Showing papers in "American Politics Quarterly in 1975"
TL;DR: In these same precincts, the voters both know and care about the Watergate-and especially about the manner in which the man they elected to a second term is addressing himself to the scandal that has hit his party and his administration as discussed by the authors.
Abstract: Last fall, in suburban Ohio and Michigan precincts visited by Washington Post reporters, voters didn’t know or particularly care about the bugging of the Democratic headquarters at the Watergate... Today, in these same precincts, the voters both know and care about the Watergate-and especially about the manner in which the man they elected to a second term is addressing himself to the scandal that has hit his party and his administration.
81 citations
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors argue that socioeconomic variables, typically represented by measures of per capita income and other demographic factors such as urbanization and industrialization, have a greater impact on policy formation than political variables, such as the extent of two-party competition, the level of turnout in elections, legislative professionalism, and appointment.
Abstract: Students of policy-making in the American states have been engaged in an almost endless debate over the determinants of policy outputs. Do &dquo;socioeconomic&dquo; variables, typically represented by measures of per capita income and other demographic factors such as urbanization and industrialization, have a greater impact on policy formation than &dquo;political&dquo; variables, such as the extent of two-party competition, the level of turnout in elections, legislative professionalism, and appointment (see Dawson and Robinson, 1963; Hofferbert, 1966; Dye, 1966; Sharkansky, 1968a; Sharkansky and Hofferbert, 1969)?
40 citations
TL;DR: In this article, the authors propose an approach which not only includes the possibility that socialization contributes to stability, but also recognizes that change itself may be an equally frequent outcome of socialization.
Abstract: n the sixteen years since &dquo;political socialization&dquo; became a significant part of the working vocabulary of empirical social science (Hyman, 1959; Bulau et aI., 1959; Dennis, 1973), the term has connoted principally a device for building positive support for a political system. The usual model of the socialization process has been a maintaining one, in which the basic form of the political system is continuously reproduced in the minds of each maturing generation by those who immediately preceded it. But, as a colleague and one of the present authors have observed about political socialization theory: &dquo;We clearly require an approach which not only includes the possibility that socialization contributes to stability, but which also recognizes that change itself may be an equally frequent outcome of socialization&dquo; (Easton and Dennis, 1969: 47).
33 citations
TL;DR: The legal system-the institutions, processes, and officials responsible for making, administering, and enforcing the lawconsidered as a whole makes important functional contributions to our society and polity.
Abstract: The legal system-the institutions, processes, and officials responsible for making, administering, and enforcing the law-considered as a whole makes important functional contributions to our society and polity (Friedman, 1969). Those who make, administer, and enforce the law play active and important roles in regulating social relationships, resolving conflicts, and allocating goods, services, power, prestige, and other scarce
30 citations
TL;DR: A brief review of political socialization research reveals that instead of being uninterested in and insulated from political events, children may be one of the more affected segments of the population.
Abstract: he Watergate crisis clearly had an important effect on the U.S. political scene, ~ dramatically changing political opinion and the balance of political power. Less obvious, but perhaps more significant, is the possible long-term impact of the entire Watergate scandal on America’s future voters. A brief review of political socialization research reveals that instead of being uninterested in and insulated from political events, children may be one of the more affected segments of the population. Evidence is mounting that children, even in the early grade-school years, do attend to political information (e.g., Chaffee et al., 1970; Hawkins, 1974; Tolley, 1973). Moreover, several studies have shown that children at least as
29 citations
TL;DR: This paper assess the initial impact of the Watergate scandal on public attitudes toward the political system and investigate whether the onset of this major political scandal fostered a rise in political alienation, and they find that it has also resulted in a loss of faith in the integrity of the political order as a whole.
Abstract: Political cynicism has increased sharply over the last decade r (Miller and Miller, 1974). The Watergate affair has apparently heightened an already growing public suspicion of the honesty and sincerity of public officials, but whether it has also resulted in a loss of faith in the integrity of the political order as a whole remains unclear. This paper attempts to assess the initial impact of Watergate on public attitudes toward the political system. In particular, we shall investigate whether the onset of this major political scandal fostered a rise in political alienation. In doing so, we hope to illustrate some of the
25 citations
25 citations
TL;DR: The early phase of the Watergate scandals followed close on t heels of a critical year in the history of the young voter in the United States as discussed by the authors, the first in which the 18 to 20 year olds could vote, a social experiment that has yet to be adequately evaluated.
Abstract: T he early phase of the Watergate scandals followed close on t heels of a critical year in the history of the young voter in the United States. The 1972 presidential election was the first in which the 18 to 20 year olds could vote, a social experiment that has yet to be adequately evaluated. (See Beck and Jennings, 1969, for an anticipatory preinnovation assessment.) Although it is difficult to trace all the roots of the 18-year-old vote movement, it was part of a broad current of reformist political activism by American youth in the Vietnam War years-an effort that seemingly wound down to a dismal end in the landslide defeat of anti-war candidate George McGovern by President Richard Nixon.
23 citations
22 citations
TL;DR: In fact, there is considerable evidence that during early preadolescence the child's conception of government is embodied primarily in the president (see, e.g., this article ).
Abstract: A major thesis of political socialization research has been that preadolescence is a critical period in the development of children’s attitudes toward political figures and institutions, especially authority figures (for examples, see Hess and Torney, 1967; Easton and Dennis, 1969). No political figure seems to be as seminal in the political socialization process in this country as the president. In fact, there is considerable evidence that during early preadolescence the child’s conception of government is embodied primarily in the president (Easton and Dennis, 1969: 165-208; Hess and Easton, 1960: 632-644; Jaros, 1967: 368-387; Greenstein, 1960: 934-943). With few exceptions studies have revealed that presidents are typically viewed by children as warm, benign, and omnipotent; as a source of strength; and as a symbol of national pride. For example, Easton and Dennis (1969: 171 ) concluded that &dquo;From
16 citations
TL;DR: The criteria governing the selection of formal party leaders within the congressional party are discussed in this paper, but very little is known about the eligibility and initial selection of congressional party leaders, and little attempt has been made to extract meaning from the data we do have.
Abstract: Over the last several decades congressional party leaders have been the subject of a small but growing body of political science research. But while most studies of leadership have dealt with incumbent leaders-their role in the lawmaking process (Ripley, 1964, 1967; Oleszek, 1971), the sources of their power (Truman, 1959; Froman and Ripley, 1965; Jones, 1968), and the scope of their influence (Huitt, 1969, 1973; Fenno, 1973)-relatively few have addressed themselves to the question of eligibility and initial selection (but see Truman, 1959; Peabody, 1967; Polsby, 1969; Hinckley, 1970). We know very little in any precise fashion about the criteria governing the selection of formal party leaders within the congressional party. Furthermore, little attempt has been made to extract meaning from the data we do have. For example, Truman long ago predicted that the type of congressman most likely to be selected to a party leadership post was the ideological middle man or moderate. In his study of party
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors present an analysis of recent trends or developments in American electoral politics, which cast doubts on several long-held assumptions about electoral change and/or stability.
Abstract: Authors’ Note: This research was funded by the National Science Foundation, Grant GS-38156. The foundation bears no responsibility for the contents or conclusions expressed. uch of the recent literature on voting and elections focuses Mon electoral change and/or stability (Boyd, 1972; Brody and Page, 1972; Kessel, 1972; Natchez and Bupp, 1968; Pomper, 1971, 1972; RePass, 1971). Compelling interest in electoral change is not a recent phenomenon, but has existed almost continuously since the founding of the discipline. Recent trends or developments in American electoral politics, however, have cast doubts on several long-held assumptions about electoral change. The most visible of these developments
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors find that the nation is heading toward a free-floating politics, in which prediction is hazardous, continuities are absent, and governmental responsibility is impossible to fix.
Abstract: The research reported in this issue parallels other findings in implying a marked change in the character of American politics. These trends, perhaps phrased most graphically as &dquo;the onward march of party decomposition&dquo; (Burnham, 1970: ch. 5), may eventually bring the nation to a free-floating politics, in which prediction is hazardous, continuities are absent, and governmental responsibility is impossible to fix. The implications for meaningful democratic control are threatening. Despite their divergent foci and methods, the four articles presented here share certain conclusions. The most general finding is the greater variability of the vote, evident even in the
TL;DR: For example, the authors found that increased electoral instability associated with increased vote switching, partisan defection, ticket-splitting, and the rise of independents can be traced to the fundamental nature of the American electorate.
Abstract: Cew areas in political science have sparked such prolific research and few are as highly developed from an empirical and methodological perspective as the study of presidential voting. These developments reflect massive original data collection efforts by the Survey Research Center and Center for Political Studies at the University of Michigan and substantial dissemination capabilities through the Inter-University Consortium for Political Research. Yet there are few areas where debate has been so lively, largely over contending forces on the vote and the fundamental nature of the American electorate. This debate occurs largely within some consensual boundaries which point to greater electoral instability associated with increased vote switching, partisan defection, ticket-splitting, and the rise of independents. Many elements of debate, however, are murky due
TL;DR: In this article, the authors provide some possible Texplanations for the different levels of minority representation in state delegations to the last three national party conventions in the US presidential election.
Abstract: he major objective of this paper is to offer some possible Texplanations for the different levels of minority representation in state delegations to the last three national party conventions. American presidential campaigns provide high drama of a supersaturated intensity, and one of the focal points of that drama is the national convention. Indeed, this quadrennial exercise is one of the few reaffirmations that the national parties even exist at all. In spite of all the attention and commentary lavished on the conventions by the media, the polls and even the public, it is surprising how little noted and incompletely analyzed some of the most significant and far-reaching events of the conventions remain. (The landmark political science study of national conventions and the delegates is David et al., 1960; see also Soule and Clarke, 1970, 1971; McKeough and Bibby, 1968; McClosky et al., 1960; Munger and Blackhurst, 1965.) One such story that has waxed and waned every four years since 1964 is the account of conflict and changes within the
TL;DR: For instance, the authors argues that political scientists make relatively infrequent attempts to conunicate directly with nonacademic political actors and that the discipline's utility for political actors directly serves that end.
Abstract: merican political scientists make relatively infrequent Aattempts to conununicate directly with nonacademic political actors. Given what is believed to be our primary goal-a systematic construction of political reality-the discipline’s utility for political actors directly serves that end. Although utility is no prerequisite for good scholarship, in part its value may lie in its usefulness as a test of validity for what the political science community accepts as &dquo;knowledge.&dquo; Successful application increases our belief that we have at least begun the process of grounding our theories someplace other than in our colleagues’ heads. Political scientists rarely have stepped back to examine the
TL;DR: Breckenridge as mentioned in this paper provides a short and somewhat limited introduction to the American experience with presidential information control, including the history of information control under claims of &dquo;executive privilege.
Abstract: The fundamental nature of the questions surrounding the assertion of &dquo;executive privilege&dquo; remains even after the resignation of President Nixon and the decision by the Supreme Court in United States versus Nixon. The questions represented, and still represent, real disputes concerning the appropriate relationship between a president and Congress, as the central issue, and, less centrally, the relationship between the president and the Judiciary. The Executive Privilege is, then, a most timely addition to the recent popular and journalistic discussions of executive privilege and to the more general and scholarly discussions of the problems of executive control of information. Professor Breckenridge’s volume is a short and somewhat limited introduction to the American experience with presidential information control. The bulk of this rather slim volume consists of a consciously selective and illustrative history of the exercise of information control under claims of &dquo;executive privilege.&dquo; While the book does not attempt to exhaust the storehouse of assertions of executive privilege, the reader is introduced to the general range of instances in which presidents have made the claim, the nature of the controversies which ensued, and the general political implications of the controversies. Professor Breckenridge does not delve into the pre-constitutional roots