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Showing papers on "Politics published in 1974"


Book
01 Jan 1974
TL;DR: In Anarchy, State, and Utopia as discussed by the authors, Nozick argues that the state is justified only when it is severely limited to the narrow function of protection against force, theft and fraud and to the enforcement of contracts.
Abstract: Robert Nozicka s Anarchy, State, and Utopia is a powerful, philosophical challenge to the most widely held political and social positions of our age ---- liberal, socialist and conservative. "Individuals have rights," Nozick writes in his opening sentence, "and there are things no person or group may do to them without violating their rights." The work that follows is a sophisticated and passionate defence of the rights of the individual as opposed to the state. The author argues that the state is justified only when it is severely limited to the narrow function of protection against force, theft and fraud and to the enforcement of contracts. Any more extensive activities by the state, he demonstrates, will inevitably violate individual rights. Among the many achievements of the work are an important new theory of distributive justice, a model of utopia, and an integration of ethics, legal philosophy and economic theory into a profound position in political philosophy which will be discussed for years to come.

7,183 citations


Book
01 Jan 1974
TL;DR: In this article, the authors present a timeline of the one best system in rural education in the United States: the rural school problem, the Rural School Problem Problem, and power to the professional teacher.
Abstract: PROLOGUE PART I: THE ONE BEST SYSTEM IN MICROCOSM: COMMUNITY AND CONSOLIDATION IN RURAL EDUCATION The School as a Community and the Community as a School 'The Rural School Problem' and Power to the Professional PART II: FROM VILLAGE SCHOOL TO URBAN SYSTEM: BUREAUCRATIZATION IN THE NINETEENTH CENTURY Swollen Villages and the Need for Coordination Creating the One Best System Teachers and the Male Mystique Attendance, Voluntary and Coerced Some Functions of Schooling PART III: THE POLITICS OF PLURALISM: NINETEENTH-CENTURY PATTERNS Critics and Dissenters Configurations of Control Lives Routinized yet Insecure: Teachers and School Politics Cultural Conflicts: Religion and Ethnicity A Struggle Lonely and Unequal: The Burden of Race PART IV: CENTRALIZATION AND THE CORPORATE MODEL: CONTESTS FOR CONTROL OF URBAN SCHOOLS, 1890-1940 An Interlocking Directorate and Its Blueprint for Reform Conflicts of Power and Values: Case Studies of Centralization Political Structure and Political Behavior PART V: INSIDE THE SYSTEM: THE CHARACTER OF URBAN SCHOOLS, 1890-1940 Success Story: The Administrative Progressives Science Victims without "Crimes": Black Americans Americanization: Match and Mismatch Lady Labor Sluggers" and the Professional Proletariat EPILOGUE: THE ONE BEST SYSTEM UNDER FIRE, 1940-1973 NOTES BIBLIOGRAPHY INDEX

1,806 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, a new economic approach to political behavior seeks to develop a positive theory of legislation, in contrast to the normative approach of welfare economics, by asking why certain industries and not others become regulated or have tariffs imposed on imports or why income transfers take the form and direction they do.
Abstract: THE new economic approach to political behavior seeks to develop a positive theory of legislation, in contrast to the normative approach of welfare economics. The new approach asks why certain industries and not others become regulated or have tariffs imposed on imports or why income transfers take the form and direction they do, in contrast to asking which industries should be regulated or have tariffs imposed, or what transfers should be made.

1,699 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The authors found that the increased distrust in government, or cynicism, was associated with reactions to the issues of racial integration and U.S. involvement in the Vietnam war, and a curvilinear relationship was found between policy preference on these and other contemporary social issues and political cynicism.
Abstract: National survey data demonstrate that support of the federal government decreased substantially between 1964 and 1970. Policy preference, a lack of perceived difference between the parties, and policy dissatisfaction were hypothesized as correlates of trust and alternative explanations of this decrease. Analysis revealed that the increased distrust in government, or cynicism, was associated with reactions to the issues of racial integration and U.S. involvement in the Vietnam war. A curvilinear relationship was found between policy preference on these and other contemporary social issues and political cynicism. The minority favoring centrist policies was more likely to trust the government than the large proportion who preferred noncentrist policy alternatives. This complex relationship between trust and policy preference is explained by dissatisfaction with the policies of both political parties. The dissatisfied noncentrists formed highly polarized and distinct types: “cynics of the left,” who preferred policies providing social change, and “cynics of the right,” who favored policies of social control.

1,110 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The concept of public opinion is first introduced by as mentioned in this paper, who defined the public sphere as "a realm of our social life in which something approaching public opinion can be formed" and defined it as "an unrestricted way for individuals to express and publish their opinions about matters of general interest".
Abstract: 1. The Concept. By "the public sphere" we mean first of all a realm of our social life in which something approaching public opinion can be formed. Access is guaranteed to all citizens. A portion of the public sphere comes into being in every conversation in which private individuals assemble to form a public body.1 They then behave neither like business or professional people transacting private affairs, nor like members of a constitutional order subject to the legal constraints of a state bureaucracy. Citizens behave as a public body when they confer in an unrestricted fashion--that is, with the guarantee of freedom of assembly and association and the freedom to express and publish their opinions-about matters of general interest. In a large public body this kind of communication requires specific means for transmitting information and influencing those who receive it. Today newspapers and magazines, radio and television are the media of the public sphere. We speak of the political public sphere in contrast, for instance, to the literary one, when public discussion deals with objects connected to the activity of the state. Although state authority is so to speak the executor of the political public sphere, it is not a part of it.2 To be sure, state authority is usually considered "public" authority, but it derives its task of caring for the well-being of all citizens primarily from this aspect of the public sphere. Only when the exercise of political control is effectively subordinated to the democratic demand that information be accessible to the public, does the political public sphere win an institutionalized influence over the government through the instrument of law-making bodies. The expression "public opinion" refers to the tasks of criticism and control which a public body of citizens informally--and, in periodic elections, formally as wellpractices vis-d-vis the ruling structure organized in the form of a state. Regulations demanding that certain proceedings be public (Publizitdtsvor-

920 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: According to prestigious biennial national surveys, the government's credit rating has steadily declined as a result of a disastrous foreign investment and growing consumer resistance to its "line" of products as discussed by the authors.
Abstract: “In God We Trust: Everyone Else Pays Cash.” America's political leaders should not pretend to godliness; no one will be fooled. According to prestigious biennial national surveys, the government's credit rating has steadily declined as a result of a disastrous foreign investment and growing consumer resistance to its “line” of products. Neither the country's present management nor its most prominent rivals inspire public confidence. How, then, can the political system rebuild its depleted reserves of political trust, the basis of future growth and stability? Will “one good season,” better advertising, new blood in the boardroom or product innovation be sufficient? Or is a drastic restructuring of the regime's organization and operating procedures the only alternative to liquidation?Arthur Miller's article, “Political Issues and Trust in Government: 1964–70” makes an important contribution to our understanding of the sharp increase in political cynicism among the American public. Miller evokes the language of the corporation balance-sheet and the imagery of Executive Suite by suggesting that the cumulative outcome of exchanges between political authorities on the one hand and citizens on the other determines the level of public trust in government. Political elites “produce” policies; in exchange, they receive trust from citizens satisfied with these policies and cynicism from those who are disappointed. Since Miller defines both policy satisfaction and political trust in attitudinal terms, the exchange transactions he records are purely psychological in nature. Operationally, dissatisfied respondents are those whose own policy preferences are discrepant with their perceptions of the positions advocated by the party controlling the presidency.

888 citations


Book
01 Jan 1974
TL;DR: The authors argued that the language of politics is not a neutral medium that conveys ideas independently formed, but an institutionalized structure of meanings that channels political thought and action in certain directions.
Abstract: William Connolly presents a lucid and concise defense of the thesis of "essentially contested concepts" that can well be read as a general introduction to political theory, as well as for its challenge to the prevailing understanding of political discourse. In Connolly's view, the language of politics is not a neutral medium that conveys ideas independently formed but an institutionalized structure of meanings that channels political thought and action in certain directions. In the new preface he pursues the implications of this perspective for a distinctive conception of ethics and democracy.

731 citations


Book
01 Jan 1974
TL;DR: The first edition of the Bureaucratic Politics and Foreign Policy is one of the most successful titles of all time as discussed by the authors, and the second edition also includes a new analysis of Congress's role in the politics of foreign policymaking.
Abstract: The first edition of Bureaucratic Politics and Foreign Policy is one of the most successful Brookings titles of all time. This thoroughly revised version updates that classic analysis of the role played by the federal bureaucracy --civilian career officials, political appointees, and military officers --and Congress in formulating U.S. national security policy, illustrating how policy decisions are actually made. Government agencies, departments, and individuals all have certain interests to preserve and promote. Those priorities, and the conflicts they sometimes spark, heavily influence the formulation and implementation of foreign policy. A decision that looks like an orchestrated attempt to influence another country may in fact represent a shaky compromise between rival elements within the U.S. government. The authors provide numerous examples of bureaucratic maneuvering and reveal how they have influenced our international relations. The revised edition includes new examples of bureaucratic politics from the past three decades, from Jimmy Carter's view of the State Department to conflicts between George W. Bush and the bureaucracy regarding Iraq. The second edition also includes a new analysis of Congress's role in the politics of foreign policymaking.

665 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: Schattschneider and Schattenhneider as discussed by the authors present an analysis of politics in the plural society using the tools and language of this chapter, which they call intensity, visibility, direction and scope.
Abstract: concepts developed and the politics of plural societies. We have no intention of resolving this problem in summary fashion. As a result, the next chapter is devoted in its entirety to an analysis of politics in the plural society using the tools and language of this chapter. 58. E. E. Schattschneider, \"Intensity, Visability, Direction and Scope,\" American Political Science Review 51, no. 3 (September 1957): 933-42 (quotation at p. 937).

616 citations


Book
01 Jan 1974
TL;DR: Heclo et al. as discussed by the authors introduced the ECPR Press edition by Hugh Heclo with the following introduction: "politics and social policy: the context of social policy, support for the unemployed, and the struggle for old age pensions".
Abstract: New Introduction to the ECPR Press edition by Hugh Heclo Preface 1 Politics and Social Policy 2 The Context of Social Policy 3 Support for the Unemployed 4 The Struggle for Old Age Pensions 5 From Pensions to Superannuation 6 Social Policy and Political Learning Epilogue: The Rediscovery of Inequality Works Cited Index

546 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, a "astonishing consensus" exists among academic social scientists concerning the impact of the alleged separation of ownership and control in large corporations on the class structures and political economies of the United States and similar countries.
Abstract: An "astonishing consensus" exists among academic social scientists concerning the impact of the alleged separation of ownership and control in large corporations on the class structures and political economies of the United States and similar countries. The question is whether this separation is a "pseudofact," which has, therefore, inspired incorrect "explanations," "inferences," and "theories," namely, that the presumed separation has either transformed or eliminated the former "capitalist class" and therefore rendered inapplicable a class theory of the division of the social product, class conflict, social domination, political processes, and historical change. If the separation of ownership and control has not occurred, then "managerial" theories are without foundation. The discrepant findings of numerous studies are reviewedand problems of method and measurement discussed, concluding that the empirical question is quite open. Critical questions are posed for research into the internal differentiation...

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: Baudry's article as discussed by the authors is characteristic of the attempts that have been made to criticize the ideological underpinnings of previous film thought, and to ground new work in a more self-conscious and self-critical set of assumptions.
Abstract: The debate over cinema and ideology let loose by the spectacular political events in France of May 1968 has transformed Cahiers du Cinema and much of French film thought. Baudry's article, which appeared in 1970 in Cinethique (No. 7-8; translated by permission) is characteristic of the attempts that have been made to criticize the ideological underpinnings of previous film thought, and to ground new work in a more self-conscious and self-critical set of assumptions. This questioning mode of thought turns from what it considers outmoded idealist of phenomenological doctrines toward the type of radical psychoanalytic thinking done by Lacan and toward an explicit sociopolitical analysis of the film-making and film-viewing process. Baudry's article covers a broad range, and at times his points are made in an allusive or even elusive way. Certain key terms and usages have been glossed in the notes. A few irreducible obscurities remain, which the French postal strike has prevented us from clarifying. The article is presented here as a central document in the recent evolution of French film thought.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: For instance, international organizations can play important roles in trans-governmental networks by influencing the definition of issues, promoting coalitions among governmental subunits with similar interests, and serving as points of policy intervention in transnational systems.
Abstract: Students of world politics have tended to assume that states act as units. Yet trans-governmental relations—direct interactions among sub-units not controlled or closely guided by the policies of cabinets or chief executives—are frequently important. Trans-governmental relations are facilitated by extensive personal contacts among officials and by conflicts of interest between departments or agencies within modern governments. International organizations can play important roles in transgovernmental networks by (i) affecting the definition of issues; (2) promoting coalitions among governmental subunits with similar interests; and (3) serving as points of policy intervention in trans-national systems. As policy interdependence among developed-country governments becomes more extensive and complex, these roles of international organizations are likely to become increasingly important. Internationalism of this relatively informal, non-institutionalized type is not a “dead end.”

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors focus on the allocation of government expenditures among the states and argue that interstate inequalities in per capita federal spending can be explained in large part as the resultant of a process of maximizing expected electoral votes.
Abstract: T HE New Deal years offer a laboratory for testing the hypothesis that political behavior in a democracy can be understood as a rational effort to maximize the prospects of electoral success. This hypothesis is central to the "economic" theories of politics developed and elaborated since the publication of Downs' An Economic Theory of Democracy in 1957, but systematic empirical verification has been meager.' One of the reasons for this paucity is that in the United States political parties are rarely "in power" unambiguously, and actual policies result from the interaction of many competing objectives. But in the 1930's the Democratic party had control of both houses of Congress, and during much of the period Congress was willing to follow Presidential lead on economic policy. At the same time federal spending rose to unprecedented levels, and considerable discretionary allocative authority was concentrated in the executive branch. Most of the spending was carried out by new agencies under new programs which were clearly identified with the New Deal administration. At a time of grave economic distress, this Presidentially-dominated environment provided a stark simplification of the interaction between political and economic forces. This article focuses on the allocation of government expenditures among the states and argues that interstate inequalities in per capita federal spending can be explained in large part as the resultant of a process of maximizing expected electoral votes. Two recent articles (1969, 1970) by Leonard J. Arrington have raised this issue. Upon examination of a newlydiscovered set of figures for the years 19331939, Arrington was struck by the fact that the per capita distribution of loans and expenditures was not at all equal across the country, and furthermore that these inequalities seem perverse in that they favor states with high income. In particular, the West seems to have received far more than its per capita share of benefits, while the South -far behind in income received little.

Book
01 Jan 1974
TL;DR: Direct democracy in historical perspective evidence the Athenian Constitution down to 403 BC Athens as city state and as democracy the peoples of Athens the assembly of the people the laws and the Nomothetai the people's court the Magistrates the Council of Five Hundred the political leaders, Council of the Areopagos the character of Athenian Democracy as discussed by the authors.
Abstract: Direct democracy in historical perspective evidence the Athenian Constitution down to 403 BC Athens as city state and as democracy the peoples of Athens the assembly of the people the laws and the Nomothetai the people's court the Magistrates the Council of Five Hundred the political leaders the Council of the Areopagos the character of Athenian Democracy.

Book
01 Jan 1974
TL;DR: In this paper, the everyday moral conceptions to which orators appealed in court and political assemblies, and which were reflected in non-philosophical literature, are explored in ancient Greece.
Abstract: In ancient Greece, as today, popular moral attitudes differed importantly from the theories of moral philosophers. While for the latter we have Plato and Aristotle, this insightful work explores the everyday moral conceptions to which orators appealed in court and political assemblies, and which were reflected in non-philosophical literature. Oratory and comedy provide the primary testimony, and reference is also made to Sophocles, Euripides, Herodotus, Thucydides, Xenophon, and other sources. The selection of topics, the contrasts and comparisons with modern religious, social and legal principles, and accessibility to the non-specialist ensure the work's appeal to all readers with an interest in ancient Greek culture and social life.

Book
01 Jan 1974
TL;DR: The Politics of Rights as mentioned in this paper has become an American classic and has had an enormous influence on two generations of scholars, including political scientists, sociologists, and anthropologists, as well as historians and legal scholars.
Abstract: Stuart A. Scheingold's landmark work introduced a new understanding of the contribution of rights to progressive social movements, and thirty years later it still stands as a pioneering and provocative work, bridging political science and sociolegal studies. In the preface to this new edition, the author provides a cogent analysis of the burgeoning scholarship that has been built on the foundations laid in his original volume. A new foreword from Malcolm Feeley of Berkeley's Boalt Hall School of Law traces the intellectual roots of "The Politics of Rights" to the classic texts of social theory and sociolegal studies. "Scheingold presents a clear, thoughtful discussion of the ways in which rights can both empower and constrain those seeking change in American society. While much of the writing on rights is abstract and obscure, "The Politics of Rights" stands out as an accessible and engaging discussion."-Gerald N. Rosenberg, University of Chicago "This book has already exerted an enormous influence on two generations of scholars. It has had an enormous influence on political scientists, sociologists, and anthropologists, as well as historians and legal scholars. With this new edition, this influence is likely to continue for still more generations. "The Politics of Rights" has, I believe, become an American classic."-Malcolm Feeley, Boalt Hall School of Law, University of California, Berkeley, from the forewordStuart A. Scheingold is Professor Emeritus of Political Science at the University of Washington.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors report the codification of basic authority characteristics of 336 national political systems (polities) that functioned in 91 nation-states between 1800 and 1971, and test three hypotheses that attribute the persistence and adaptability of political systems to their authority characteristics.
Abstract: This study reports the codification of basic authority characteristics of 336 national political systems (polities) that functioned in 91 nation-states between 1800 and 1971. In form the typical 19th-century polity was an autocracy with minimal functions. Its 20th-century counterpart was either an activist plural democracy or an activist autocracy. The incidence of system-transforming political change has been equally high and pervasive in both European and Third-world polities, but greater in the 20th century than the 19th. The data are used to test three hypotheses that attribute the persistence and adaptability of political systems to their authority characteristics. “Institutionalization” arguments about the stability-enhancing effects of complexity and directiveness receive no consistent support. Conventional beliefs about the greater durability of democracies vs. autocracies vs. anocracies (uninstitutionalized polities) are confirmed only in Europe in the 20th century. The most durable historical and Afro-Asian polities have been either autocratic or anocratic. The data generally support the hypothesis that “pure” political systems—consistently democratic or consistently autocratic—are more durable than systems of mixed authority characteristics. Long-term trends in political “development” and their determinants are discussed in the light of the findings.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: A controlled study of the audiences of two newspapers with differing content emphases was conducted during the 1972 presidential campaign as discussed by the authors, and the results show only moderate support for the agenda-setting hypothesis; the honesty in government issues, given heavy play in one of the two newspapers, failed to generate much enthusiasm among readers of either paper.
Abstract: The agenda-setting hypothesis asserts that the media have an effect indirectly by choosing certain issues for emphasis, thus making those issues more salient to the audiences. The hypothesis, stated in such general terms, presents formidable conceptual and methodological difficulties that are dealt with in this article. A controlled study of the audiences of two newspapers with differing content emphases was conducted during the 1972 presidential campaign. The results show only moderate support for the agenda-setting hypothesis; the honesty in government issues, given heavy play in one of the two newspapers, failed to generate much enthusiasm among readers of either paper. In addition the results suggest agenda setting is not a broad and unqualified media effect. Predicted differences mainly were restricted to the less involved and less motivated partisans who were heavily dependent on the newspapers for their political news. Finally, the importance of studying issue saliences apart from political attitud...

Journal ArticleDOI
01 Nov 1974-Americas
TL;DR: A wide-ranging historical account of the social, political, and particularly economic development of a continent seemingly ravaged by the unbridled exploitation of major capitalist countries bent on turning Latin American resources into their own economic gain is given in this article.
Abstract: A wide-ranging historical account of the social, political, and particularly economic development of a continent seemingly ravaged by the unbridled exploitation of major capitalist countries bent on turning Latin American resources into their own economic gain. Bibliogs.

Journal ArticleDOI
01 Feb 1974-Americas
TL;DR: The focus of Braudel's great work is the Mediterranean world in the second half of the sixteenth century, but the focus of this work is not the Mediterranean but the natural world and material life, economics, demography, politics, and diplomacy.
Abstract: The focus of Fernand Braudel's great work is the Mediterranean world in the second half of the sixteenth century, but Braudel ranges back in history to the world of Odysseus and forward to our time, moving out from the Mediterranean area to the New World and other destinations of Mediterranean traders. Braudel's scope embraces the natural world and material life, economics, demography, politics, and diplomacy.



Book
01 Jan 1974
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors examined Ethiopia since the overthrow of the monarchy in the 1970s, and made a substantial contribution both to Ethiopian interpretive history and to sociological analysis.
Abstract: Greater Ethiopia combines history, anthropology, and sociology to answer two major questions. Why did Ethiopia remain independent under the onslaught of European expansionism while other African political entities were colonized? And why must Ethiopia be considered a single cultural region despite its political, religious, and linguistic diversity? Donald Levine's interdisciplinary study makes a substantial contribution both to Ethiopian interpretive history and to sociological analysis. In his new preface, Levine examines Ethiopia since the overthrow of the monarchy in the 1970s. "Ethiopian scholarship is in Professor Levine's debt...He has performed an important task with panache, urbanity, and learning."--Edward Ullendorff, Times Literary Supplement

Book
01 Jan 1974
TL;DR: A classic study of the American working class, originally published in 1973, is now back in print with a new introduction and epilogue by the author as discussed by the authors, which traces the historical development of the working class from post-Civil War times and shows why radical movements have failed to overcome the forces that tend to divde groups of workers from one another.
Abstract: This classic study of the American working class, originally published in 1973, is now back in print with a new introduction and epilogue by the author. An innovative blend of first-person experience and original scholarship, Aronowitz traces the historical development of the American working class from post-Civil War times and shows why radical movements have failed to overcome the forces that tend to divde groups of workers from one another. The rise of labor unions is analyzed, as well as their decline as a force for social change. Aronowitz’s new introduction situates the book in the context of developments in current scholarship and the epilogue discusses the effects of recent economic and political changes in the American labor movement.

01 Apr 1974
TL;DR: For instance, this paper argued that politicians choose their words carefully, because they believe in the power of language to influence thought, and they believe implicitly in linguistic relativity, which is not always true.
Abstract: ¾ Politics is concerned with power: the power to make decisions, to control resources, to control other people's behavior, and to control their values. ¾ What are the features of language used by politicians and by the media? 3 Language as Thought Control ¾ Why do politicians choose their words carefully? ¾ Because they believe in the power of language to influence thought. ¾ They believe implicitly in linguistic relativity.


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: For nearly a quarter-century the military balance in the Pacific region rested on the clearly perceived parameters of the cold war, namely parallel Soviet and Chinese anti-imperialism and American containment policies which compelled the smaller states to align themselves with one or other of the opposing blocs as discussed by the authors.
Abstract: For nearly a quarter-century the military balance in the Pacific rested on the clearly perceived parameters of the cold war, namely parallel Soviet and Chinese anti-imperialism and American containment policies which compelled the smaller states to align themselves with one or other of the opposing blocs. One of the more beneficial Nixon shocks reopened the traditional American 'Open Door* policy toward China. This single move granted the United States important diplomatic initiative in the Far East, shifted the fulcrum of political and military attention from southeast Asia to the northwest Pacific, and destroyed the main pillar of Moscow's Asian policy which rested on indefinite ChineseAmerican animosity. This realignment of the Pacific power configuration also raised fundamental questions about the future military balance in this theatre. The purpose of this essay is to analyse the present military postures of the principal actors and to develop several questions about future problems. An assessment of comparative military strengths and strategies must be predicated upon presumptions of political policy and orientation. Let us turn first therefore to some assumptions about the political Dositions of the various national actors in the Pacific region.

Book
01 Jan 1974
TL;DR: The Second Edition of the Max Weber Theorist as discussed by the authors is a collection of essays about Max Weber as the protagonist of Borgeois Values and the limits of Bureaucratic Rationality.
Abstract: Introduction to the Second Edition. 1. Max Weber as Political Theorist. 2. Weber as Protagonist of Borgeois Values. 3. The Limits of Bureaucratic Rationality. 4. Parliment and Democracy. 5. Nationalism and the Nation State. 6. Society, Class and State: Germany. 7. Society, Class and State: Russia. 8. Class Society and Plebiscitary Leadership. 9.Social Science and Political Practice. Bibliography. Index.

Book
01 Jan 1974