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Showing papers on "Politics published in 1982"


Book
01 Jan 1982
TL;DR: McAdam as discussed by the authors presented a political process model that explains the rise and decline of the black protest movement in the United States, focusing on the crucial role of three institutions that foster protest: black churches, black colleges, and Southern chapters of the NAACP.
Abstract: In this classic work of sociology, Doug McAdam presents a political-process model that explains the rise and decline of the black protest movement in the United States. Moving from theoretical concerns to empirical analysis, he focuses on the crucial role of three institutions that foster protest: black churches, black colleges, and Southern chapters of the NAACP. He concludes that political opportunities, a heightened sense of political efficacy, and the development of these three institutions played a central role in shaping the civil rights movement. In his new introduction, McAdam revisits the civil rights struggle in light of recent scholarship on social movement origins and collective action. "[A] first-rate analytical demonstration that the civil rights movement was the culmination of a long process of building institutions in the black community."--Raymond Wolters, Journal of American History "A fresh, rich, and dynamic model to explain the rise and decline of the black insurgency movement in the United States."--James W. Lamare, Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science

3,370 citations


Book
01 Jan 1982
TL;DR: Sandel as mentioned in this paper locates modern liberalism in the tradition of Kant, and focuses on its most influential recent expression in the work of John Rawls, tracing the limits of liberalism to the conception of the person that underlies it, and argues for a deeper understanding of community than liberalism allows.
Abstract: A liberal society seeks not to impose a single way of life, but to leave its citizens as free as possible to choose their own values and ends. It therefore must govern by principles of justice that do not presuppose any particular vision of the good life. But can any such principles be found? And if not, what are the consequences for justice as a moral and political ideal? These are the questions Michael Sandel takes up in this penetrating critique of contemporary liberalism. Sandel locates modern liberalism in the tradition of Kant, and focuses on its most influential recent expression in the work of John Rawls. In the most important challenge yet to Rawls' theory of justice, Sandel traces the limits of liberalism to the conception of the person that underlies it, and argues for a deeper understanding of community than liberalism allows.

2,308 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The authors define international regimes as principles, norms, rules, and decision-making procedures around which actor expectations converge in a given issue-area, defined as intervening variables, standing between basic causal factors and related outcomes and behavior.
Abstract: International regimes are defined as principles, norms, rules, and decisionmaking procedures around which actor expectations converge in a given issue-area. As a starting point, regimes have been conceptualized as intervening variables, standing between basic causal factors and related outcomes and behavior. There are three views about the importance of regimes: conventional structural orientations dismiss regimes as being at best ineffectual; Grotian orientations view regimes as an intimate component of the international system; and modified structural perspectives see regimes as significant only under certain constrained conditions. For Grotian and modified structuralist arguments, which endorse the view that regimes can influence outcomes and behavior, regime development is seen as a function of five basic causal variables: egoistic self-interest, political power, diffuse norms and principles, custom and usage, and knowledge.

2,302 citations



Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors present a dynamic analysis of the interaction between the productive structure, the labour market, and the principal political institutions in Emilia-Romagna, showing that over the last fifteen years, the region has had an economic performance distinctly better than many other regions in Italy, and has shown itself more resilient to crisis.
Abstract: The following essay presents a dynamic analysis of the interaction between the productive structure, the labour market, and the principal political institutions in Emilia-Romagna. There are at least three reasons why, in recent times, many economists have focused their attention on the economy of the region (Bagnasco and Messori, 1975; Bagnasco, 1977; Filuppucci, 1978;Capecchi#a/., 1979). The first is that over the last fifteen years Emilia-Romagna has had an economic performance distinctly better than many other regions in Italy, and has shown itself more resilient to crisis. Secondly, the industrial structure which developed in Emilia-Romagna, and which is the basis for its economic performance, may also be found in other parts of Italy, so that the study of Emilia is of general interest and its results may help to understand the working of industrial districts elsewhere in Italy. Finally, in Emilia-Romagna almost all local authorities, including the regional government, are controlled by the communist party, often in alliance with the socialist party. The region, therefore, represents a kind of test for a coalition of left wing parties in Italy which is of broader European interest.

1,268 citations


Journal Article
01 Jan 1982-Ethics

1,067 citations


Book
01 Jan 1982
TL;DR: Breuilly as mentioned in this paper argues that nationalism is a form of politics that arises in opposition to the modern state, and that it is a means of creating a sense of identity, which can be used by elites, social groups and foreign governments to mobilize popular support against the state.
Abstract: Since its publication this important study has become established as a central work on the vast and contested subject of modern nationalism. Placing historical evidence within a general theoretical framework, John Breuilly argues that nationalism should be understood as a form of politics that arises in opposition to the modern state. In this updated and revised edition, he extends his analysis to the most recent developments in central Europe and the former Soviet Union. He also addresses the current debates over the meaning of nationalism and their implications for his position. Breuilly challenges the conventional view that nationalism emerges from a sense of cultural identity. Rather, he shows how elites, social groups, and foreign governments use nationalist appeals to mobilize popular support against the state. Nationalism, then, is a means of creating a sense of identity. This provocative argument is supported with a wide-ranging analysis of pertinent examples-national opposition in early modern Europe; the unification movement in Germany, Italy, and Poland; separatism under the Hapsburg and Ottoman empires; fascism in Germany, Italy, and Romania; post-war anti-colonialism and the nationalist resurgence following the breakdown of Soviet power. Still the most comprehensive and systematic historical comparison of nationalist politics, "Nationalism and the State" is an indispensable book for anyone seeking to understand modern politics.

846 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: This article examined the history of the recent and not wholly accepted revisions of the propositions collectively called Duverger's law: that the plurality rule for selecting the winner of elections favors the two-party system.
Abstract: Science involves the accumulation of knowledge, which means not only the formulation of new sentences about discoveries but also the reformulation of empirically falsified or theoretically discredited old sentences. Science has therefore a history that is mainly a chronicle and interpretation of a series of reformulations. It is often asserted that political science has no history. Although this assertion is perhaps motivated by a desire to identify politics with belles lettres, it may also have a reasonable foundation, in that political institutions may change faster than knowledge can be accumulated. To investigate whether propositions about evanescent institutions can be scientifically falsified and reformulated, I examine in this essay the history of the recent and not wholly accepted revisions of the propositions collectively called Duverger's law: that the plurality rule for selecting the winner of elections favors the two-party system. The body of the essay presents the discovery, revision, testing, and reformulation of sentences in this series in order to demonstrate that in at least one instance in political science, knowledge has been accumulated and a history exists.

728 citations


Book
01 Jan 1982
TL;DR: The Routledge Classics Edition Consolidated Preface Introduction Volume I Rules and Order 1.Reason and Evolution 2. Cosmos and Taxis 3. Principles and Expediency 4. The Changing Concept of Law 5. Nomos: The Law of Liberty 6. The Mirage of Social Justice 7. General Welfare and Particular Purposes 8. The Quest for Justice 9. 'Social' or Distributive Justice 10. Market Order or Catallaxy 11. The Political Order of a Free People 12. Majority Opinion and Contemporary Democracy 13. The Division of Democratic Powers 14. Government Policy and
Abstract: Foreword to the Routledge Classics Edition Consolidated Preface Introduction Volume I Rules and Order 1.Reason and Evolution 2. Cosmos and Taxis 3. Principles and Expediency 4. The Changing Concept of Law 5. Nomos: The Law of Liberty 6. Thesis: The Law of Legislation Notes Volume 2 The Mirage of Social Justice 7. General Welfare and Particular Purposes 8. The Quest for Justice 9. 'Social' or Distributive Justice 10. The Market Order or Catallaxy 11. The Discipline of Abstract Rules and the Emotions of the Tribal Society Notes Volume 3 The Political Order of a Free People 12. Majority Opinion and Contemporary Democracy 13. The Division of Democratic Powers 14. The Public Sector and the Private Sector 15. Government Policy and the Market 16. The Miscarriage of the Democratic Ideal: A Recapitualation 17. A Model Constitution 18. The Containment of Power and the Dethronement of Politics Epilogue: The Three Sources of Human Values Notes Index of Authors cited in Volumes 1-3 Subject index to Volumes 1-3

679 citations



Book
01 Jan 1982
TL;DR: Abrahamian et al. as mentioned in this paper studied the emergence of horizontal divisions, or socioeconomic classes, in a country with strong vertical divisions based on ethnicity, religious ideology, and regional particularism.
Abstract: Emphasizing the interaction between political organizations and social forces, Ervand Abrahamian discusses Iranian society and politics during the period between the Constitutional Revolution of 1905-1909 and the Islamic Revolution of 1977-1979. Presented here is a study of the emergence of horizontal divisions, or socio-economic classes, in a country with strong vertical divisions based on ethnicity, religious ideology, and regional particularism. Professor Abrahamian focuses on the class and ethnic roots of the major radical movements in the modem era, particularly the constitutional movement of the 1900s, the communist Tudeh party of the 1940s, the nationalist struggle of the early 1950s, and the Islamic upsurgence of the 1970s. In this examination of the social bases of Iranian politics, Professor Abrahamian draws on archives of the British Foreign Office and India Office that have only recently been opened; newspaper, memoirs, and biographies published in Tehran between 1906 and 1980; proceedings of the Iranian Majles and Senate; interviews with retired and active politicians; and pamphlets, books, and periodicals distributed by exiled groups in Europe and North America in the period between 1953 and 1980. Professor Abrahamian explores the impact of socio-economic change on the political structure, especially under the reigns of Reza Shah and Muhammad Reza Shah, and throws fresh light on the significance of the Tudeh party and the failure of the Shah's regime from 1953 to 1978.

Book
01 Jan 1982
TL;DR: Rothbard's Ethics of Liberty as discussed by the authors is one of the most rigorous and philosophically sophisticated expositions of the libertarian political position, and it has been used extensively for social and economic debates.
Abstract: In recent years, libertarian impulses have increasingly influenced national and economic debates, from welfare reform to efforts to curtail affirmative action. Murray N. Rothbard's classic The Ethics of Liberty stands as one of the most rigorous and philosophically sophisticated expositions of the libertarian political position. What distinguishes Rothbard's book is the manner in which it roots the case for freedom in the concept of natural rights and applies it to a host of practical problems. An economist by profession, Rothbard here proves himself equally at home with philosophy. And while his conclusions are radical-that a social order that strictly adheres to the rights of private property must exclude the institutionalized violence inherent in the state-his applications of libertarian principles prove surprisingly practical for a host of social dilemmas, solutions to which have eluded alternative traditions. The Ethics of Liberty authoritatively established the anarcho-capitalist economic system as the most viable and the only principled option for a social order based on freedom. This edition is newly indexed and includes a new introduction that takes special note of the Robert Nozick-Rothbard controversies.

Book
01 Jan 1982
TL;DR: In this article, the authors compare the performance of political parties and the Democratic Party in the United States with respect to various dimensions of political performance, including citizen participation, participation or turmoil, and government performance.
Abstract: 1. Introduction--Democracy, Parties, and Performance The Contemporary Democracies Political Parties and the Democratic Order Standards of Political Performance 2. Political Performance--The Initial Comparison Citizen Voting Participation Stable and Effective Government Maintaining Political Order Compatibility of the Performance Dimensions 3. The Social and Economic Environment Population Size Modernization and Economic Development Social Cleavages Economic Divisions A Brief Multivariate Consideration 4. The Constitutional Setting Constitutional Design Constitutional Design and Political Performance Constitution and Culture Socioeconomic and Constitutional Effects 5. Party Systems and Election Outcomes Attributes of Party Systems Fractionalization Parties and Social Groups Extremist Parties Volatility of Party Strength Party-System Dynamics Party Systems and Democratic Performance 6. Citizen Involvement I Participation or Turmoil Getting Citizens to the Polls A Causal Model of Voting Participation Turmoil and Its Containment 7. Government Performance / Executive Stability Parliamentary Systems: Government Formation Parliamentary Systems: Durability of Governments Presidential Government 8. Managing Violence and Sustaining Democracy Elite Bases of Deadly Violence Organized Violence: Strategic Objectives and Consequences How Democracies Are Replaced: Military and Executive Coups 9. Democratic Performance--Liberty, Competition, Responsiveness Civil Liberties Political Competition Policy Responsiveness 10. Conclusion--Constraint and Creativity in Democracies Relationships among the Dimensions of Performance Executive Control and Economic Manipulation Institutionalizing Compromise: Consociational Practices Requirements for Performance and Survival Comparative Analysis: Limits and Directions Appendix Notes Index

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors focus on the roots of rock music and the everchanging components of the modern record-making process, by analyzing both the possibilities and the limits of regulating leisure in a capitalist society.
Abstract: After tracing the evolution of pop music, the book focuses on the roots of rock music and the everchanging components of the modern record making process. By analyzing both the possibilities and the limits of regulating leisure in a capitalist society, the article challenges the prevailing view that media conglomorates' efforts to channel and control their markets have succeeded in turning rock into another plastic readymade product. It is suggested that, in the end, the unpredictable and uncontrollable contradictions peculiar to rock music audiences, both resist and support the system and Other CABI sites 


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, the significance of historical events changes from one generation to the next according to a changing infrastructure of societal problems and needs, and the bearing of these findings on different theories of collective memory is discussed.
Abstract: Using as data the events and persons commemorated in the United States Capitol, this inquiry demonstrates how the significance of historical events changes from one generation to the next according to a changing infrastructure of societal problems and needs. Before the Civil War, two historical periods, colonization and revolution, produced the only events and heroes on whose commemoration a deeply divided Congress could agree. Once the unity of the nation was brought about by force of arms, the pattern of commemoration changed. Belated recognition was given to the events and heroes of the postrevolutionary period and to outstanding regional, as opposed to national, figures. The commemoration of office incumbency was superimposed on that of extraordinary military and political achievement, thus celebrating the stable institutional structures into which the charisma of the nation's founders finally became routinized. These and other changes in the Capitol's commemorative symbolism reflect the Civil War's solution to the antebellum problems of integration and pattern maintenance. The bearing of these findings on different theories of collective memory is discussed.

Book
01 Jan 1982
TL;DR: The anti-social family as mentioned in this paper explores the personal and social needs that the family promises to meet but more often denies, and proposes moral and political practices that go beyond the family to more egalitarian caring alternatives.
Abstract: Although family values are frequently lamented for being in decline, our society continues to be structured around the nuclear family. "The Anti-Social Family" dissects the network of household, kinship and sexual relations that constitute the family form in advanced capitalist societies. This classic work explores the personal and social needs that the family promises to meet but more often denies, and proposes moral and political practices that go beyond the family to more egalitarian caring alternatives.

BookDOI
TL;DR: In this article, a comparative and historical study of Western welfare states is presented, covering a time span from the initiation of modern national social policies at the end of the nineteenth century to the present.
Abstract: This volume seeks to contribute to an interdisci-plinary, comparative, and historical study of Western welfare states. It attempts to link their historical dynamics and contemporary problems in an international perspective. Building on collaboration between European-and American-based research groups, the editors have coordinated contributions by economists, political scientists, sociologists, and historians. The developments they analyze cover a time span from the initiation of modern national social policies at the end of the nineteenth century to the present. The experiences of all the presently existing Western European systems except Spain and Por-tugal are systematically encompassed, with com-parisons developed selectively with the experi-ences of the United States and Canada. The devel-opment of the social security systems, of public expenditures!and taxation, of public education and educational opportunities, and of income inequal-ity are described, compared, and analyzed for varying groupings of the Western European and North American nations. This volume addresses itself mainly to two audi-ences. The first includes all students of policy problems of the welfare states who seek to gain a comparative perspective and historical under-standing. A second group may be more interested in the theory and empirical analysis of long-term societal developments. In this context, the growth of the welfare states ranges as a major departure, along with the development of national states and capitalist economies. The welfare state is interpreted as a general phenomenon of modernization, as a product of the increasing differentiation and the growing size of societies on the one hand, and of processes of social and political mobilization on the other. It is an important element of the structural convergence of modern societies -- by its mere weight in all countries -- and at the same time a source of divergence by the variations within its institutional structure.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, the usefulness of the concept of regimes is questioned on the grounds that it is a fad; ambiguous and imprecise; value-biased towards order rather than change or equity; essentially static in its interpretation of the kaleidoscopic reality of international cooperation and conflict; and rooted in a limiting, state-centric paradigm.
Abstract: This article questions the usefulness of the concept of regimes on the grounds that it is a fad; ambiguous and imprecise; value-biased towards order rather than change or equity; essentially static in its interpretation of the kaleidoscopic reality of international cooperation and conflict; and, finally, rooted in a limiting, state-centric paradigm. Each of these objections represents a dragon that unwary young scholars should be warned to avoid—or at least to treat with caution. On the grounds that those who look for a tidy general theory encompassing all the variety of forces shaping world politics are chasing a will o' the wisp, the article suggests as an alternative that we should pay attention to the overlapping bargaining processes, economic and political, domestic as well as international, by which the outcomes of the interaction of states, of authorities with markets and their operators, and of political institutions and economic enterprises, determine between them the "who-gets-what" of the international political economy.

Book
01 Jan 1982
TL;DR: In this article, the authors focus on the political factor as an important cause of Africa's economic ills and analyze the social conditions impelling political adaptation and the consequences of personal rule for economic life, and surveys creative responses to the predicament African people now face.
Abstract: African states are not, in any real sense, capitalist states. Elsewhere, the state has played a crucial role in facilitating capitalist expansion, but in postcolonial Africa one finds a form of neopatrimonialism - personal rule - that introduces a variety of economic irrationalities. Productive economic activities are impeded by the political instability, systemic corruption and maladminstration associated with personal rule. In extreme cases, a downward spiral of political-economic decline is set in motion that is difficult to halt and reverse. Is personal rule simply a euphemism for ineptitude and mismanagement? The authors argue that it is not; it operates according to a particular political rationality that shapes a ruler's actions when, in the absence of legitimate authority, he is confronted with the challenge of governing an unintegrated peasant society. Neopatrimonialism is essentially an adaptation of colonial-inspired political institutions to peculiar historical and social conditions. This book focuses on the political factor as an important cause of Africa's economic ills. It analyses the social conditions impelling political adaptation and the consequences of personal rule for economic life, and surveys creative responses to the predicament African people now face.

Posted Content
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors examine a number of fisheries, but focus on the Texas shrimp industry, which is one of the nation's most valuable fisheries for a single species and which shares the common property characteristics observed elsewhere.
Abstract: The inefficiencies of common property fisheries are of continuing concern to economists' The early work by Scott Gordon (1954) and Anthony Scott (1955) outlined the problem and later studies by James Crutchfield and Giulio Pontecorvo (1969) and Frederick Bell (1972) provided empirical estimates of the losses that result Those studies were followed by the dynamic models of Colin Clark (1976), and James Quirk and Vernon Smith (1970) of optimal harvest rates and the use of corrective taxes or quotas to achieve them But in spite of a large and growing literature and the persuasiveness of the outlined efficiency criteria, most fisheries retain common property aspects with overcapitalization and excessive labor input Why those conditions persist and the failure of the regulatory response to them are the issues addressed in this paper We examine a number of fisheries, but focus on the Texas shrimp industry, which is one of the nation's most valuable fisheries for a single species and which shares the common property characteristics observed elsewhere It is considered overcapitalized and catch per unit of effort is falling2 Examination of the fishery reveals the many margins along which rent dissipation occurs and the nature of the regulations necessary for controlling fishing effort to avoid those losses The regulatory environment in Texas is complicated by conflict within the fishery between inshore and offshore fishermen The latter assert that bay shrimping reduces the number of shrimp that successfully migrate to the Gulf The inshore fishery is highlighted by another issue-the recent resettlement of some 30-45,000 Vietnamese refugees, including many fishermen, along the Texas Coast (Marine Advisory Service, Paul Starr) Their entry has been met by hostility and violence from existing shrimpers who recognize that they are in an environment characterized by the absence of property rights Bay shrimpers have lobbied the Texas Legislature for broad limits on new entrants Yet, ironically, the sale of additional boats by individual shrimpers to the Vietnamese has facilitated entry of the refugees into the fishery Regulations in the Texas shrimp and other fisheries are incomplete, leaving many options for rent dissipation uncontrolled, because of high contracting costs among fishermen and political factors that mold government actions Contracting costs are high among heterogeneous fishermen, who vary principally with regard to fishing skill3 *Montana State University and Texas A&M University, respectively We benefitted from comments by Terry Anderson, Raymond C Battalio, Gardner Brown, Oscar Burt, Micha Gisser, Wade Griffin, John R Moroney, Anthony D Scott, Peter Temin, and participants in workshops at Texas A&M University and the University of Washington Research assistance was provided by Scott Barnhart and Phil Mizzi Funding was provided by Sea Grant, Texas A&M University 'Throughout this paper we use the terms common property and open access interchangeably Here the terms describe a situation where no property rights, group, or individual exist(s) for the resource 2Catch per unit of effort in the inshore Texas Gulf and Federal Gulf waters is presented for 1963-77 by W L Griffin, C G Tydlacka, and W E Grant They show catch per unit of effort generally falling in inshore and offshore waters While catch per unit of effort fluctuates from year to year, it falls from approximately 360 kg shrimp per unit of effort to 220 kg from 1963 to 1977 The common property nature of the fishery is reflected in the following statistics Since 1975 the number of vessels has grown by 23 percent (Nelson Swartz) For fish houses the record of entry is similar Between 1970 a d 1977, the number of firms grew from 259 to 287, though during that period, many left the industry as others entered The number of fish houses was calculated from license data supplied by the Texas Parks and Wildlife Department The record of entry by fish houses suggests that monopsony as discussed by Colin Clark and Gordon Munro is absent in the fishery 3There may be minor differences in labor-leisure choices and capital, but our statistical evidence and discussions with fishermen indicate that catch variations are largely due to skill Government regulations in the Texas bays restrict capital, and our empirical evidence shows boats to be relatively homogeneous

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors identify some of the potential answers, most of which are mutually compatible, all of which have some support in the literature, and few of which has been dealt with systematically by modern political economists.
Abstract: A paper like this does not lend itself to conclusions. The unifying theme of the paper is a question: when and why does Congress choose to modify social and/or economic behavior by establishing a regulatory agency rather than by writing a law to be enforced in the courts? This is a special case of the more general question of why politicians delegate their power to administrators. I have not sought to answer that question in any definite way; rather, I have tried to identify some of the potential answers, most of which are mutually compatible, all of which have some support in the literature, and few of which have been dealt with systematically by modern political economists. I have ignored certain answers that appear in the literature — the complexity of modern problems, the demands on legislator time, and so forth. These may have some effect on what Congress decides to delegate, but in the main I believe they are largely rationalizations which scholars are too quick to believe. Where politicians have the incentive, they manage to deal with complexity, and they find the time to do it. It is our job to identify those incentives and trace their implications for the formation of public policy in this country. Without denigrating the work that has been done, it is fair to say that our work is only beginning, despite the extravagant claims of some authors to the contrary.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, four causal models depicting pathways to political participation among young adults are evaluated; each includes civic orientations as intervening variables, and the combined model illustrates the importance of a variety of methods of political learning.
Abstract: The premise of this article is that adult participation in politics is affected by strong preadult forces in addition to the contemporaneous factors emphasized by recent studies. To test this premise, data are drawn from the 1965–1973 national socialization panel study of young Americans and their parents. Four causal models depicting pathways to participation among young adults are evaluated; each includes civic orientations as intervening variables. Three of the models assess the direct and indirect effects of parental characteristics—socioeconomic status, political activity, and civic orientations. The fourth model assesses the impact of adolescent involvement in high school activities. Taken individually, each pathway is shown to have an effect on adult participation, with parent socioeconomic status and high school activism having the most impact. When the four pathways are combined in a single model to reflect the connections among them, all remain important. The combined model illustrates the importance of a variety of methods of political learning. The combined model also demonstrates the crucial role of civic orientations in converting preadult experiences into later participation. Civic orientations are the primary carriers of preadult political learning. Overall, the results rebut the critics of socialization research who have questioned the existence of a linkage between early learning and adult political behavior.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The authors found evidence for two types of negativity effects in electoral behavior: negativity in the formation of impressions and negativity as a consequence of impressions in the 1974 and 1978 congressional elections, concluding that negative information stands out against a general positive background.
Abstract: The tendency for negative information to have more weight than equally extreme or equally likely positive information appears in a variety of cognitive processing tasks, but has rarely been documented empirically in politics. This paper provides evidence for two types of negativity effects in electoral behavior: negativity in the formation of impressions (of Humphrey and Nixon in 1968, of McGovern and Nixon in 1972, and of Carter and Reagan in 1980), and negativity as a consequence of impressions (in the 1974 and 1978 congressional elections). Both post hoc rationalization and the nonequivalence of the positive and negative information were examined and ruled out as artifactual explanations for these results. Discussion centered around two possible explanations for negativity, a cost-orientation hypothesis (which holds that people are more strongly motivated to avoid costs than to approach gains) and a figure-ground hypothesis (which holds that negative information stands out against a general positive background).

Book
01 Oct 1982
TL;DR: In this article, the authors compare the state in a global context with the State in a domestic context and propose a comparative approach to compare the two approaches in the context of politics and government.
Abstract: PART 1: FOUNDATIONS - Politics and Government - Democracy - Authoritarian Rule - The State in a Global Context - The Comparative Approach - PART 2: POLITICS AND SOCIETY - Political Culture - Political Communication - Political Participation - PART 3: LINKING SOCIETY AND GOVERNMENT - Elections and Voters - Interest Groups - Political Parties - PART 4: GOVERNMENT - Constitutions and the Legal Framework - Federal, Unitary and Local Government - Legislatures - The Political Executive - The Bureaucracy - PART 5: PUBLIC POLICY - The Policy Process

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: This paper found that belief in economic individualism leads people to accept personal responsibility for their economic conditions, which in turn eliminates any connection between personal well-being and political evaluation, and discussed the role of political culture and belief in the assessment of "self-interest" and "rationality" in political behavior.
Abstract: The nature of the relationship between personal economic well-being and political behavior has been an object of much theory and research in the social sciences. A growing number of studies of survey data have concluded, however, that there is little or no relationship in the U.S. between financial well-being and political attitudes and behavior. This paper offers an explanation for these findings based on the way people perceive the nature of their financial well-being. The analysis shows that belief in economic individualism leads people to accept personal responsibility for their economic conditions, which in turn eliminates any connection between personal well-being and political evaluation. I discuss the role of political culture and belief in the assessment of "self-interest" and "rationality" in political behavior in light of these findings.

Book
01 Jan 1982
TL;DR: In this article, the author describes and analyzes the dramatic confrontations that transformed Virginia in the second half of the eighteenth century, using the observational techniques of the cultural anthropologist.
Abstract: In this Pulitzer Prize-winning book, Rhys Isaac describes and analyzes the dramatic confrontations--primarily religious and political--that transformed Virginia in the second half of the eighteenth century. Making use of the observational techniques of the cultural anthropologist, Isaac vividly recreates and painstakingly dissects a society in the turmoil of profound inner change. |Winner of the 1983 Pulitzer Prize in History, this book recreates and analyzes the dramatic political and religious confrontations that transformed Virginia in the second half of the eighteenth-century. (Please see cloth edition published 5/82.)

Book
01 Jan 1982
TL;DR: Gathoff as discussed by the authors incorporated newly declassified secret Russian as well as American materials into his account of American-Soviet relations from 1969-1980, and examined these developments as experienced by both sides.
Abstract: In this revised edition of his well-received 1985 volume, Raymond Gathoff incorporates newly declassified secret Russian as well as American materials into his account of American-Soviet relations from 1969-1980. The book considers both the broader context of world politics and internal political considerations and developments, and examines these developments as experienced by both sides. It also recounts how differences in ideology, perceptions, aims and interests were key determinants of both US and Soviet policies.


Book
15 Dec 1982
TL;DR: Heinz and Laumann as discussed by the authors show that the legal profession is stratified primarily by the character of the clients served, not by the type of legal service rendered, and that lawyers who serve one type of client seldom serve the other.
Abstract: The legal profession has grown immensely in size, diversity, and influence but some lawyers clearly have more influence than others. What determines the systematic allocation of status, power and economic reward among lawyers? What kind of social structure organizes lawyers' roles in the bar and in the larger community? As John P. Heinz and Edward O. Laumann demonstrate, the legal profession is stratified primarily by the character of the clients served, not by the type of legal service rendered. Using data from extensive personal interviews with nearly 800 Chicago lawyers, the authors show that lawyers who serve one type of client seldom serve the other. Furthermore, lawyers' political, ethno-religious and social ties are very likely to correspond to those of their clients, and the distribution of prestige among lawyers reflects the dichotomy of client types. This volume raises questions about law and the nature of professionalism, questions addressed in the provocative and far-ranging final chapter. This work was originally published in 1983 and has been substantially revised to better serve students and laypersons alike. It offers a sophisticated and comprehensive analysis of lawyers' professional lives.