Showing papers on "National security published in 1997"

Security: A New Framework for Analysis

Abstract: Security Analysis: Conceptual Apparatus The Military Sector The Environmental Sector The Economic Sector The Societal Sector The Political Sector How Sectors are Synthesized by Actors.

The Culture of National Security: Norms and Identity in World Politics

Abstract: 1: Introduction: Alternative Perspectives on National Security, by Peter J. Katzenstein2: Norms, Identity, and Culture in National Security, by Ronald L. Jepperson, Alexander Wendt, and Peter J. KatzensteinI. Norms and National Security3: Status, Norms, and the Proliferation of Conventional Weapons: An Institutional Theory Approach, by Dana P. Eyre and Mark C. Suchman4: Norms and Deterrence: The Nuclear and Chemical Weapons Taboos, by Richard Price and Nina Tannenwald5: Constructing Norms of Humanitarian Intervention, by Martha Finnemore6: Culture and French Military Doctrine Before World War II, by Elizabeth Kier7: Cultural Realism and Strategy in Maoist China, by Alastair Iain JohnstonII. Identity and National Security8: Identity, Norms, and National Security: The Soviet Foreign Policy Revolution and the End of the Cold War, by Robert G. Herman9: Norms, Identity, and National Security in Germany and Japan, by Thomas U. Berger10: Collective Identity in a Democratic Community: The Case of NATO, by Thomas Risse-Kappen11: Identity and Alliances in the Middle East, by Michael N. BarnettIII. Implications and Conclusions12: Norms, Identity, and Their Limits: A Theoretical Reprise, by Paul Kowert and Jeffrey Legro13: Conclusion: National Security in a Changing World, by Peter J. Katzenstein

The concept of security

Abstract: Redefining ‘security’ has recently become something of a cottage industry.E.g. Lester Brown, Redefining National Security, Worldwatch Paper No. 14 (Washington, DC, 1977); Jessica Tuchman Matthews, ‘Redefining Security’, Foreign Affairs, 68 (1989), pp. 162-77; Richard H. Ullman, ‘Redefining Security’, International Security, 8 (1983), pp. 129-53; Joseph J. Romm, Defining National Security (New York, 1993); J. Ann Tickner, ‘Re-visioning Security’, in Ken Booth and Steve Smith (eds.), International Relations Theory Today (Oxford, 1995), pp. 175-97; Ken Booth, ‘Security and Emancipation’, Review of International Studies, 17 (1991), pp. 313-26; Martin Shaw, ‘There Is No Such Thing as Society: Beyond Individualism and Statism in International Security Studies’, Review of International Studies, 19 (1993), pp. 159-75; John Peterson and Hugh Ward, ‘Coalitional Instability and the New Multidimensional Politics of Security: A Rational Choice Argument for US-EU Cooperation’, European Journal of International Relations, 1 (1995), pp. 131-56; ten articles on security and security studies in Arms Control, 13, (1992), pp. 463-544; and Graham Allison and Gregory F. Treverton (eds.), Rethinking America's Security: Beyond Cold War to New World Order (New York, 1992). Most such efforts, however, are more concerned with redefining the policy agendas of nation-states than with the concept of security itself. Often, this takes the form of proposals for giving high priority to such issues as human rights, economics, the environment, drug traffic, epidemics, crime, or social injustice, in addition to the traditional concern with security from external military threats. Such proposals are usually buttressed with a mixture of normative arguments about which values of which people or groups of people should be protected, and empirical arguments as to the nature and magnitude of threats to those values. Relatively little attention is devoted to conceptual issues as such. This article seeks to disentangle the concept of security from these normative and empirical concerns, however legitimate they may be.

The Structuring of a World Environmental Regime, 1870–1990

Abstract: In recent decades a great expansion has occurred in world environmental organization, both governmental and nongovernmental, along with an explosion of worldwide discourse and communication about environmental problems. All of this constitutes a world environmental regime. Using the term regime a little more broadly than usual, we define world environmental regime as a partially integrated collection of world-level organizations, understandings, and assumptions that specify the relationship of human society to nature. The rise of an environmental regime has accompanied greatly expanded organization and activity in many sectors of global society. Explaining the growth of the environmental regime, however, poses some problems. The interests and powers of the dominant actors in world society—nation-states and economic interests—came late to the environmental scene. Thus these forces cannot easily be used to explain the rise of world mobilization around the environment, in contrast with other sectors of global society (for example, the international economic and national security regimes).

Report of the Quadrennial Defense Review

Abstract: : As the fourth comprehensive review of our military since the end of the Cold War, the Quadrennial Defense Review (QDR) builds on our experience with the policy and forces of the 1991 Base Force Review, the 1993 Bottom-Up Review (BUR), and the 1995 Commission on Roles and Missions of the Armed Forces (CORM). As a result of those reviews, we made significant adjustments in our forces, procedures, and organizations. We have also accumulated a wealth of experience in a new and constantly changing security environment. That experience tells us that we have the finest military force in our nation's history, with unsurpassed professionalism and capability. Nevertheless, this is a propitious time to reexamine our assumptions, programs, and operations. Indeed, the rapid rate of change in the world since the end of the Cold War underscores the importance of undertaking such a reexamination on a regular basis. The QDR is required by the Military Force Structure Review Act, which was included as part of the National Defense Authorization Act for Fiscal Year 1997. The Department of Defense designed the QDR to be a fundamental and comprehensive examination of America's defense needs from 1997 to 2015: potential threats, strategy, force structure, readiness posture, military modernization programs, defense infrastructure, and other elements of the defense program. The QDR is intended to provide a blueprint for a strategy-based, balanced, and affordable defense program.

Rethinking Security after the Cold War

Abstract: This paper examines aspects of the debate amongst traditionalist, widening and critical approaches to Security Studies. It looks at how the security agenda has expanded away from the narrow military focus generated by the Cold War, and argues against the traditionalist criticism that widening the concept of security necessarily makes it incoherent. To carry this argument, it proposes a constructivist method for security analysis that offers a way of confining the application of security, and some reintegrative potential, to all three schools. In this approach, security is understood not as the content of a particular sector (military), but as a particular type of politics defined by reference to existential threats and calls for emergency action in any sector. The paper concludes by examining some of the political issues raised by any attempt to widen the scope of security, setting the liberal case for narrowing security as much as possible against the pressures to widen the security agenda that ironicall...

The Great Wall and the Empty Fortress: China's Search for Security

Abstract: In June 1997 Britain's imperial presence in the Far East will come to an end when Hong Kong reverts to China. China's relations with the West, already strained by differences over human rights, trade policy and arms control issues, will be put to the test. This book examines China's foreign policy, exploring her motives and her search for national security. The authors of this study expect the outcome of this change to depend as much upon the West as on China. They argue that Western leaders are blind to a consistent pattern in China's foreign relations: the pursuit of national interest. Crowded on all sides by powerful rivals and potential foes, China's most pressing security problems are at and within its borders. Nathan and Ross examine China's foreign policy as a search for security with motives similar to those of other states. They assert that to understand what motivates Chinese foreign policy is not to counsel concessions to their demands. Instead, they advise that this understanding should help Western policy makers accommodate China when they should, persuade China when they can, and resist China when they must.

Late-Breaking Foreign Policy: The News Media's Influence on Peace Operations

Abstract: The influence of the media--particularly the "CNN effect"--has dramatically changed the way foreign-policy decisions are made. But there have been few in-depth studies of how televised news reports and newspaper accounts of humanitarian tragedies abroad affect the decision to deploy U.S. forces.This insightful book by a working journalist examines the media's influence on the deployment--or withdrawal--of U.S. peacekeeping troops to avert humanitarian disasters the world over.Drawing on interviews with senior U.S. national security officials and the journalists who covered the humanitarian-relief operations in Bosnia, Rwanda, Somalia, Haiti, and northern Iraq, Strobel provides riveting behind-the-scenes accounts of recent peace operations. He describes the conditions in which the media has the greatest, and the least, influence, and offers recommendations to civilian and military leaders on building and maintaining public support in an age of intense media scrutiny.

Annual Report to the President and the Congress

Abstract: : Having inherited the defense structure that won the Cold War and Desert Storm, the Clinton Administration intends to leave as its legacy a defense strategy, a military, and a Defense Department that have been transformed to meet the new challenges of a new century. Our strategy will ensure that America continues to lead a world of accelerating change by shaping the emerging security environment to reduce threats and to promote our interests and by responding to crises that threaten our interests. We will execute the strategy with superior military forces that fully exploit advances in technology by employing new operational concepts and organizational structures. And we will support our forces with a Department that is as lean, agile, and focused as our warfighters. Toward this end, the Department of Defense last year conducted perhaps the most fundamental and comprehensive review ever conducted of defense posture, policy, and programs. The Quadrennial Defense Review (QDR) examined the national security threats, risks, and opportunities facing the United States today and out to 2015. Based on this analysis, we designed a defense strategy to implement the defense requirements of the President's National Security Strategy for a New Century.

Financial Interdependence and the State: International Monetary Relations at Century's End

Abstract: As the twentieth century draws to a close, one can find sharply contrasting views among leading scholars on almost every key issue in positive international political economy. How strong are international as opposed to domestic influences on policy? How important are issues of national security (”high politics”) versus economic considerations(”low politics”)? What role do institutions—international and domestic—play in influencing and constraining the behavior of governments? Why is international cooperation rare but not unheard of? The list goes on and on.

Securing South Africa's democracy : defence, development and security in transition

Abstract: List of Abbreviations - Acknowledgements - Introduction - New Thinking: Security in Developing Countries - The Origins of South Africa's Security Challenges - Security in Transition - The Domestic Security Environment - The Maintenance of Internal Security - Security through Nation-building and Development - External Security - The Transformation of Security Institutions - Conclusion - Bibliography - Index

Determinants of state investment in china, 1953–1990

Abstract: Generalizations of regional development in socialist countries based on detailed case studies of important elements of production in different countries are needed. This study focuses on one important force that affects China's regional development: state investment in basic construction. With the exception of the Third Front period (1965-71), the more developed eastern region always enjoyed a greater proportion of state investment than the central and western regions. Three major factors affected the temporal patterns of regional distribution of state investment in China: the ideological concern for spatial equality, defense considerations arising from perceived international threats, and die practical needs of die national economy. These factors exerted different influence on die investment patterns at different times. Whereas spatial equality and economic pragmatism were major concerns during the First Five-Year Plan (1953-57), national defense greatly affected the spatial patterns of state investment during the Third Front period, and these factors brought considerable state investment to die inland regions. Since die 1978 reforms, die concern for economic efficiency, not spatial equality in development or national security, has favored die coastal region.

Lifting the Ban on Gays in the Civil Service: Federal Policy toward Gay and Lesbian Employees since the Cold War

Abstract: Although the military's ban on lesbians and gays has generated considerable political controversy, many people remain unaware that the federal government also prohibited the employment of gays in the civil service until 1975. This article provides a brief history of the political, bureaucratic, and judicial forces involved in the creation, implementation, and elimination of that prohibition. Though the policy apparently stretches back to the early days of the Republic, its importance exploded in the Cold War hysteria of the 1950s, when "sex perverts" in government erupted as a public policy issue that merged concerns about national security and moral purity. Under pressure from Congress, the U.S. Civil Service Commission and the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) developed techniques to purge lesbians and gay men from the civil service. These bureaucratic efforts persisted long after the political issue had died down. The courts slowly undercut the government's blanket exclusion of homosexuals from federal employment, eventually demanding that the bureaucracy demonstrate a rational connection between homosexual conduct and the efficiency of the service. Although the Civil Service Commission resisted employing homosexuals for years, it institutionalized the policy change in 1975, and recent progress toward guarantees of equal treatment for gay and lesbian federal employees has occurred primarily through the bureaucracy. Homosexuals Emerge as a Personnel Policy Concern The federal government has traditionally required that its employees be of good moral character, a standard that historically excluded known homosexuals. Regulations have long instructed the bureaucracy to deny examinations to applicants, refuse appointments to eligibles, and remove incumbent employees from their jobs for "criminal, infamous, dishonest, immoral, or notoriously disgraceful conduct" (U.S. Civil Service Commission, 1941, 37). We know of isolated dismissals for homosexuality long before the Cold War. (The Interior Department fired Walt Whitman in 1865 and the Post Office discharged the founder of the country's first homosexual political organization in 1925. See Katz, 1976). It is not clear how actively civil servants attempted to prevent the employment of lesbians and gay men, however. A U.S. Senate report (1950, 10) charged that "some officials undoubtedly condoned the employment of homosexuals ... particularly ... where the perverted activities of the employee were carried on in such a manner as not to create public scandal or notoriety." By 1950, however, many in the Senate were impatient with "the false premise that what a Government employee did outside of the office on his own time, particularly if his actions did not involve his fellow employees or his work, was his own business" (U.S. Senate, 1950, 10). The problem began with a list of "admitted homosexuals and suspected perverts" sent by a Senate Appropriations subcommittee to the State Department in 1947 (Wherry, 1950, 1). In early 1950, a State Department official testified before that subcommittee that 91 "sex perverts" had been allowed to resign in the previous three years, and that some had subsequently been reemployed by other federal agencies. The Republicans launched blistering attacks on the Truman administration both for employing these people and for allowing them to resign without permanent blots on their records (although taboos on discussing homosexuality severely limited the publicity). The chairman of the Republican National Committee sent an open letter charging that "the sexual perverts who have infiltrated our Government in recent years ... [were] perhaps as dangerous as the actual Communists" ("Perverts," 1950). Republican Senators Wherry and Hill formed a subcommittee to study the issue and called in the experts -- military investigators and the Washington, DC, morals squad. These experts "testified that moral perverts are bad national security risks . …

Continuity or change? civil-military relations in democratic Argentina, Chile, and Peru

Abstract: Have the armed forces maintained their influence in Latin America's new democracies? Or has the reinstallation of free political competition diminished their political clout? Have overbearing militaries tightly constrained popular sovereignty? Or have democratic responsiveness and accountability extended into wider spheres of political life and reduced military influence? These questions are of crucial importance for the future of the fledgling civilian regimes in the region.1 Scholars adhering to a modes-of-transition perspective expect a high level of continuity in military clout. Following Alfred Stepan, they focus on the fact that Latin American militaries usually maintained control over the democratization process and therefore managed to extract from resurgent democratic forces important institutional prerogatives, such as extensive representation on national security councils and other decision-making bodies with broad political responsibilities, to shield themselves from civilian control, to keep watch over civilian forces, and to interfere in many arenas of democratic politics.2 The modes-of-transition argument thus expects persistent military influence based on institutional structures that are frozen into place during the regime transition.

Atoms for Peace and Nuclear Hegemony: The Rhetorical Structure of a Cold War Campaign

Abstract: Dwight Eisenhower's Atoms for Peace program, far from being idealistic, propaganda for the sake of propaganda, or an inconsistent and contradictory part of arms control policy, was, instead, a carefully designed-and highly successful-component of the basic defense and foreign policy stance of the Eisenhower administration. As part of a coordinated campaign to achieve national security goals, Atoms for Peace can be seen as the rhetorical counterpart to the New Look doctrine. By diverting audience attention, paving the way for the nuclearization of NATO forces, and serving as the rationale for export of nuclear technologies, Atoms for Peace was a central component of the administration's national security strategy.

Oil, Environmental Conflict and National Security in Nigeria: Ramifications of the Ecology-Security Nexus for Sub-Regional Peace

Abstract: Oil, Environmental Conflict and National Security in Nigeria: Ramifications of the Ecology-Security Nexus for Sub-Regional Peace

The past in the present: Historical memory and German national security policy

Abstract: In recent years a number of scholars and commentators have suggested that freed of the constraints placed upon it by the Cold War, Germany is likely to aspire to a more active, great power role. This article argues that such predictions overlook the extent to which German national security policy continues to be burdened by the lessons that its population drew from the Second World War and that make it profoundly difficult for any German leader to implement a more active defence and national security policy.

Environment and Security: Core Ideas and US Government Initiatives

Abstract: This article provides an overview of the links between environment and national security in the US. The links vary with geography and institutional affiliation. Developed countries tend to associate global environmental changes with the potential to create instability and conflict and tend to focus on the human security implications of local and regional environmental problems. Understanding of these issues is obscured by vagueness of terminology and postures. Current research and statistics have increased the prominence of environmental issues on national and international agendas and led to creating thinking among a diverse population of experts. An environmental and security framework has implications for the aesthetics of nature human responsibility for global stewardship and humanitarian concerns. Policymakers should frame international environmental priorities in terms of broad interests; to refrain from limiting interests to security concerns; and to examine environmental problems in ways other than as crises or threats. Long-term strategies are needed to address underlying problems as well as pragmatic multidisciplinary approaches to problem solving conceptual clarity and improved willingness and ability to explain complexity of environmental change to the public. US Secretary of State Warren Christopher put environmental issues near the top of the foreign policy agenda in April 1996. This article provides an overview of the major scholarly arguments and US government actions on environmental and security issues new and traditional definitions of security and how security issues affect the environment.

Stability in South Asia

Abstract: : This research effort seeks to understand the logic and prospect of deterrence breakdown in South Asia. It examines the nature of the security competition between India and Pakistan; the military capabilities of both states and the impact of such capabilities on decisions relating to war and peace; the national strategies of both countries and how those strategies contribute to the ongoing competition; and the key indicators that the intelligence community, and DCSINT analysts in particular, should focus on when tracking the problem of South Asian instability.

Negotiating the CTBT: India's Security Concerns and Nuclear Disarmament

Abstract: ".... [W]hen India and other developing countries proposed the NPT [Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty] a global balance of responsibilities was envisaged. Those who did not have nuclear weapons would not seek to acquire them; those who had them would not try to either refine or develop them or to increase their arsenals. This balance was never honoured ..." --Statement by Indian Foreign Minister Pranab Mukherjee, 50th Session of the U.N. General Assembly (New York: October 1995). "Nuclear weapons are making a comeback--not in numbers, but in being.... Countries which previously pressed hard for more nuclear cuts have shifted their focus onto softer arms control issues, such as the Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty and the Fissile Materials ban .... Rather than anticipating further deep reductions, the USA and Russia are solidifying their nuclear weapon stockpiles and consolidating their nuclear weapons infrastructure (which) is being modernised into a smaller, cheaper and more sophisticated maintenance apparatus." --Hans M. Kristensen and Joshua Handler, "The USA and Counterproliferation," Security Dialogue, 27, no. 4 (December 1996) p. 387. India's decision not to sign the Comprehensive Nuclear Test-Ban Treaty (CTBT) in 1996 was based both on its traditional approach to nuclear disarmament and its national security concerns. Yet this decision has often, somewhat reproachfully been viewed by Western critics as a reversal of India's traditional stand on nuclear disarmament, particularly former Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru's 1954 call for a halt to all nuclear testing. To understand India's position during and after the CTBT negotiations, it is necessary to review the historical context of our approach. Historical Context While a country's position in arms control and disarmament negotiations is necessarily a product of its political, economic and strategic environment and its national security perceptions, it is equally a product of its unique historical experiences that have determined its fundamental world view. Several political analysts, both Indian and Western, have placed India's security concerns and its approach to nuclear issues in the geographical region of South Asia, or at best, in a region including China. Yet India's promotion of the goal of total nuclear disarmament predates the nuclearization of China and even the emergence of the U.S.-USSR nuclear rivalry For example, as early as 1948, India tabled a resolution in the U.N. General Assembly that noted the then U.N. Atomic Energy Commission's proposal for the control of atomic energy ... for peaceful purposes and for the elimination from national armaments of atomic weapons."(1) The resolution recognized the grave dangers to international peace and security resulting from the absence of effective international control of atomic energy In the years immediately after independence, India's leaders enunciated an ethical approach to foreign policy in general, and to nuclear issues in particular. This reflected deeply held views on global issues adopted by a country that felt it had won a moral victory in addition to its political independence. This approach also reflected a genuine fear of the new weapon of mass destruction. The bombing of Hiroshima and Nagasaki not only provoked moral outrage, it also gave rise to a particular political perception that such a weapon was a new means by which the country's hard-won independence might be threatened.(2) This concern led Nehru to write, in 1954, that "fear would grow and grip nations and peoples and each would try frantically to get this new weapon or some adequate protection from it. Nehru recognized that "a dominating factor in the modern world is this prospect of these terrible weapons suddenly coming into use before which our normal weapons are completely useless."(3) Reacting to a U.S. nuclear test in the Bikini Atoll, Nehru presented to the Indian Parliament what was to become India's declared approach to nuclear weapons: We have maintained that nuclear (including thermonuclear) chemical and biological (bacterial) knowledge and power should not be, used to forge these weapons of mass destruction. …

Economic Espionage: Security Missions Redefined

Abstract: Introduction Throughout history, espionage has generally been viewed as an activity conducted by spies to obtain the military secrets of an enemy. Some of the most successful and well-known examples of espionage include England's use of spies to uncover the military information that helped to defeat the Spanish Armada in 1588; the use of spies by the Allies during World War 11 to defeat the Axis powers; and the Soviet Union's use of spies to steal atomic bomb secrets from their former allies, the United States and Britain. In the post Cold War era, however, increasing international economic competition has redefined the context for espionage as nations link their national security to their economic security. Spying conducted by intelligence services is expanding from its primary focus on military secrets to collecting economic secrets, i.e., to conducting economic espionage. The United States is particularly vulnerable to the changing focus of international espionage agencies since so many American corporations and research centers rely heavily on communications systems, computer networks, and electronic equipment to process and to store information. Over 50 countries have covertly tried to obtain advanced technologies from United States industries (U.S. Senate, 1996a). In 1995, the annual cost of economic espionage to corporate America was conservatively estimated to be at least $50 billion. If intellectual property theft and unrestricted technology transfer are included, the estimate rises up to $240 billion (Perry, 1995, 3). A wide range of federal statutes provide the authority for activities that counter economic espionage. These activities are undertaken by at least nine federal agencies, including the FBI, which has the dominant role. However, given the extent of the problem, it was obvious that existing initiatives had not been effective in preventing the theft of economic secrets. In recognition of the growing threat of economic espionage and the inability of existing legislation to deal with it, the Economic Espionage Act of 1996 (18 U.S.C. secs. 1831-1839) was signed into law on October 11, 1996, creating a new federal crime -- the theft of trade secrets. The Department of justice now has sweeping authority to prosecute the theft of trade secrets in the United States. The act, intended to crack down on economic espionage by foreign and domestic competitors, makes it illegal to steal a competitor's "proprietary" economic information and imposes stiff new penalties for these thefts. Section 1831 of the act addresses economic espionage provisions and agents of foreign powers. Section 1832 of the act makes it a federal crime for any person to convert a trade secret to his own benefit or the benefit of others knowing that the offense will injure the owner of the trade secret. Although the problem of economic espionage had become extensive and was the subject of debate in Congress, few people outside of those fighting it and those affected by it were aware of its scope and impact. This article attempts to close this information gap by providing a working definition of economic espionage and trade secrets, describing the methods that are used to obtain trade secrets from American corporations and research centers, and summarizing the technological capabilities of selected countries to conduct economic espionage against the United States. The article also addresses public-sector initiatives in the United States to protect its economic interests. Economic Espionage: What Are We Talking About? According to the FBI, "economic espionage means foreign-power sponsored or coordinated intelligence activity directed at the U.S. Government or U.S. corporations, establishments, or persons for the purpose of unlawfully obtaining proprietary economic information" (FBI, 1995, 2). In Section 1839 of the Economic Espionage Act of 1996 "trade secret" is defined to mean all forms and types of financial, business, scientific, technical, economic, or engineering information, including patterns, plans, compilations, program devices, formulas, designs, prototypes, methods, techniques, processes, procedures, programs or codes, whether tangible or intangible, and whether or how stored, compiled, or memorialized physically, electronically, graphically, photographically, or in writing. …

The National Security of Small States in a Changing World

Abstract: The security of small ethnic states - a counter neo-realist argument, Gabriel Sheffer small states - persisting despite doubts, Raimo Vayrynen Cold War, post-Cold war - does it make a difference for the Middle East? Efraim Karsh nuclear policies of small states and weaker powers, Ashok Kapur small states, non-offensive defence and collective security, Bjorn Moller Israel's predicament in a new strategic environment, Efraim Inbar to be or not to be neutral - Swedish security in the post-Cold War era, Ann-Sofie Dahl minor power/major power relations and the contemporary nation-state, David Vital.

Russian Foreign Policy: From Empire to Nation-State

Abstract: I. HISTORICAL FOUNDATIONS. 1. Sources of Russian Diplomacy. 2. The Beleaguered Soviet State, 1917-1939. 3. From Wartime Alliance. 4. The Crumbling of the Empire, 1953-1985. II. DOMESTIC DETERMINANTS. 5. In Search of the Russian. 6. Russia and the Commonwealth. 7. National Security in an Era of Flux. III. GEOPOLITICAL INTERESTS. 8. Russia and Europe. 9. Russia in Asia191. 10. Russia and the Third World. 11. Russian Interests in the Middle East. 12. Russia and International Organizations. 13. Russian-American Relations. IV. THE FUTURE. 14. Russian Foreign Policy: Looking Ahead. 1996 Post-Election Epilogue.

Information terrorism: Political violence in the information age

Abstract: Information warfare represents a threat to American national security and defense. There are two general methods in which a terrorist might employ an information terrorist attack: (1) when information technology (IT) is a target, and/or (2) when IT is the tool of a larger operation. The first method would target an information system for sabotage, either electronic or physical, thus destroying or disrupting the information system itself and any information infrastructure (e.g., power, communications, etc.) dependent upon it. The second would manipulate and exploit an information system, altering or stealing data, or forcing the system to perform a function for which it was not meant (such as spoofing air traffic control). A perennial dilemma of combating terrorism in a democratic society is finding the right balance between civil liberties and civil security. The special problems associated with IT are examined. The US national security establishment needs to use a flexible, integrated response to counter...

The Environment and Security: Conceptual and Theoretical Issues

Abstract: This chapter addresses the problems of the securitization of the environment The latter subsumes the environment under the logic of security thinking, which tends to narrow the space for deliberative politics instead of widening it A good part of the literature tries to establish the conflict potential of environmental change by defining it as a security issue It is more promising to look at environmental change in the broader context of structural changes in the world economy The growing importance of post-industrial economic activities in principle widens the space for environmental deliberations The securitization of the environment is a counterproductive move to make use of this space Securitization of disparate social issues glosses over their specificities It interferes with issue-specific strategy formation and lends itself to defending status quo interests where change is urgently needed The securitization of the environment can be used to further the commodification of natural resources, which may lead to social tensions and thus heighten the prospects for conflict One possible way to ‘save’ environmental security would be to delink it from national security, allowing us to consider social security or,food security rather than military security But even then we may still be prisoners of antiquated security thinking that claims to represent a new way of looking at the world but does no more than give new challenges new names

Professionalization of the Senior Chinese Officer Corps: Trends and Implications

Abstract: : This report documents one component of a larger RAND effort to analyze key factors influencing China's emergent national security strategies, policies, and military capabilities, and their potential consequences for longer-term U.S. national security interests. Specifically, this report evaluates demographic and cohort changes in the officer corps of the Chinese People's Liberation Army (PLA), examining both cohort alignment and professionalizing trends in retirement, education, and functional specialization.

Democracy & diplomacy : the impact of domestic politics on U.S. foreign policy, 1789-1994

Abstract: From the Hamiltonian-Jeffersonian split over English and French policy in the 1790s to the Republican-Democratic clash over Haitian policy in the 1990s, Americans and foreign observers have been troubled-and often exasperated-by the extraordinary influence of U.S. domestic politics on matters of vital national security. Some critics, including Alexis de Tocqueville, concluded-that America's democratic system would cripple the effective and efficient conduct of its foreign policy. In this first historical overview of the subject, Melvin Small examines the central role of domestic politics in the shaping and conduct of American foreign policy from the early republic to the end of the Cold War.

Three building blocks of a theory of Latin American foreign policy

Abstract: towards developing theory. Scholarship on Latin American foreign policy-particularly, though certainly not exclusively, that emanating from Latin America-focuses heavily on international law, foreign policy principles and traditions and the role of individual leaders.3 Increasingly, researchers have expanded the scope of their examination of Latin American foreign policy, encountering in their analyses a broad range of foreign policy goals and explanatory forces.4 A review of the literature reveals that Latin American foreign policy makers include among their more important goals autonomy, development and the management of their relationship with the USA. Other key goals include developing policy to treat regional relationships, Third Worldism, drug trafficking, national security, arms control, border disputes and other local issues. A literature review also finds that the most frequently cited explanatory factors of Latin American foreign policy are US influence, poor economic resources, leader and regime ideology, and the global distribution of power and wealth. Researchers in this area rarely spend time pondering methodological issues. Overwhelmingly, the case study approach dominates the literature. Most examinations are qualitative studies of the foreign policy behavior of an individual state, regime or a few countries in comparative perspective. The research heavily focuses on the nation-state and often takes the form of story-telling, albeit in an analytical way which sometimes includes some loosely tested hypotheses.5 A 'kitchen sink' approach is also popular, in which researchers model and examine all the potential explanatory inputs into a particular country's (or countries')