Showing papers on "Rivalry published in 1977"

Migration, culture and mental health.

Abstract: The former belief that immigrants always suffer from an excess of mental disorder is no longer valid, and the old rivalry between social selection and social causation hypotheses has lost much of its relevance. The mental health of a migrant group is determined by factors relating to the society of origin, factors relating to the migration itself, and factors operating in the society of resettlement; and all three sets need to be considered if one seeks to reduce or merely to understand the level of mental disorder in any immigrant group. Illustrations from each set of factors are presented, with indications of whether they appear to have general relevance or be related to specific mental disorders.

Development of Prosocial and Competitive Behaviors in Anglo-American and Mexican-American Children

Abstract: KNIGHT, GEORGE P., and KAGAN, SPENCER. Development of Prosocial and Competitive Behaviors in Anglo-American and Mexican-American Children. CHILD DEVELOPMENT, 1977, 48, 1385-1394. A novel behavioral choice card designed to distinguish 4 social behaviors (altruism/group enhancement, equality, superiority, and rivalry/superiority) was administered to 5-6and 7-9year-old children from 3 populations: upper-middle-SES Anglo-American; lower-SES AngloAmerican; and lower-SES Mexican-American. Comparison of the 2 lower SES groups revealed an ethnic difference in the development of social behaviors: with age, Mexican-American children tended to be somewhat more prosocial in contrast to Anglo-American children who were increasingly competitive. Comparison of the 2 Anglo-American groups indicated lower-SES children make more prosocial choices than upper-middle-SES children. Boys made significantly more rivalry/superiority and fewer equality choices than girls across both ages in all populations and conditions. Behavior was generally consistent across conditions which varied the presence and activity level of the peer. Further, superiority and equality appeared to be strong social motives, rivalry and altruism appeared to be intermediate in strength, and group enhancement was a very weak motive.

Decade of Decisions: American Policy Toward the Arab-Israeli Conflict, 1967-1976

Abstract: Strong presidential leadership is vital, William Quandt contends, if the United States is to play a constructive role in resolving the Arab-Israeli conflict. Professor Quandt, who has served as Office Director for Middle Eastern Affairs on the National Security Council staff since January 1977, believes that the role of the president and his closest advisers is especially crucial during crises, when domestic and bureaucratic constraints are less confining. In analyzing American policy toward the Arab-Israeli conflict from 1967 to 1976, he therefore devotes special attention to the psychology of presidential decision making. Quandt comments that "too often in the past, it has taken a major crisis to engage the attention of the president; and too often, the policies set in times of crisis have persisted well beyond their usefulness" (p. 288). Presidents accorded secondary priority to the Middle East during the Vietnam era, and when Arab-Israeli wars erupted in 1967 and 1973, their prime concern was the possibility of superpower confrontation. Prior to the June 1967 war, President Johnson was reluctant to "unleash" the Israelis because "the normally pro-Israeli Congress was in a hesitant frame of mind" (p. 70). American policy during the October 1973 war was not affected by President Nixon's distraction with Watergate, because Secretary of State Kissinger acted effectively as "an extension of the president" (p. 204). Kissinger's later "step-by-step" diplomacy may, however, have been deprived of a coherent sense of purpose because of Nixon's weakening authority and the ineffectual leadership of President Ford. Decade of Decisions offers a penetrating commentary on American foreign policy making, and Quandt's presentation is lucid and well documented. Some of the author's most revealing insights must be extracted from lengthy descriptive passages, however, because of the detailed, chronological recounting of key episodes. Professor Quandt asserts that because of diverse concerns in the Middle East-Soviet-American rivalry, a commitment to Israel, and oil-the United States "cannot hope to find a single policy that maximizes all three sets of interests" (p. 14). Vacillation is especially intense in noncrisis periods, and the traditional bureaucratic rivalry between the State Department and the White House generated much inconsistency in policy between 1967 and 1973. Ultimately, however, "Nixon and Kissinger succeeded in undermining State Department initiatives and in gaining virtually complete control over policy toward the Middle East" (p. 128). In Quandt's view, Henry Kissinger "will undoubtedly be regarded as one of the most powerful and most successful of American statesmen in the postwar era" (p. 285). Kissinger skillfully engineered a ceasefire accord in 1973 at "the moment when all parties could still emerge from the conflict with their vital interests and self-esteem intact" (p. 187), taking pride in "the best-run crisis ever" (p. 191). The disengagement accords that he negotiated between Israel and its Egyptian and Syrian neighbors, although modest in scope, "strained their political systems almost to the breaking point" (p. 250), and Quandt argues that more comprehensive agreements simply could not have been achieved at the time. The October War marked a turning point in American policy, although it would be simplistic and inaccurate to assert that the United States shifted from a pro-Israel to a pro-

The Effect of Technological Environment and Product Rivalry on R&D Effort and Licensing of Inventions

Abstract: JN the literature on the macroeconomic aspects of R&D and technical change, several authors have emphasized the importance of technological opportunity as an influence on firms' innovative efforts. Phillips (1966, 1971) has been the leading proponent of a view that exogenous scientific progress is the key determinant of an industry's innovative effort and progressiveness. Scherer (1965) and Comanor (1967) have also used the concept of technological opportunity in their empirical work. The common empirical finding of these three authors is that their measures of technological opportunity exerted a strong positive influence on firms' and industries' R&D efforts. The present paper represents an effort both to extend the knowledge of the influence of opportunity on R&D and also to examine the relation among technological opportunity, R&D effort, and licensing of inventions. A license grants either the legal rights to, or the knowledge of, an invention' to the licensee and may require royalty payments in return. Licensing is a potentially important means of transferring technology2 and is also a strategic variable where firms are engaged in product rivalry based on the physical characteristics of their products. The emphasis of this paper is both conceptual and empirical. The first section below describes a framework for viewing the influence of technological environment on R&D effort and licensing. It is argued that there are two important dimensions of what other authors have referred to as technological opportunity. The second section then tests the implications of the conceptual arguments. Testing of these implications uses new data, collected for this study, on firms' R&D spending and license payments.

On the Structure and Stability of Political Markets

Abstract: This paper considers an organizational aspect of the market in which votes are exchanged for public-policy outcomes. Specifically, the effect on the stability and behavior of politicians of assigning the demanders of political products (i.e., voters) to geographic areas is addressed. Implications concerning the locational division of the "buyers" of political outcomes for collusive efforts by existing officeholders to restrict entry are drawn and tested empirically. The results indicate in effect that the institutional structure of political markets is an important aspect of the degree of rivalry among existing politicians and hence the extent of entry by nonincumbent candidates.

Southeast Asia And China: The End Of Containment

Abstract: Since the end of the war in Vietnam and the withdrawal of the American presence there, a marked realignment of power has taken place in Southeast Asia. The old rivalry between China and the United States has become a relationship of cautious rapprochement, while Sino-Soviet competition has been intensified by China's fear that the USSR will move to fill the power vacuum created by the U.S. departure. The United States no longer perceives a friendly Sino-Southeast Asian relationship to be as much of a danger to its security interests as it once did, but how that relationship develops remains of considerable importance to this country. In this book, Edwin Martin examines some of the principal factors in China's current relations with the Southeast Asian countries— China's domestic policies, Peking-oriented insurgency in Southeast Asian countries, the Overseas Chinese, trade considerations, the policies of third powers—and concludes that the newly emergent nationalism in Southeast Asia,coupled with Sino-Soviet rivalry, indeed diminishes the threat posed by a Communist Indochina and calls for a U.S. policy of encouraging stable relations in the area, both among the countries themselves and between them and the PRC. He asserts that a four-way balance of power— involving the United States, the USSR, the PRC, and Japan—will prevent a power vacuum in the area and will allow the Southeast Asian countries to develop their own strengths, both political and economic. It is thus to the advantage of the United States to encourage all steps toward regional cooperation; U.S. policy, Professor Martin concludes, should neither abandon Southeast Asia, nor attempt to dictate to it.

Some Policy Consequences of the Long Revolution and B,factional Rivalry in Louisiana

Abstract: This article develops and tests propositions about the relationship between certain aspects of political competition and public policy in the American states. Although much of the previous state politics literature has produced mixed results in testing some hypotheses derived from the writings of V. 0. Key, this article demonstrates that the cases of Louisiana and Virginia offer a qualifled confirmation of much of Key's work. The findings presented in this paper suggest that research directed at the analysis of interstate variation in public policy should not be focused on the closeness of electoral competition per se; rather, it should seek to analyze if, and how, political competition is organized along lines of socio-economic cleavage. Most studies of the relationship between party politics and public policy in the American states focus on the closeness of elections and sharing of power in competitive party situations. One possibility generally unexplored is that other dimensions of electoral competition and organization may be more important for policy change than the closeness of inter-party competition. In addition, the literature on inter-party competition normally overlooks the potential relationship between public policy and forms of electoral competition other than that between parties. Tlhis article examines the relationship between public policy and the nature of competitive rivalry in the electoral process. In particular, it explores the consequences of bifactional rivalry for several kinds of expenditure policy in Louisiana. The analysis is concerned not only with the existence of organized competition in a one-party setting, but also with differences in the electoral bases of support, rhetoric, and policy orientations of competing factions. The following description of Louisiana's political system draws upon the work of several scholars who have described and analyzed Huey Long's rise to power and the subsequent bifactional organization of politics in Louisiana

The Relationship of Strategic and Theater Nuclear Forces

Abstract: Five aspects of the relationship of strategic and theater nuclear forces are addressed in this essay, as well as some of the early policy discussions that surrounded the development of these forces. The first aspect concerns the notion that, in this relationship, the balance at each significant level of potential violence-or of deterrence-affects and is affected by the balance at higher and lower levels. Implicit in that notion is the idea of a hierarchy of potential levels of violence. I suggest that at least ten and perhaps eleven levels can usefully be distinguished and that the relationship between strategic and theater nuclear capabilities involves the interaction among at least five of these levels. Second, at each interface between levels, at least four questions arise: 1) What would be the probable military outcome of combat at that level? 2) What would be the degree of collateral destruction implicit in combat at that level, including the social and political destruction to each side? 3) What is the likelihood that either side would initiate or be deterred from initiating combat at this or higher or lower levels of combat? 4) What is the degree of clarity or ambiguity of the cut-off line between one level and the next? A third aspect of the relationship requires the recollection of some of the turning points in American thought about the interface between strategic and theater nuclear conflict. Fourth is a discussion of strategic rivalry and the potential use of nuclear force, at the relative force levels of deterrence, as I believe the situation is likely to evolve during the next few years. Finally, there is comment on how we might approach the problem and what we should do about it.

The Washington Conference of 1921-1922: A New Look

Abstract: past stressed the interplay of three factors--the tensions created by the naval rivalry among England, Japan, and the United States; the Japanese threat to the Open Door in China; and domestic political pressures. Ignoring the full implications of Charles Beard's dictum that foreign policy represents the outward thrust of domestic economic forces, most historians have failed to understand the relationship between the depression of 1920-1921, the Warren Harding administration's most immediate and pressing domestic problem, and the Washington Conference, its foremost venture in international diplomacy.' Yet such a link did exist. Secretary of Commerce

Leadership and Power in the Chinese Community of Singapore during the 1930s

Abstract: The 1930s was a unique, exciting, explosive and highly politicised decade for the Chinese in Singapore and Malaya due to the blossoming forth of Chinese nationalism aimed at China's national salvation in the wake of the Japanese invasion. This China-oriented nationalism took various forms. There was a boycott movement against Japanese goods; there were public and political rallies, cultural variety shows, and propaganda in the press and the schools, stirring up national feelings. There were campaigns for the return of skilled and professional Chinese in serving the Kuomintang (KMT) Government at Chungking, and for relief funds and funds for strengthening China's war footing. Undoubtedly, the Chinese nationalism that began in 1928 was a mass movement, and at its height in 1938 and 1939, the movement involved some 300,000 Chinese in Singapore for national salvation work, or 50 per cent of the total Chinese population on the island. It was during this politically volatile decade that various socio-enonomic forces within the Chinese community surfaced or re-surfaced in the bid for leadership. It also saw the rise, consolidation, collaboration and rivalry of various emergent elites and counter-elites in a rather restricted political arena, sensitively guarded and regulated by the British authorities. It is the concern of this paper to identify the nature and composition of various contending elites and counter-elites, to examine their roles in the national salvation movement and, finally, to analyse why a non-partisan elite headed by Tan Kah Kee ( 1874–1961) was able to capture and maintain the leadership during the period under examination.

Legislatures and Divided Societies: The Malaysian Parliament and Multi-Ethnicity

Abstract: The applicability of the consociational democracy model to ethnically-divided Malaysia is examined by an analysis of the backgrounds, attitudes, and behavior of a sample of Members of Parliament. Though there is an irreducible minimum of intercommunal conflict in Malaysia, many important issues are found to cross communal boundaries. Interelite bargaining among communal parties, characteristic of consociational democracy, is increasingly challenged by intracommunal party rivalry which frequently centers on development policies. Parliament provides a forum for this challenge through electoral competition and the constituency linkage activities of MPs.

Autobiography as the Presentation of Self for Social Immortality

Abstract: HERE IS A SUPERFICIAL contradiction between sociology and autobiography. The former represents a description of interactions, whereas the latter is a self-definition of actions. But, as Florian Znaniecki long ago pointed out, there is a "humanistic coefficient" between actions and interactions which in its own way legitimates the autobiographical performance. "The action of speaking a sentence, writing a poem, making a horseshoe, depositing money, proposing to a girl, electing an official, performing a religious rite, is empirical datum if it is in the experience of the speaker and his listeners, the poet and his readers, the blacksmith and the owner of the horse to be shod, the depositor and the banker, the proposing suitor and the courted girl, the voters and the official whom they elect, the religious believers who participate in the ritual."' Given the concerns of New Literary History, it is understandable that a considerable number of the papers in this special issue on "Self-Confrontation and Social Vision" would emphasize the quality of autobiographical performance. It is therefore warranted in these remarks to emphasize the strategic nature of autobiography. In this sense, we move from autobiography as a literary event to autobiography as a social injunction: a tactic for making people take seriously the words and deeds of their leaders, an arresting presentation of self, what Erving Goffman properly calls a "performance," for the purpose of giving instruction to others.2 Autobiography in this way provides a role model for the behavior of others and, at the same time, reveals one either to be an exemplar of moral behavior to be emulated or, the reverse, an exemplar of immoral behavior and hence of pitfalls to avoid in one's own life. William I. Thomas, in his underground classic, The Unadjusted Girl, appreciated the extent to which there is always rivalry between spontaneous definitions of a situation made by members of organized society and the definitions which that society has provided.3 The task of the autobiographer, whether consciously or otherwise, is to interpret to society how one should conduct the "good" and avoid the "bad" influences of that society. John Sturrock, in his paper on "The

The study of the Arab-Israeli conflict

Abstract: A Head-on collision between two national movements; a clash between Western and Oriental cultures; disputes over territories, borders, maritime rights, property and refugees; intense mutual suspicion engendered by a long and tortuous history of strife; highly distorted images of the adversary; a chronically unstable pattern of regional politics; the intrusion of Great Power rivalry and a spiralling arms race: these are only some of the ingredients which account for the complexity and uniqueness of the Arab-Israeli conflict and make the Middle East the most volatile and explosive sub-system of the international political system. Here, in Michael Howard's phrase, is a “hell-brew to end all hell-brews”. The problem is a political scientist's paradise; a statesman's nightmare; and, for the military specialist, a matter for grisly, but absorbing concern.

France, Great Britain, and the Repression of the Slave Trade, 1841-1845

Abstract: Modern historians generally agree that during the so-called "entente cordiale" of the early 1840s Anglo-French relations were anything but cordial. Despite the mutual desire of Lord Aberdeen in England and Fran(ois Guizot in France to realize a friendly understanding after the Eastern crisis of 1840, relations between the Tory government and the Soult-Guizot ministry were raked by a series of trials and tribulations, such as those arising from the Pritchard affair, the proposed Franco-Belgian customs union, and FrancoBritish rivalry in Spain. The nature of these disputes and their role in undermining the Anglo-French rapprochement between 1841 and 1846 have been thoroughly examined by historians.1 Relatively little is known, however, about another affair which also affected relations between France and Great Britain in the early 1840s. From 1841 to 1845 a disagreement over measures necessary to suppress the transatlantic slave trade, the "right of search" question, tended to divide not only the two governments but the two peoples.2 A detailed study of the right of search controversy clearly indicates the

Review: English Merchant Shipping and Anglo-Dutch Rivalry in the Seventeenth CenturyENGLISH MERCHANT SHIPPING AND ANGLO-DUTCH RIVALRY IN THE SEVENTEENTH CENTURY. By DavisRalph. (National Maritime Museum: Her Majesty's Stationery Office, 1975. 36 pp. Illustrated. £1·25.)

Abstract: as to his assessment of this crucial battle between railways, traders, and government. He is particularly critical of the 'demand ... for fresh legislation in a spirit apparently hostile to railway companies, although mistakenly supposed to be in the interest of the general public' (p. 283), and presents a cost-benefit calculation justifying the continuance of private ownership (pp. 289-92). Nevertheless, this remains above all a book written for the general reader of the day. Its historical significance lies in its reflection of an 'official' executive position at a time when the railways were smarting from the challenge of 'public service' constraints imposed by government.

The Middle Parts of Fortune: Somme and Ancre, 1916

Abstract: A moving, raw and powerful novel about fighting on the front - "The finest and noblest book of men in war that I have ever read". (Ernest Hemingway). Bourne is a private fighting on the front. He is under pressure to accept a commission and become an officer, but he prefers to be among the ranks, drawn into the universal struggle for survival in a world gone mad. Manning's startling work is unlike any other First World War novel in its portrayal of the lives of ordinary British soldiers: the trauma of the Somme; the moments of bloodlust; the camaraderie, rivalry, alcohol and boredom. Considered obscene for its language and previously published in censored form as Her Privates We, The Middle Parts of Fortune appears here in its raw, unexpurgated version.