Showing papers on "Legitimacy published in 2004"
TL;DR: In a qualitative study of the emerging field of HIV/AIDS treatment advocacy in Canada, it was found that institutional entrepreneurship involved three sets of critical activities: the occupation of “subject positions” that have wide legitimacy and bridge diverse stakeholders.
Abstract: In a qualitative study of the emerging field of HIV/AIDS treatment advocacy in Canada, we found that institutional entrepreneurship involved three sets of critical activities: (1) the occupation of “subject positions” that have wide legitimacy and bridge diverse stakeholders, (2) the theorization of new practices through discursive and political means, and (3) the institutionalization of these new practices by connecting them to stakeholders’ routines and values.
1,876 citations
TL;DR: The Legitimacy of an Expanding Global Bureaucracy as discussed by the authors is an example of such an expansion of global bureaucracies, and it has been studied extensively in the literature.
Abstract: 1. Bureaucratizing World Politics2. International Organizations as Bureaucracies3. Expertise and Power at the International Monetary Fund4. Defining Refugees and Voluntary Repatriation at the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees5. Genocide and the Peacekeeping Culture at the United Nations6. The Legitimacy of an Expanding Global BureaucracyList of Abbreviations Notes Bibliography Index
1,766 citations
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors argue that firms with low environmental legitimacy incur less unsystematic stock market risk than illegitimate firms and that firms earn environmental legitimacy when their performance with respect to the natural environment conforms to stakeholders' expectations.
Abstract: Applying institutional theory, we argue that environmentally legitimate firms incur less unsystematic stock market risk than illegitimate firms. Firms earn environmental legitimacy when their performance with respect to the natural environment conforms to stakeholders' expectations. This relationship was supported with the analysis of media reports and stock prices of 100 firms over a five-year period. The analysis also showed that firms with low environmental legitimacy can attenuate this effect by expressing commitment to the natural environment.
1,295 citations
TL;DR: In this paper, the origin and evolution of social enterprise is put into dramatically different focus, particularly through the concept of moral legitimacy, connecting the overall emergence of social enterprises with neoconservative, pro-business, and promarket political and ideological values that have become central in many nations in the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development.
Abstract: Social enterprise has emerged as a businesslike contrast to the traditional nonprofit organization This article develops an explanatory direction for social enterprise based on institutional perspectives rather than more traditional rational economic concepts Through Suchman's typology of legitimacy (1995), the article argues that the origin and evolution of social enterprise is put into dramatically different focus, particularly through the concept of moral legitimacy Moral legitimacy not only connects the overall emergence of social enterprise with neoconservative, pro-business, and promarket political and ideological values that have become central in many nations in the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development but also explains the observation that social enterprise is being more frequently understood and practiced in more narrow commercial and revenue-generation terms
1,008 citations
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors make three points: first, the police need public support and cooperation to be effective in their order-maintenance role, and they particularly benefit when they have the voluntary support of most members of the public, most of the time.
Abstract: This article makes three points. First, the police need public support and cooperation to be effective in their order-maintenance role, and they particularly benefit when they have the voluntary support and cooperation of most members of the public, most of the time. Second, such voluntary support and cooperation is linked to judgments about the legitimacy of the police. A central reason people cooperate with the police is that they view them as legitimate legal authorities, entitled to be obeyed. Third, a key antecedent of public judgments about the legitimacy of the police and of policing activities involves public assessments of the manner in which the police exercise their authority. Such procedural-justice judgments are central to public evaluations of the police and influence such evaluations separately from assessments of police effectiveness in fighting crime. These findings suggest the importance of enhancing public views about the legitimacy of the police and suggest process-based strategies for...
967 citations
TL;DR: In recent decades, a number of changes in the forms and mechanisms of governance by which institutional and orga- nizational societal sectors and spheres are governed, as well as in the location of governance from where command, administration, management and control of societal institutions and spheres were conducted as mentioned in this paper.
Abstract: Modern societies have in recent decades seen a destabilization of the traditional governing mechanisms and the advancement of new arrangements of governance. Con- spicuously, this has occurred in the private, semi-private and public spheres, and has involved local, regional, national, transnational and global levels within these spheres. We have wit- nessed changes in the forms and mechanisms of governance by which institutional and orga- nizational societal sectors and spheres are governed, as well as in the location of governance from where command, administration, management and control of societal institutions and spheres are conducted. We have also seen changes in governing capabilities (i.e., the extent to which societal institutions and spheres can, in fact, be steered), as well as in styles of gov- ernance (i.e., the processes of decision making and implementation, including the manner in which the organizations involved relate to each other). These shifts tend to have signifi- cant consequences for the governability, accountability, responsiveness and legitimacy of governance institutions. These developments have been generating a new and important research object for political science (including international relations). One of the crucial features of these developments is that they concern a diversity of sectors. In order to get a thorough understanding of 'shifts in governance', political science needs, and is also likely to adopt, a much stronger multidisciplinary orientation embracing politics, law, public admin- istration, economics and business administration, as well as sociology, geography and history.
862 citations
TL;DR: In this article, the Cities for Climate Protection (CCP) program, a network of some 550 local governments concerned with promoting local initiatives for the mitigation of climate change, is examined.
Abstract: The past decade has witnessed a growing interest among scholars of international relations, and global environmental governance in particular, in the role of transnational networks within the international arena. While the existence and potential significance of such networks has been documented, many questions concerning the nature of governance conducted by such networks and their impact remain. We contribute to these debates by examining how such networks are created and maintained and the extent to which they can foster policy learning and change. We focus on the Cities for Climate Protection (CCP) program, a network of some 550 local governments concerned with promoting local initiatives for the mitigation of climate change. It is frequently asserted that the importance of such networks lies in their ability to exchange knowledge and information, and to forge norms about the nature and terms of particular issues. However, we find that those local governments most effectively engaged with the network are mobilized more by the financial and political resources it offers, and the legitimacy conferred to particular norms about climate protection, than by access to information. Moreover, processes of policy learning within the CCP program take place in discursive struggles as different actors seek legitimacy for their interpretations of what local climate protection policies should mean. In conclusion, we reflect upon the implications of these findings for understanding the role of transnational networks in global environmental governance.
595 citations
TL;DR: This paper explored the link between violence and public discourse and found that differential public visibility, resonance, and legitimacy of right-wing violence significantly affected the rate of violence against different target groups.
Abstract: This article explores the link between violence and public discourse. It suggests that media attention to radical right violence and public reactions to violence affect the clustering of targets and the temporal and spatial distribution of violence. The notion of “discursive opportunities” is introduced, and the article argues that it can serve to link political opportunity structure and framing perspectives on collective action. Using a cross‐sectional and time‐series design to model event counts in states in Germany, this study finds that differential public visibility, resonance, and legitimacy of right‐wing violence significantly affected the rate of violence against different target groups.
514 citations
TL;DR: In this article, the authors argue that the decisive part of interaction between social movements and political authorities is not the direct, physical confrontation between them in concrete locations, but the indirect, mediated encounters among contenders in the arena of the mass media public sphere.
Abstract: This article argues that the decisive part of the interaction between social movements and political authorities is no longer the direct, physical confrontation between them in concrete locations, but the indirect, mediated encounters among contenders in the arena of the mass media public sphere. Authorities react to social movement activities if and as they are depicted in the mass media, and conversely movement activists become aware of political opportunities and constraints through the reactions (or non-reactions) that their actions provoke in the public sphere. The dynamics of this mediated interaction among political contenders can be analyzed as an evolutionary process. Of the great variety of attempts to mobilize public attention, only a few can be accommodated in the bounded media space. Three selection mechanisms–labelled here as “discursive opportunities”– can be identified that affect the diffusion chances of contentious messages: visibility (the extent to which a message is covered by the mass media), resonance (the extent to which others – allies, opponents, authorities, etc.–react to a message), and legitimacy (the degree to which such reactions are supportive). The argument is empirically illustrated by showing how the strategic repertoire of the German radical right evolved over the course of the 1990s as a result of the differential reactions that various strategies encountered in the mass media arena.
442 citations
TL;DR: In this article, the authors explore how brands are cocreated in a non-brand-focused community and how these brands attain legitimacy through existing frames and dynamic framing processes described in this article.
Abstract: Certain brands attain legitimacy (i.e., social fitness) through existing frames and dynamic framing processes described in this article. Drawing on qualitative data collected from gay consumers, this article explores ways brands are cocreated in a non‐brand‐focused community. Collective action frames—shared ways of interpreting meanings within social interaction—provide the connection between a community and its legitimate brands. Informants routinely inscribe some brands with the frames of the gay community and, when applying dynamic framing processes, assess whether other brands share a social fit with the meanings of the gay community. Implications for authenticity and brand legitimacy are discussed.
353 citations
TL;DR: In this article, the authors argue that traditional institutions used to be seen as an international complement to a dominantly national paradigm, today's international institutions are an expression of political denationalization.
Abstract: Whereas traditional institutions used to be seen as an international complement to a dominantly national paradigm, today's international institutions are an expression of political denationalization. The new international institutions are much more intrusive into national societies than the traditional ones. They increasingly contain supranational and transnational features and thus undermine the consensus principle of international cooperation. When society and political actors begin to comprehend this change, they begin to reflect on the features of a legitimate and effective political order beyond national borders. As a result, denationalization becomes reflexive and thus politicized. At the same time, the politicization of international politics harbours the potential for resistance to political denationalization, which increases the need – both from a normative and descriptive perspective – for the legitimation of such international institutions.
TL;DR: In this article, the authors used a combination of institutional theory and Habermas' legitimation theory to explain social and environmental reporting at a Ghanaian public sector organisation, the Volta River Authority (VRA).
TL;DR: In this article, the authors explore whether the presence of women officeholders affects constituents' evaluations of their members of Congress, levels of political efficacy and trust in government, and propensity to participate politically, and uncover little evidence of the independent symbolic effects scholars typically ascribe to women's presence in Congress.
Abstract: Gender politics literature stresses the symbolic importance of electing more women to high-level political office. Despite references to the heightened legitimacy that women in politics bring to the political process, and the manner in which they affect constituents’ political attitudes and behavior, little empirical evidence exists regarding the actual benefits of symbolic representation. Using pooled National Election Study data from 1980 to 1998, I attempt to fill a void in the literature, exploring whether the presence of women officeholders affects constituents’ evaluations of their members of Congress, levels of political efficacy and trust in government, and propensity to participate politically. After controlling for party congruence between the representative and his/her constituent, I uncover little evidence of the independent symbolic effects scholars typically ascribe to women’s presence in Congress. Women represented by women tend to offer more positive evaluations of their members of Congres...
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01 Jan 2004
TL;DR: In this article, the authors discuss justice, legitimacy, and self-determination in the context of self-defendorship, legitimacy and selfdetermination, and propose a framework for self-defense.
Abstract: Justice, legitimacy, and self-determination , Justice, legitimacy, and self-determination , کتابخانه دیجیتال و فن آوری اطلاعات دانشگاه امام صادق(ع)
TL;DR: It is suggested that to remain successful, the IS field needs intellectual discipline in boundary spanning across a “market of ideas” concerning the application of information technology in human enterprise.
Abstract: Researchers in the information system (IS) field have recently called for the field to legitimate itself by erecting a strong theoretical core at its center. This paper examines this proposition, and concludes that it is logically invalid and does not recognize ample evidence to the contrary from the history of other disciplines. We construct a broader concept of academic legitimacy around three drivers: the salience of the issues studied, the production of strong results, and the maintenance of disciplinary plasticity. This analysis suggests that to remain successful, the IS field needs intellectual discipline in boundary spanning across a “market of ideas” concerning the application of information technology in human enterprise.
TL;DR: The normative question of when will Middle Eastern countries democratize is the normative question that guided the literature on regime change in the Arab world during the 1990s as mentioned in this paper. But since significant political changes but n...
Abstract: “When will Middle Eastern countries democratize?” is the normative question that guided the literature on regime change in the Arab world during the 1990s. Since significant political changes but n...
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TL;DR: In this article, the authors analyze how measurement tools influence the legitimacy of an industry and the systemic power within it and discuss the implications of their findings for research into measurement tools in the areas of management or business and society.
Abstract: The organizational literature on emerging industries has emphasized the need for institutional entrepreneurs - actors who give the new activity legitimacy and determine its patterns of behaviour. However, little empirical research has been carried out on the strategies that institutional entrepreneurs employ in order to achieve legitimacy for their activity. In this article, we suggest that an institutional entrepreneur can use the development of measurement tools as a strategy to develop its own legitimacy and power. By looking at a French entrepreneurial company’s development of tools to measure corporate social performance, we analyse how measurement tools influence the legitimacy of an industry and the systemic power within it. Finally, we discuss the implications of our findings for research into measurement tools in the areas of management or business and society.
TL;DR: In this article, the authors analyze how measurement tools influence the legitimacy of an industry and the systemic power within it and discuss the implications of their findings for research into measurement tools in the areas of management or business and society.
Abstract: The organizational literature on emerging industries has emphasized the need for institutional entrepreneurs - actors who give the new activity legitimacy and determine its patterns of behaviour. However, little empirical research has been carried out on the strategies that institutional entrepreneurs employ in order to achieve legitimacy for their activity. In this article, we suggest that an institutional entrepreneur can use the development of measurement tools as a strategy to develop its own legitimacy and power. By looking at a French entrepreneurial company’s development of tools to measure corporate social performance, we analyse how measurement tools influence the legitimacy of an industry and the systemic power within it. Finally, we discuss the implications of our findings for research into measurement tools in the areas of management or business and society.
TL;DR: This paper argued that rather than a moral shift away from the rights of sovereignty, the dominance of the liberal peace thesis, in fact, reflects the new balan... In the light of this report and broader developments in international security in the wake of September 11, this essay suggests that instead of a moral shifting away from international security, the dominant role of the right of intervention has been reversed.
Abstract: Since the end of the Cold War, debate over international peacekeeping has been dominated by the question of the so-called ‘right of humanitarian intervention’. Advocates of the right of intervention, largely Western states, have tended to uphold liberal internationalist claims that new international norms prioritizing individual rights to protection promise a framework of liberal peace and that the Realist framework of the Cold War period when state security was viewed as paramount has been superseded. In an attempt to codify and win broader international legitimacy for new interventionist norms, the International Commission on Intervention and State Sovereignty released a two-volume report, The Responsibility to Protect, in December 2001. In the light of this report and broader developments in international security in the wake of September 11, this essay suggests that rather than a moral shift away from the rights of sovereignty, the dominance of the liberal peace thesis, in fact, reflects the new balan...
TL;DR: In this article, the authors argue that "contested compliance" offers an empirical access point for studying changes in the normative structure of world politics, i.e., a situation in which compliance conditions are challenged by the expected norm followers.
Abstract: This article argues that ‘contested compliance’, ie a situation in which compliance conditions are challenged by the expected norm followers, offers an empirical access point for studying changes in the normative structure of world politics It conceptualizes the normative structure as the ‘structure of meaning-in-use’ that works as a reference frame for decision-makers The argument builds on a distinction between type, category and meaning of norms In addition, the article distinguishes between a behaviorist approach to the impact of regulative and constitutive norms on state behavior, and a reflexive perspective on the impact of discursive interventions on the normative structure of world politics The intention of the argument is twofold First, it addresses the puzzle of good norm following despite increasingly contested norms, eg regarding the European Union’s accession criteria, on the one hand, and the United Nations Security Council resolution 1441, on the other Second, it draws on and develops further the input of reflexive sociology on International Relations theory
TL;DR: In this article, the authors make the case that, under contemporary liberal economic conditions, the nature of the challenge for democratization has changed in important ways, such as the underarticulation of societal interests, pervasive social atomization, and socially uneven political quiescence founded in collective action problems.
Abstract: Scholars have usually understood the problem of democratic consolidation in terms of the creation of mechanisms that make possible the avoidance of populist excesses, polarized conflicts, or authoritarian corporatist inclusion that undermined free politics in much of postwar Latin America. This article makes the case that, under contemporary liberal economic conditions, the nature of the challenge for democratization has changed in important ways. Earlier problems of polarization had their roots in the long-present statist patterns of economic organization. By contrast, under free-market conditions, democratic consolidation faces a largely distinct set of challenges: the underarticulation of societal interests, pervasive social atomization, and socially uneven political quiescence founded in collective action problems. These can combine to undermine the efficacy of democratic representation and, consequently, regime legitimacy. The article utilizes data from the Latin American region since the 1970s on development, economic reform, and individual and collective political participation to show the effects of a changing state-economy relationship on the consolidation of democratic politics.
TL;DR: In this article, the authors identify and respond to the potential problems of government networks by suggesting means to increase their accountability and proposing norms to govern the relations of members of government network with one another.
Abstract: Networks of government officials – police investigators, financial regulators, even judges and legislators – are a key feature of world order in the twenty-first century. Yet, these networks present significant accountability and legitimacy concerns. This article identifies and responds to the potential problems of government networks by suggesting means to increase their accountability and proposing norms to govern the relations of members of government networks with one another. Finally, the article develops the concept of disaggregated sovereignty, arguing that government networks have the capacity to enter into international regulatory regimes of various types and thereby are independently bound by the existing corpus of international law.
TL;DR: In this article, the influence of firms' and industries' legitimacy on the flow of resources into new technology ventures in emerging industries is examined, and a model of sources of industry legitimacy is developed, with multiple measures of both sociopolitical and cognitive forms of legitimacy.
Abstract: This article examines the influences of firms’ and industries’ legitimacy on the flow of resources into new technology ventures in emerging industries. We first present a model of the determinants of a new technology venture’s legitimacy, which considers its founders, its management team and the media attention it receives. A model of sources of industry legitimacy is developed, with multiple measures of both sociopolitical and cognitive forms of legitimacy.We test our ideas on a sample of 106 initial public offerings from biotechnology ventures during the emergence of the industry between 1981 and 1993. Our results demonstrate the vital role of sociopolitical and cognitive legitimacy at both firm and industry levels in attracting resources for new technology ventures.
TL;DR: The authors argue that transnational Islam creates and implies the existence and legitimacy of a global public space of normative reference and debate, and that this public space cannot be reduced to a dimension of migration or of transnational religious m...
Abstract: Recent studies of transnational religious phenomena have emphasised the importance of distinguishing between transnational processes of migration and movement on the one hand, and diasporic forms of consciousness, identity, and cultural creation on the other. While this distinction is useful, it risks directing the study of transnational social phenomena in certain, limited directions. Migration and diaspora insufficiently take into account the possibility of quite distinct self‐understandings about boundaries and legitimacy on the part of both ‘host’ countries and ‘immigrant’ populations. Taking ‘Islam in France’ as an illuminating case in point because each of its two constitutive terms challenges the possibility of self‐defining through migration and diaspora, I argue that transnational Islam creates and implies the existence and legitimacy of a global public space of normative reference and debate, and that this public space cannot be reduced to a dimension of migration or of transnational religious m...
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors set out the broad themes behind the transformation of local political leadership, in particular the forces that have led to the introduction of stronger forms of local executive, such as directly elected mayors.
Abstract: This overview article sets out the broad themes behind the transformation of local political leadership, in particular the forces that have led to the introduction of stronger forms of local executive, such as directly elected mayors. After setting out the role of local political leadership in traditional local government and different traditions and patterns across Western Europe, the article sets out the likely factors driving the changes toward a stronger form of leadership in the more complex pattern of governing described as local governance: complex networks, the ‘new political culture’, Europeanization of public policy and institutional mimetism. The article observes that the articles in this symposium do not fully confirm these hypotheses, showing the complexity of the responses and the different contexts across Western Europe. The concluding sections draw together the implications of the stronger forms of local executive for the current practice and functioning of local politics and policy-making: the legitimacy crisis that may have emerged from more autonomous political leaders, which combines with the decline in the conventional measures of local political participation; the lack of complementary institutional resources to assist the performance of the enhanced executive function; and the emergence of a new north-south divide in governing styles. (English) [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors examined the market reaction to the unexpected proposal by President George Bush in June of 1989 for revisions in the Clean Air Act to identify whether TRI information and 10-K report environmental disclosures had an impact.
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors take a discourse-historical approach to illustrate the significance of George W Bush's (2001) declaration of a 'war on terror' and identify four generic features that have endured in such texts throughout this period: (i) an appeal to a legitimate power source that is external to the orator, and which is presented as inherently good; (ii) an appealing to the historical importance of the culture in which the discourse is situated; (iii) the construction of a thoroughly evil Other; and (iv) a unification behind the legitimating external
Abstract: In this article we take a discourse-historical approach to illustrate the significance of George W Bush's (2001) declaration of a 'war on terror'. We present four exemplary 'call to arms' speeches by Pope Urban 11 (1095), Queen Elizabeth I (1588), Adolf Hitler (1938) and George W Bush (2001) to exemplify the structure, function, and historical significance of such texts in western societies over the last millennium. We identify four generic features that have endured in such texts throughout this period: (i) an appeal to a legitimate power source that is external to the orator, and which is presented as inherently good; (ii) an appeal to the historical importance of the culture in which the discourse is situated; (iii) the construction of a thoroughly evil Other; and (iv) an appeal for unification behind the legitimating external power source. We argue further that such texts typically appear in historical contexts characterized by deep crises in political legitimacy.
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26 Feb 2004TL;DR: Schmitt as discussed by the authors argues that only a presidential regime subject to few, if any, practical limitations can ensure domestic security in a highly pluralistic society, and argues that parliamentarism, constitutionalism, and the rule of law cannot respond effectively to challenges by radical groups like the Nazis or Communists.
Abstract: Carl Schmitt ranks among the most original and controversial political thinkers of the twentieth century. His incisive criticisms of Enlightenment political thought and liberal political practice remain as shocking and significant today as when they first appeared in Weimar Germany. Unavailable in English until now, Legality and Legitimacy was composed in 1932, in the midst of the crisis that would lead to the collapse of the Weimar Republic and only a matter of months before Schmitt’s collaboration with the Nazis. In this important work, Schmitt questions the political viability of liberal constitutionalism, parliamentary government, and the rule of law. Liberal governments, he argues, cannot respond effectively to challenges by radical groups like the Nazis or Communists. Only a presidential regime subject to few, if any, practical limitations can ensure domestic security in a highly pluralistic society.
Legality and Legitimacy is sure to provide a compelling reference point in contemporary debates over the challenges facing constitutional democracies today. In addition to Jeffrey Seitzer’s translation of the 1932 text itself, this volume contains his translation of Schmitt’s 1958 commentary on the work, extensive explanatory notes, and an appendix including selected articles of the Weimar constitution. John P. McCormick’s introduction places Legality and Legitimacy in its historical context, clarifies some of the intricacies of the argument, and ultimately contests Schmitt’s claims regarding the inherent weakness of parliamentarism, constitutionalism, and the rule of law.
TL;DR: In this article, the authors argue that protected areas governance is needed because resources such as biodiversity and heritage create conflicts over their use and preservation, and the resolutions of these conflicts need to be justified for the involved and affected interest groups in order to guarantee their legitimacy and effectiveness.
Abstract: This article investigates protected areas governance and the role of justice in it. The article argues that protected areas governance is needed because resources such as biodiversity and heritage create conflicts over their use and preservation. The resolutions of these conflicts need to be justified for the involved and affected interest groups in order to guarantee their legitimacy and effectiveness. The legitimacy of governance solutions is argued to rest on both distributive and procedural justice. On one hand, the distribution of beneficial and adverse consequences of protected areas governance must be justifiable and justified. On the other hand, decisionmaking regarding protected areas has to satisfy expectations regarding procedural justice. The article exemplifies these arguments by analysing the European Union’s Habitats Directive and experiences in implementing it. The article demonstrates how the lack of attention to distributive and procedural justice has resulted in conflicts which have del...
TL;DR: In this article, the authors assess three explicit strategies (based on three logics of political integration) as possible solutions to the European Union's legitimacy problems and assess how robust such an alternative is and how salient it is, as opposed to the other two strategies.
Abstract: In this article, we assess three explicit strategies (based on three logics of political integration) as possible solutions to the European Union's legitimacy problems. The first strategy amounts to a scaling down of the ambitions of the polity-makers in the European Union (EU). The second strategy emphasizes the need to deepen the collective self-understanding of Europeans. These two modes of legitimation figure strongly in the debate on aspects of the EU, but both have become problematic. The third strategy concentrates on the need to readjust and heighten the ambitions of the polity-makers so as to make the EU into a federal multicultural union founded on basic rights and democratic decision-making procedures. Taking stock of the ongoing constitution-making process, the authors ask how robust such an alternative is and how salient it is, as opposed to the other two strategies.