most respected scholars writing on the region today, offers a compelling and original interpretation Written in a clear, accessible and interactive style, the book is designed for students, policymakers, and the general reader Fred Halliday is Professor of International Relations at the London School of Economics He is the author and editor of several publications including Two Hours that Shook the World: September 11, 2001: Causes and Consequences (Tauris, 2002), Islam & the Myth of Confrontation (Tauris, 2002), The World at 2000: Perils and Promises (Macmillan, 2001), and Nation and Religion in the Middle East (Lynne Rienner, 2000)

Politicizing Gender in Discourse: Feminist Critical Discourse Analysis as Political Perspective and Praxis

Abstract: A critical perspective on unequal social arrangements sustained through language use, with the goals of social transformation and emancipation, constitutes the cornerstone of critical discourse analysis (CDA) and many feminist language studies. Feminist Critical Discourse Analysis brings together, for the first time, an international collection of studies at the nexus of CDA and feminist scholarship (which includes feminist studies of language.)1 The specific aim of the volume is to advance a rich and nuanced understanding of the complex workings of power and ideology in discourse in sustaining a (hierarchically) gendered social order. This is especially pertinent in present times where issues of gender, power and ideology have become increasingly complex and subtle. First, feminist debates and theorization since the late 1980s have shown that speaking of ‘women’ and ‘men’ in universal, totalizing terms is problematic longer tenable. Gender as a category intersects with, and is shot through by, other categories of social identity such as sexuality, ethnicity, social position and geography. Patriarchy is also an ideological system that interacts in complex ways with say, corporatist and consumerist ideologies. Second, the workings of gender ideology and asymmetrical power relations in discourse are assuming more subtle forms in the contemporary period, albeit in different degrees and ways in different local communities.