This chapter presents an outline of a theory of intergroup conflict and some preliminary data relating to the theory. Much of the work on the social psychology of intergroup relations has focused on patterns of individual prejudices and discrimination and on the motivational sequences of interpersonal interaction. The intensity of explicit intergroup conflicts of interests is closely related in human cultures to the degree of opprobrium attached to the notion of "renegade" or "traitor." The basic and highly reliable finding is that the trivial, ad hoc intergroup categorization leads to in-group favoritism and discrimination against the out-group. Many orthodox definitions of "social groups" are unduly restrictive when applied to the context of intergroup relations. The equation of social competition and intergroup conflict rests on the assumptions concerning an "ideal type" of social stratification in which the salient dimensions of intergroup differentiation are those involving scarce resources.

The social identity theory of intergroup behavior

Thank you for downloading using multivariate statistics. As you may know, people have look hundreds times for their favorite novels like this using multivariate statistics, but end up in infectious downloads. Rather than reading a good book with a cup of tea in the afternoon, instead they juggled with some harmful bugs inside their laptop. using multivariate statistics is available in our digital library an online access to it is set as public so you can download it instantly. Our books collection saves in multiple locations, allowing you to get the most less latency time to download any of our books like this one. Merely said, the using multivariate statistics is universally compatible with any devices to read.

Using Multivariate Statistics

Basics of qualitative research: Grounded theory procedures and techniques

INDIVIDUAL PROCESSES IN INTERGROUP BEHAVIOR 3 From Individual to Group Impressions 3 GROUP MEMBERSHIP AND INTERGROUP BEHAVIOR 7 The Scope and Range of Ethnocentrism 8 The Development of Ethnocentrism 9 Intergroup Conflict and Competition 12 Interpersonal and intergroup behavior 13 Intergroup conflict and group cohesion 15 Power and status in intergroup behavior 16 Social Categorization a d Intergroup Behavior 20 Social categorization: cognitions, values, and groups 20 Social categorization a d intergroup discrimination 23 Social identity and social comparison 24 THE REDUCTION FINTERGROUP DISCRIMINATION 27 Intergroup Cooperation and Superordinate Goals " 28 Intergroup Contact. 28 Multigroup Membership and "lndividualizat~’on" of the Outgroup 29 SUMMARY 30

Social Psychology of Intergroup Relations

Stereotype research emphasizes systematic processes over seemingly arbitrary contents, but content also may prove systematic. On the basis of stereotypes' intergroup functions, the stereotype content model hypothesizes that (a) 2 primary dimensions are competence and warmth, (b) frequent mixed clusters combine high warmth with low competence (paternalistic) or high competence with low warmth (envious), and (c) distinct emotions (pity, envy, admiration, contempt) differentiate the 4 competence-warmth combinations. Stereotypically, (d) status predicts high competence, and competition predicts low warmth. Nine varied samples rated gender, ethnicity, race, class, age, and disability out-groups. Contrary to antipathy models, 2 dimensions mattered, and many stereotypes were mixed, either pitying (low competence, high warmth subordinates) or envying (high competence, low warmth competitors). Stereotypically, status predicted competence, and competition predicted low warmth.

/pdf/a-model-of-often-mixed-stereotype-content-competence-and-4lnqi6l7zn.pdf

A model of (often mixed) stereotype content: Competence and warmth respectively follow from perceived status and competition.

Language, Ethnicity and Intergroup Relations

All of us learn to play the various roles expected of us in each of the groups we belong to with few instances of conflict or interference. For example, most males are able to be, often simultaneously, a son, a husband, and a father with few signs of confusion. Even the additional role of son-in-law can in most cases be taken in stride. Multiple ethnicgroup membership, however, is a much more demanding instance of the same phenomenon: it is difficult to be both Jewish and Russian, or Algerian and French, or Polish and American, and this is so because the person involved realizes that two separate networks of valued people expect him to show unambiguous signs of allegiance to one group or the other. It is extremely painful to be caught in the influence spheres of two or more ethnic groups and to be 'tested' by members of one group or the other who demand evidence of one's true colors. Irving Child in 1943 studied the reactions of Italian young people living in a New England community to this type of dilemma (Child, 1943). They were confused about their identity: Were they Italian or American ? They had learned in childhood that whenever they displayed signs of their Italian background (that is, whenever they behaved as their parents had taught them to), they lost contact with other youngsters in the community. If, however, they ι ejected their background, they jeopardized the many satisfactions they derived from being Italian. Child noted three typical modes of adjusting to this conflict. Some rebelled against their Italian background and made themselves as American as possible. Some rebelled the other way, rejecting America as much as possible and proudly presenting themselves as Italian. The third type of adjustment was an apathetic withdrawal from thinking of themselves in ethnic terms of any sort. Those who took this alternative tried to avoid their

Language Attitudes in a French-American Community.

The disclosure of age-in-years in later life is a frequent characteristic of intergenerational talk among first-acquaintances. Qualitative analyses of particular sequences show that considerations of age and of appraised health/wellbeing are structurally interrelated in these disclosures. Through this relationship, chronological age can function as a token in the bilateral negotiation of age-identities in discourse. Despite its ritualised character, age-disclosure can impact significantly on elderly people's self-esteem and on cross-generation attitudes. Variably, at different points in the life-span, taboos and normative prescriptions are associated with both seeking and providing information about age. Personal experience (in the absence of empirical studies) suggests that children and adolescents are often asked to tell their age by distant relatives or new acquaintances, or have this information revealed for them by parents or guardians. Inquiring about age in these contexts, to the extent that it is more than ritualised, seems to be part of a signalling of engagement and perhaps nurturance by well-meaning adults interested in following the growth and development of the young. In the middle years of life, age-in-years, and perhaps all discussion of own age, drops out of unmarked usage, appearing to feature predominantly in mockdenigrating remarks about the passing of time, references to the unwanted arrival of birthdays, commercially promoted through the greetings-card industry. Age-talk finds its place as part of a broad spread of ageist constructions in Western society across several domains — literature (Berman and Sobkowska-Ashcroft, 1986), humour (Palmore, 1971), magazine fiction (Martel, 1968), television drama and commercials (Kubey, 1980). The admixture of fear, reticence and regret with which, facetiously or 01655-4888/89/0009-0129 $2.00 Text 9 (2) (1989), pp. 129-151 © Mouton de Gruyter 130 Nikolas Coupland, Justine Coupland and Howard Giles not, many middle-aged adults appear to represent their own ageing, and the consequent teasing and chiding of those whose ageing comes up for review, undoubtedly form part of the interactional means by which negative images of ageing and the elderly are reproduced (cf. Kenwood, N. Coupland, J. Coupland and Giles, submitted). Images crassly invoked here amount to a checklist of negative elderly stereotypes: frailty, sexual inactivity, incompetence, grouchiness, unsociability, and so on (Braithwaite, 1986; Giles, N. Coupland, Kenwood, Harriman and J. Coupland (in press); Stewart and Ryan, 1982). Within this calendar-marking tradition and associated discourses, personal life-spans are viewed as incremented scales with natural boundaries which are bench-marks to decrement: physical, social and socio-psychological (cf. Branco and Williamson, 1982; N. Coupland and J. Coupland, in press b). Decade-boundaries seem to have a particular salience in this respect, as do transitions from one generational category to another (parent to grandparent, for example). On the other hand, in old age, the life-span territory we explore in this paper, age-in-years re-surfaces from its underground life. The data we draw on, from two audio-recorded contexts, confirm the prevalence of disclosing chronological age (DCA) among at least some elderly groups. Given the pejorative associations of advancing age among younger groups (as we have speculatively sketched them), we are led to ask why elderly DCA might be not only tolerated but positively construed on occasions. The particular aim of the paper is therefore to consider the social functioning of DCA in context, and to achieve this through examining the discursive sequences and routines through which, in our data, age-disclosure is managed. Our interpretations are couched in terms of age-identity, and more particularly the various elderly-identifications that DCA can encode. For this reason, we begin with a brief consideration of the diverse literatures that have been concerned with age-identity and age-marking in later life. Approaches to age-identity An early experimental psychological tradition (for example, Tuckman and Lorge, 1954; Riley and Foner, 1968) was concerned to assess elderly self-concepts, and found a common tendency for ageing people to 'deny' their elderliness, judging themselves as younger than their chronological age in years. More recent research has explored different interpretations of such age-categorizations (see, for example, Guptill, 1969; Mutran and Burke, 1979), though methodological criticisms have also been made (cf. Telling age in later life 131 Breytespraak and George, 1979). A recent, more global 'life-position indicator' is Rubin and Rubin's (1982; 1986) index of'contextual age', a questionnaire-based measure aggregating objective and subjective dimensions of elderly people's health, mobility, finances, social networks, and other variables. On the other hand, symbolic interactionists (see, for example, Spence, 1986) and Meadian theorists (Chappell and Orbach, 1986) have argued for studying the ageing self as process rather than in static terms. It is this tradition of concern for 'identity-in-the-world' (Ainley and Redfoot, 1982) which is most receptive to the discourse analytic approaches to identity that Potter and others (Potter 1988; Potter and Wetherell, 1987) have argued for. (For a more detailed review, see J. Coupland, N. Coupland, Giles and Kenwood, in press) Still, linguistic studies of age-categories and age-references are rare. There have been some literary and dictionary analyses (Berman and Sobkowska-Ashcroft, 1986; Covey, 1988), and occasional experimental studies (for example, Nuessel, 1982; Rodin and Langer, 1980). Barbato and Feezel (1987) asked people in three age-bands (17-44, 45-64, 65 + years) to rate a list of 10 terms referring to an elderly person on five semantic differential scales. Predictably, terms including 'senior citizen', 'retired person' and 'mature American' were more favourably perceived than, for example, 'elderly', Old', and Old folks'; there were few differences between the responses of different age-groups. Research of this sort needs to confront the criticisms (for instance of Potter and Wetherell, 1987, ch. 6) that group-attributes and even social categories themselves are not static givens, and can be constructed out of the socio-psychological needs and goals of interactants in discourse. As a result, the objective of obliterating ageist terms from the language (Oyer and Oyer, 1976) may be misguided, ignoring the essential creativity of group-attributions and hence ageism in context, and their consequent resistance to change (cf. Singh, Lele and Martohardjono, 1988; Snyder, 1981). In a recent paper (J. Coupland, N. Coupland, Giles and Henwood, in press), we have attempted to overview the range of processes by means of which age-identity is marked, variably and negotiatively, in intergenerational talk. We have identified two broad categories of such processes. First, 'Age-Categorisation Processes', subsuming direct and indirect references to the elderly participant's group-membership, time of life, generational role, etc., identification of frailty and age-associable problematical circumstances (cf. N. Coupland, J. Coupland, Giles, Henwood and Wiemann, 1988), and the disclosure of chronological age. As a second general set, we consider 'Temporal Framing Processes', which include the adding of a time-past perspective to current issues (cf. Boden and Bielby, 1986), elderly people self-associating with the past, and the 132 Nikolas Coupland, Justine Coupland and Howard Giles recognising of historical/cultural/social change. Intergenerational talk in the first-acquaintance interactions under investigation was in fact imbued with interweaving age-identity-marking processes under these headings, though highly specific contextualisation possibilities and implications are associated with each dimension. Our earlier overview has been unable to explore the sequential characteristics of each of these processes in individual sequences of talk, though it is, we argue, at this level that interpretive inferences of goals and consequences are most secure. It is against this background that, in the present paper, we examine the management of chronological age-disclosure as a particular and particularly focused means of negotiating elderly identity in conversation.

Telling age in later life: Identity and face implications

Previous work suggests that standard dialects assume their prestige over other language varieties not because they are linguistically or aesthetically superior, but because of historical, cultural norms. An empirical investigation lends this view support by showing that British listeners cannot differentiate evaluatively speech styles having distinct social meanings in Greece.

The Imposed Norm Hypothesis: A Validation.

This volume represents a unique contribution to the area of language attitudes research with its focus on how languages, dialects and accents induce us to form social judgments about people who use these forms.The essays attend to evaluations of speech styles across nations. No previous work has embraced this comparative perspective globally, but such a volume that situates language and attitude research in the 21st century is long overdue.The content is culturally diverse and showcases the work of eminent scholars across the globe. Each chapter brings its own theoretical interpretation to this field of study, and the book provides the reader with a plethora of models that extend our understanding of language attitudes.It is fitting that Cindy Gallois, who has incisively contributed to research on language attitudes over the past 30 years, provides an epilogue on the current state of language attitudes research.

Howard Giles

Papers

Language, Ethnicity and Intergroup Relations

Language Attitudes in a French-American Community.

Telling age in later life: Identity and face implications

The Imposed Norm Hypothesis: A Validation.

The social meanings of language, dialect and accent: international perspectives on speech styles