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Showing papers on "Rivalry published in 1972"


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, the analogies and contrasts between economic and political competition have been discussed, and a comparison between the two types of competition has been made in the context of economic analysis.
Abstract: Competition is a central and ubiquitous concept of economic analysis. It is much debated whether there has been a decline of competition in the market place, but assuredly no decline has taken place in its role in economic analysis.1 Although competition, and more generally rivalry no doubt has a vastly longer history in political than in economic literature, it has received more intensive theoretical and empirical analysis in economics. This paper is devoted to the analogies and contrasts between economic and political competition.

452 citations



Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: Rivalry, behavior intended to lower the outcomes of a peer, was measured by four choice conditions presented to Anglo-American and Mexican children of ages 5-6 and 8-10 indicating that for all groups rivalry was greatest when accompanied by both relative and absolute gains.
Abstract: Rivalry, behavior intended to lower the outcomes of a peer, was measured by four choice conditions presented to Anglo-American and Mexican children of ages 5-6 and 8-10. Older children were significantly more rivalrous than younger children (p4.001); Anglo-American children were significantly more rivalrous than Mexican children (p(.001); and the cultural difference tended to increase with age. The effect of conditions was significant (p4.001) indicating that for all groups rivalry was greatest when accompanied by both relative and absolute gains. The opportunity to avoid a small relative loss increased rivalry more than opportunity to accrue a small absolute gain. The development with age of greater rivalry in boys than girls was present for the Anglo-American but not Mexican

84 citations


Book
24 Feb 1972
TL;DR: The pioneers - "African for the Africans", 1857-1867 the crisis, 1868-1880 the end of an era, 1880-1890 the beginning of missionary scramble and rivalry, 1885-1898 the drive to the interior, 1900-1910 the struggle for supremacy, 1900 -1914 revolution and reaction, 1900 −1914 the evolution of secondary education, 1900 ¼ 1914 missionary penetration in the Owerri district, 1905 ¼1914
Abstract: The pioneers - "African for the Africans", 1857-1867 the crisis , 1868-1880 the end of an era, 1880-1890 the beginning of missionary scramble and rivalry, 1885-1898 the drive to the interior, 1890-1898 the pacification of Igboland, 1900-1910 the struggle for supremacy, 1900-1914 revolution and reaction, 1900-1914 the evolution of secondary education, 1900-1914 missionary penetration in the Owerri district, 1905-1914

66 citations


DOI
01 Jan 1972
TL;DR: The historian of psychology must get beneath the cultural dogmas and popular vocabulary that overlie the practical control of behavior exercised by each society in its time (Schoenfeld, 1965).
Abstract: I. THE UNDERSTANDING AND CONTROL of behavior is an ancient art and a modern science. In all ages, men have had a stake in the practical control of animals, of the people around them, and of themselves, and they have developed some pragmatically successful procedures to give them such control. The training of animals for use or for show, the education of children, the management of interpersonal relationships, and the like, all required that the factors governing behavior be rightly, even if only dimly, grasped. Sometimes, of course, the understanding did not lead to correct formulations. Verbal behavior, like any other behavior, is determined, and our society indoctrinates us with its own beliefs, frequently mythical, about how behavior control is achieved. Yet people do know to some extent how to control behavior, although in the process they may not describe well what they are doinga discrepancy that is not unknown in our own everyday lives. Always, of course, the correct behavior training procedures were the same-because they worked, and so had to be correct-but the formulations differed from place to place and from time to time, even as did the terms used to describe behavior. The historian of psychology must get beneath the cultural dogmas and popular vocabulary that overlie the practical control of behavior exercised by each society in its time (Schoenfeld, 1965). We may never quite understand the idiom in which Democritus or St. Augustine dressed their beliefs about behavior, but the only way-to try to know what they meant is to ask what the actual behavior was that interested them, and what the determiners were which they assumed to be at work. What did they observe ("dependent variables"), and what governing factors ("independent variables") did they allege? When a classical Greek looked at his fellow man's behavior, he did not see "responses" as we do. He saw social acts-combat, rivalry, prowess in sport, murder, incest, etc.-a man's life motif with its social origins and consequences. He was in that sense a dramatist by disposition, * Supported by Grants MH-12964 and MH-13049 from the National Institute of Mental Health, and by the Veterans Administration.

46 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, Beit-Hallahmi et al. investigated the conditions under which contact has taken place, and much of his summary deals with the specification of these conditions.
Abstract: The conflict between Arabs and Jews is complicated by the fact that it takes place at two distinct levels, between countries and within countries. For example relations between the two peoples in Israel are affected by the struggle between Israel and the Arab states, but should not be considered totally dependent on the outcome of that struggle. Even in the hoped-for peace, the tension between Arab and Jewish citizens is likely to continue and may even mount for a time, as the transition to a peace economy sharpens economic rivalry. A relaxation of security will encourage minority groups to voice grievances and make it more difficult for the majority to justify a reluctance to deal with them. After all intergroup conflict exists in many places throughout the world, even where the minority is in no way enemy-affiliated. Hence it is certainly not too early to focus attention on relations between Arabs and Jews in Israel. While the political and economic aspects of such relations have received some treatment (i.e., Harkabi, 1967, 1968; Jiryis, 1968; Landau, 1969), little attention has been paid to day-to-day social relations. Critical surveys are few (Peres, 1971; Rosen, 1970; Stock, 1968) and empirical studies are even fewer (Lakin, 1968; Peres and Yuval-Davis, 1969). Beit-Hallahmi (1971) has recently reviewed some available literature on sociopsychological issues in the Arab-Israeli conflict, between Israel and the Arab states and within Israel. However nothing appears to have been done about Jews in Arab countries or about their relations with Arabs. The stage is set for social relations in Israel. The steady modernization of the Arab village (Yalan et al., 1971), the integration of Arab labor and capital into the Israeli economy, the impact of a state-supervised Arab school system (Peres and Yuval-Davis, 1968), growing bilingualism in the Arab community (Hofman and Fisherman, 1971) -all these developments make for increased contact. Contact in turn mediates change in intergroup attitudes, hopefully for the better, possibly for the worse. Amir (1969), following Harding et al. (1968), but emphasizing the Israeli scene, has summarized the literature on the "contact hypothesis" in group relations and concluded that contact indeed affects attitudes. The direction of change is contingent on the conditions under which contact has taken place, and much of his summary deals with the specification of these conditions. The present study inquires into one such condition, namely the readiness to have social relations with members of the other national group. Readiness is akin to the action component of attitudes and to the social distance

41 citations




Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, the authors identify the principal phases of the cold war, view ing it as a process of conflict and competition, and delineate phases of time in which the competi tive process was dominated by a discernible pattern of relations, either on the basis of a relatively crystallized strategy and/or through more assertive behavior.
Abstract: THE dates May 22, 1947, and May 22, 1972, span exactly 25 years On May 22, 1947, President Truman signed a congressional bill committing the United States to support Greece and Turkey against Soviet designs, and the United States thereby assumed overtly the direct leadership of the West in the containment of Soviet influence Twenty-five years later to the day, another American President landed in Moscow, declaring to the Soviet leaders that "we meet at a moment when we can make peaceful cooperation a reality" Viewing the past 25 years of the cold war as a political process, this study seeks to evaluate the conduct of the two competitors and to draw some implications from the experience of a quarter? century's rivalry for the future of US-Soviet relations Its pur pose is thus neither to seek the causes of the cold war nor to assign moral or historical responsibility for it To accomplish the above, two preliminary steps must be taken The first is to identify the principal phases of the cold war, view ing it as a process of conflict and competition The purpose of the periodization is to delineate phases of time in which the competi tive process was dominated by a discernible pattern of relations; in its simplest form, this involves identifying phases in which one or the other side seemed to hold the political initiative, either on the basis of a relatively crystallized strategy and/or through more assertive behavior Second, it is necessary to focus on several dynamic components at work in the competitive process, the interaction of which shaped the relative performance of the two powers Reference will be made within the several phases of the competition to the relative international standing of the two rivals, to their relative economic power, to their relative military power, and to the relative clarity and purposefulness of national policy, including the degree of domestic support for that policy Finally, it must be acknowledged that this writer sees the cold war as more the product of lengthy and probably ineluc table historical forces and less as the result of human error and

12 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The Franco-British rivalry over Siam in the last decades of the nineteenth century was one of the most serious of the world wide colonial conflicts between the two Powers after 1875 resolved by the Entente Cordiale agreements of 1904 as mentioned in this paper.
Abstract: The Franco-British rivalry over Siam in the last decades of the nineteenth century was one of the most serious of the world wide colonial conflicts between the two Powers after 1875 resolved by the Entente Cordiale agreements of 1904. Like the other colonial conflicts along the Niger and the Nile, in Morocco and Madagascar, and over the Newfoundland fisheries, the rivalry in Siam complicated and strained Franco-British relations in the last quarter of the nineteenth century and made diplomatic cooperation in European affairs very difficult, if not at times impossible.

11 citations


Book
01 Jan 1972
TL;DR: Euripides' "The Children of Heracles" and "The Suppliant Women" as discussed by the authors use traditional legends to illustrate the futility of war and the difference between just and unjust battle.
Abstract: Written during the long battles with Sparta that were to ultimately destroy ancient Athens, these six plays by Euripides brilliantly utilize traditional legends to illustrate the futility of war. "The Children of Heracles" holds a mirror up to contemporary Athens, while "Andromache" considers the position of women in Greek wartime society. In "The Suppliant Women", the difference between just and unjust battle is explored, while "Phoenician Women" describes the brutal rivalry of the sons of King Oedipus, and the compelling "Orestes" depicts guilt caused by vengeful murder. Finally, "Iphigenia in Aulis", Euripides' last play, contemplates religious sacrifice and the insanity of war. Together, the plays offer a moral and political statement that is at once unique to the ancient world, and prophetically relevant to our own.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In the Arab-Israel zone, the Soviet presence has grown, notably in the past fifteen years, through oppor tunistic diplomacy, the deployment of military and especially naval power, and the expansion of influence in certain states through arms deliveries, economic aid, and political support as discussed by the authors.
Abstract: No unchanging aim or strategy ordained by geography or ideology provides a full explanation of the course of Soviet policy in the Middle East. The Soviet presence has grown, notably in the past fifteen years, through oppor tunistic diplomacy, the deployment of military and especially naval power, and the expansion of influence in certain states through arms deliveries, economic aid, and political support. In general, the Soviet leaders have been successful in making their country a Middle East power, at the expense of positions previously held by Western powers. In the Northern Tier it has gained by normalizing its relations with Turkey and Iran. In the Arab-Israel zone it has established preponderant influence in a number of Arab states, taking advantage of the Arab-Israeli conflict and of inter-Arab disputes. While Soviet-American rivalry in the region could lead to armed conflict, the greater likelihood is prolonged political competi tion. From that standpoint the Soviets may encounter many obstacles, ...

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: Male and female college students reported changes for 5 min while observing rivalry or pseudo rivalry (sequences of rivalrylike stimulus changes) with or without fragmentations, under rapid- rate, natural-rate, or slow-rate instructions.
Abstract: Male and female college students reported changes for 5 min while observing rivalry or pseudo rivalry (sequences of rivalrylike stimulus changes) with or without fragmentations, under rapid-rate, natural-rate, or slow-rate instructions; firstand second-grade girls had only natural-rate instructions. Differences in rivalry rates were not related to response mechanisms and may be presumed to reflect perceptual differences. Age, sex, instruction, and temporal variables affected rivalry independently.


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The reports of 3 Ss observing the binocular rivalry of 3.9° light contours were examined to determine whether or not patterns of rivalry changes were random.
Abstract: The reports of 3 Ss observing the binocular rivalry of 3.9° light contours were examined to determine whether or not patterns of rivalry changes were random. Sequential dependencies were identified...

Journal Article
TL;DR: Fernandez et al. as discussed by the authors found that the mother-son relationship was the most important dyadic relationship among the Zulu, Fang, and Fante peoples, while Edgerton in his study of four East African groups concluded that it was difficult to distinguish between the father-son and brother-brother axes as dominant, hence impossible to use this approach to explain the cultural content of relationships.
Abstract: In this paper I wish to examine one aspect of the nexus between cultural content and social structure. Hsu has recently advanced the theory that many social systems have a key dyadic relationship with certain "dominant attributes" which affect all other relationships in the society (1965; 1971: 3-29). He suggests for African societies a brother-brother dominance hypothesis with attributes of discontinuity, inclusiveness, equality, and rivalry. Several Africanists have found difficulty in applying this hypothesis. Fernandez, for example, found the mother-son relationship to be most important amongst the Zulu, Fang, and Fante peoples, while Edgerton in his study of four East African groups concluded that it was difficult to distinguish between the father-son and brother-brother axes as dominant, hence impossible to use this approach to explain the cultural content of relationships. Moreover, Edgerton along with Kopytoff in his analysis of dyads among the Suku of the Congo were both more impressed with non-kinship attribute determinants. For the former it was the desire for wealth, while Kopytoff found the lineage rather than the dyad setting the pattern of content for all relationships (1971: 333; 78). These three attempts to test the applicability of Hsu's hypothesis to African societies have generated three strands of thought leading to the development of this paper. First there is Kopytoff's hypothesis that the concept of dominant attributes of kinship applies only to the realm of emotional affect, but the importance as well as intensity of dyadic interaction is in the jurai sphere and varies with social context (1971: 79). Fernandez provides a key idea in his suggestion that dominant traits change during the life cycle of the individual and may vary on a situational basis (1971: 356, 362). For example, among the Zulu he found that though the mother-son dyad tended to prevail in most situations, when his respondents were asked questions pertaining to what it takes to become a success in life response frequencies shifted in favor of the father-son relationship. The third influence has to do with the possi-


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, a study of Congress factionalism in a western Indian state (Maharashtra), it was noted that the pattern of political rivalry appeared to be paralleled by an economic conflict between private economic interests, based largely in the urban areas of Maharashtra (specifically, the BombayPoona industrial complex), and certain agriculturally based economic groups situated in the rural areas of the state.
Abstract: There is some evidence to indicate that the factional behavior of political actors in India today corresponds, on the whole, with rational (or calculable) economic interests which may be their own and/or those of their sponsors.1 It is necessary to stress this in view of the oft-repeated assertions that the Indian political equation can be defined largely in terms of ascriptive or personal loyalties or other emotional factors which do not lend themselves to a logical solution. In a study of Congress factionalism in a western Indian state (Maharashtra), it was noted that the pattern of political rivalry appeared to be paralleled by an economic conflict between private economic interests, based largely in the urban areas of Maharashtra (specifically, the BombayPoona industrial complex), and certain agriculturally based economic groups situated in the rural areas of the state. It is clear that, in a conflict of this kind, there must exist a common object of contention as well as an arena where the rival parties engage each other. The larger political sphere, by far, in each of the several states is rural in nature. Hence, our attention in this instance turns to rural Maharashtra. It may be noted parenthetically that among the more important national leaders of India today is Y. B. Chavan, India's home minister and reportedly a supporter of Prime Minister Indira Gandhi in the current political conflict which has divided the top-level leadership of the Congress party of India. Therefore, we may be especially concerned to examine the

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The Russian American Company, confronted with the problem of declining profits, secured from Tsar Alexander I the famous ukase which interdicted foreign trade in Alaska and asserted extravagant claims of territorial and maritime jurisdiction as mentioned in this paper.
Abstract: ON SEPTEMBER 16 (N.S.), 1821, the Russian-American Company, confronted with the problem of declining profits, secured from Tsar Alexander I the famous ukase which interdicted foreign trade in Alaska and asserted extravagant claims of territorial and maritime jurisdiction. Britain and the United States immediately challenged this decree and demanded that the St. Petersburg cabinet issue a public renunciation. Since the Russian interdiction affected the territorial and commercial claims of both nations, Secretary of State John Quincy Adams proposed that the Washington and London governments cooperate in settling what became known as the "Northwestern Question," but their rivalry doomed this project.'

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The Merchant of Venice as mentioned in this paper is a classic example of a play where Shylock is a Jew and the play is insistent on the relation between his Jewishness and his human inadequacy.
Abstract: LTHOUGH some recent criticism of the play has been acute and responsive, modern criticism as a whole seems ill at ease with The Merchant of Venice. This disquietude has, no doubt, a number of sources. The cultural milieu of twentiethcentury academic criticism and the influence of nineteenthcentury romantic interpretation make their contribution. We are sufficiently far removed from romantic identification with Shylock's agony to see in him a portrait of human inadequacy resulting from a failure of imagination and a fatal reliance upon a narrowly conceived justice. His rejection of Portia's plea, as E. M. W. Tillyard perceptively remarks, arises not from his determination to prove a villain but from the absence in him of any imaginative insight into her meaning.1 He does not, like Angelo, see the better but pursue the worse. By his own lights, he is in the right, and it is for the inadequacy of his rigid imagination that he is held up to ridicule as well as by means of it that he is ensnared in his own device. He is punished for what he is rather than for what he has done. Still, the limitations of his imagination, his joy in power, his restrictive sense of justice are dramatically realized in terms of his Old Testament legalism. It is inconvenient for us, but inescapable if we are to deal seriously with the play, that Shylock is a Jew and that the play is insistent on the relation between his Jewishness and his human inadequacy. That the Devil would have to turn Jew for there to be another Jew such as Shylock does not alter this. The play clearly assumes that Shylock's hatred of Antonio "for he is a Christian" requires no explanation and adds natural fuel to their financial rivalry. But Shylock's Jewishness would not in itself discomfort us, I think, were the play not experimental or if the experiment were dramatically more fully realized. The Merchant of Venice moves away from the romantic conventionality of plays such as A Midsummer Night's Dream, Twelfth Night, or As You Like It, and toward the exploration of far-reaching moral and social issues characteristic of such plays as Troilus and Cressida and Measure for Measure. It raises major problems-the nature of human sympathy, the right use of riches, the relative claims of justice and mercy-without exploring them in the full manner of the later plays. The themes dominate the plot without trans-