Showing papers in "Canadian Journal of Political Science in 1979"

Consociation and Federation: Conceptual and Empirical Links

Abstract: Des liens conceptuels et empiriques entre « consociation » et federation« Consociationalisme » et federalisme sont etroitement lies conceptuellement et empiriquement. Une societe pluraliste « consociationaliste » est egalement une federation (1) s'il y a concentration geographique des « segments » de la population, (2) si les frontieres des Etats membres recouvrent celles des « segments » et (3) si l'on retrouve les principes du federalisme, le partage des pouvoirs, le bicamerisme et la sur-representation de la minorite. La theorie du federalisme rassemble tous les principes de base du « consociationalisme », au moins d'une maniere embryonnaire surtout si l'on definit le federalisme d'une facon comprehensive qui englobe le federalisme non-territorial ou le federalisme « corporatiste ». Une federation est egalement une « consociation » (1) si elle est democratique, (2) si elle est pluraliste, (3) si on y retrouve les principes de la « grande coalition », du « veto » et de la « proportionnalite », (4) si elle est decentralisee, (5) si elle est asymetrique et (6) si elle renferme des Etats relativement nombreux et relativement petits. Il y a neuf modeles empiriques de federalisme et de « consociationalisme »: (1) les federations « consociationales », (2) les federations « non-consociationales », (3) les « consociations » non-federales, (4) les federations « semi-consociationales », (5) les « consociations » semi-federales, (6) les « semi-consociations » unitaires, (7) les « consociations » qui ne sont pas des federations « non-consociationales », (8) les « consociations » semi-federales a l'egard d'un clivage et unitaires a l'egard d'un autre et (9) les « consociations » qui combinent le federalisme territorial et « corporatiste ».

Male-Female Political Involvement Differentials in Canada, 1965–1974 *

Abstract: La participation politique des hommes et des femmes au Canada, 1965–1974Nous nous demandons si le niveau de participation politique des Canadiennes a augmente par rapport a celui des hommes entre 1965 et 1974, c'est-a-dire au cours de la montre des mouvements feministes. Nous fondant sur des sondages nationaux realises au moment des elections de 1965 et de 1974 utilisant differents indices de participation politique nous montrons que les femmes ont en effect comble l'ecart de participation entre les hommes et elles-memes, meme si des differences se maintiennent quant a certaines formes de participation. Nous prenons en consideration plusieurs hypotheses qui tentent d'expliquer les differents niveaux de participation politique feminine. Nous verifions ces hypotheses a l'aide d'une methode d'analyse appropriee. Quelques conclusions fondamentales se degagent de ces tests, notamment: (1) certaines categories de femmes participaient autant que les hommes des 1965 et certaines depassaient meme les hommes; (2) les categories de femmes dont le niveau de participation politique etait le plus bas en 1965 ont connu la plus forte augmentation de participation de 1965 a 1974 (en particulier parmi les Franco-Quebecoises); et (3) l'hypothese selon laquelle la participation politique feminine est reliee a sa participation au monde du travail n'est vraie que pour les femmes de carriere. Les donnees des sondages ne nous permettent malheureusement pas de conclure que l'augmentation de la participation feminine decoule directement de l'influence des mouvements feministes. Les modeles de participation feminine dont vous disposons indiquent neanmoins que ces mouvements ne sont pas negligeables.

A Note on the Ambiguous Meanings of Survey Research Measures Which Use the Words “Left” and “Right”

Abstract: Perhaps the most important concept in wide use by social scientists for the analysis of political attitudes and behaviour has been the left-right dimension. Not surprisingly therefore, the terms “left” and “right” themselves have been used in survey research on public opinion in Canada, and have subsequently been central to the data analysis of several recent articles on Canadian politics. Important to these papers has been the assumption that the terms “left” and “right” are understood by the average Canadian in such a manner that data gathered in response to questions using these terms will be valid. This paper argues that this assumption is mistaken.

The Plural Society and the Western Political Tradition

Abstract: When an academic first contemplates the choice of a possible subject for a presidential address to a highly diversified association, he (or she) is faced with certain options One may select a topic that is reasonably familiar This is safe, but it risks losing, or boring beyond endurance, that portion of the audience whose presence for the occasion stems more from loyalty to the association than to its president for the time being An alternative is to choose a wider or more speculative theme on which one can claim no profound knowledge, relying on conventions of civility and tolerance that permit the utterance of sweeping generalities on these occasions such as would not pass without challenge in more scholarly settings This option may provide rather thin intellectual nourishment, but its very boldness may provoke a certain curiosity in the audience as an antidote to boredom I confess that I have found this second

The National Policy Tariffs: Industrial Underdevelopment Through Import Substitution

Abstract: A central preoccupation of the new wave of Canadian political economists has been the relative international weakness of Canada's contemporary industrial structure. This is scarcely surprising given the historical context in which their work has found its inspiration. The last decade's economic dislocations have revealed clearly the structural problems of branch plant manufacturing-technological dependence, export impotence, market fragmentation, and, finally, an alarming trend towards deindustrialization. Whereas earlier writers had focussed on the physical achievements of an industrialization process which they saw, either approvingly' or disapprovingly,2 as being the artificial creation of the politics of the National Policy tariffs,3 the new dependency school highlighted the gaps and limitations in this strategy.

Comment: Federation, Consociation, Corporatism—An Addendum to Arend Lijphart *

Abstract: Arend Lijphart has launched a stimulating line of inquiry by calling attention to certain affinities between consociational democracy and federalism (above, pages 499–515), but in my opinion the analysis can become still more interesting if we introduce a third element to the comparison. I refer to the rapidly burgeoning literature of the past five years around the phenomena that have been variously and rather tentatively labelled as “neo-corporatism,” “societal corporatism” or “liberal corporatism.” The purpose of this brief note is not to evaluate nor even to summarize that literature, but to draw attention to certain points of contact between the patterns that it describes and the consociational and federal models discussed above. In making this tripartite comparison we may be led to examine more carefully the significance of alternative sites or arenas for making policy and resolving conflicts, and the different patterns and strategies of bargaining appropriate to different sites.

Public Interest Groups and Public Policy: The Case of the Consumers' Association of Canada

Abstract: Tous les groupes d'interet a base populaire ont a faire face e certains problemes comme la dependance financiere, une legitimite douteuse et la difficuite de determiner des priorites bien precises. Ils possedent cependant an moins tin element deforce : la legitimite qu'ils soutirent de leur pretention de representer d'une maniere desinteressee l'interet general. Quelques groupes d'interet peuvent utiliser a fond cette pretention et surmonter au moins partiellement leurs desavantages.Les types de groupes d'interet a base populaire se placent dans un continuum: d'un cote il y a les groupes qui ont des objectifs diffus et des membres varies et de l'autre cote il y a les groupes de « commettants » qui ont des objectifs relativement bien definis et des membres actifs. De tels groupes peuvent avoir recours an moins a l'une des trois strategies suivantes: « l'accommodement », c'est-e-dire collaborer officieusement avec le gouvernement et les entreprises privees: « le plaidoyer juridique », c'est-a-dire faire appel aux tribunaux et aux organismes de contro'le et « le plaidoyer populaire », c'est-a-dire mobiliser certains secteurs de la population autour de questions precises et lourdes emotivement tout en situant ces questions dans une perspective politique et sociale plus vaste.L'Association des consommateurs du Canada est un exemple de ces mouvements populaires qui n 'ont pas tellement reussi a influencer les decisions politiques soit par la strategie de « l'accommodement » ou par celle du « plaidoyer juridique ». Les groupes « de commettants » par ailleurs sont portes vers la strategie du « plaidoyer populaire » parfois parellelement aux autres tactiques. De tels groupes peuvent se regrouper a la fois pour atteindre des huts restreints et pour revendiquer des changements plus comprehensifs, ce qui renforce la position de l'ensemble des mouvements populaires.

The Politics of Nationalization

Abstract: Nous nous penchons sur la politique d'etatisation a l'aide de la decision en 1975 du gouvernement neo-democrate de la Saskatchewan de prendre en main l'industrie de la potasse. Cette decision ne correspond pas aux normes regissant l'intervention de l'Etat en Amerique du Nord puisqu'il s'agit de la premiere nationalisation d'une industrie vaste et rentable dans le secteur de la production de marchandises. Nous analysons les reactions de deux milieux, les Etats-Unis et le gouvernement federal a la decision de nationaliser l'industrie de la potasse durant la periode qui va de l'annonce de la decision (novembre 1975) a la premiere entente pour l'achat d'une mine de potasse appartenant a des interets americains (aout 1976).Nous avons trouve qu'en depit d'une opposition initiate bruyante, les societes multinationals, le gouvernement americain et le gouvernement federal canadien ont accepte la decision. Nous montrons quels furent les principaux adversaires de la politique d'etatisation et nous expliquons comment ils se sont adaptes a cette mesure en analysant la facon dont on a tenu compte des interets economiques en presence: des garanties d'approvisionnement pour le gouvernement americain, un rendement honorable pour les investissements des societes multinationales et la sauvegarde de l'impot de base pour le gouvernement federal. Le capitalisme ne peut done plus etre identifie a la propriete privee inalienable ou a la concurrence sauvage. On doit au contraire le rattacher de plus en plus a un systeme economique domine par les oligopoles a la fois prives et publics et marque par la reglementation des echanges. L'Etat joue maintenant un role economique important, il ne se limite pas a l'intervention indirecte, c'est-a-dire a la reglementation mais il a recours a l'intervention directe dans la production. Les societes multinationales ont du modifier leur strategie d'ensemble en abandonnant l'idee de la propriete privee de tous les moyens de production au profit de la collaboration avec les entreprises publiques. Dans ce contexte l'etatisme en Saskatchewan n'est pas et n'etait pas en realite une question purement ideologique. L'avenir de l'etatisation en tant que politique gouvernementale depend, du moins en partie, de la facon dont on concilie les interets economiques menaces par le transfert de propriete.

Political Community and the Canadian Experience: Reflections on Nationalism, Federalism, and Unity

Abstract: One may wonder whether there is another alternative to cosmopolitanism than the political philosophy of Plato and Aristotle who taught that the natural political community is, not the nation, but the city; the nation would thus appear as a half-way house between the polis and the cosmopolis, and any attempt to bring out the truth underlying nationalism but not adequately expressed by nationalism, would have to be guided by the insight embodied in the classical preference for the polis over against cosmopolis. -Leo Strauss

Quebec's “Holy War” as “Regime” Politics: Reflections on the Guibord Case

Abstract: La derniere partie du XIXe siecle au Quebec a ete marquee par la querelle de l'ultramontanisme et du liberalisme que l'on appelle parfois la « guerre sainte». Cette querelle s'est meme deroulee devant les tribunaux a travers certains proces. L'un d'eux dut determiner si l'Eglise avait le droit de priver Joseph Guibord d'un enterrement religieiix parce qu'il avait ete membre de l'Institut canadien, societe de pensee de tendance liberale combattue par l'eveque Bourget. Avant que le Comite judiciaire du Conseil prive ne rende sa decision en 1874, neuf opinions juridiques differentes furent emises, representant un ensemble de point-de-vue et refletant la complexite tant politique que juridique de l'affaire. Nous etudions ces decisions et nous montrons qu'aucune n'est satisfaisante. Nous supposons que la difficulte de cette affaire decoule d'un element cache, notamment les normes d'attribution des honneurs et du descredit. Nous nous servons de cette affaire pour montrer que cette « querelle religieuse » peut-etre percue comme une bataille sur le regime politique lui-meme.

John Locke: Between God and Mammon

Abstract: Locke est-il un proto-capitaliste ou est-il un neo-puritain poursuivant sa vocation avec application? Voila deux interpretations fecondes de l'element central de sa theorie politique. Ces deux conceptions ont naturellement leurs avantages et leurs limites. D'une part, il n'y a rien dans son oeuvre qui nous indique que Locke croyait a l'accumulation indeterminee ou a une rationalite qui justifie les differences de classes. Ainsi la these de l'appropriation individuelle perd de sa valeur. D'atitre part, la notion de vocation est complexe, elle a evolue considerablement et elle comporte un certain nombre de points divergents. Locke s'appuie sur differents aspects de cette notion et il lui apporte ses propres changements. Il concoit la vocation comme un travail et il attache beaucoup d'importance a ses avantages economiques. Par vote de consequence, une interpretation de la pensee de Locke qui reposerait en grande partie sur les aspects religieux de sa pensee serait probablement trompeuse.L'individualisme proprietaire chez Locke est tire de l'individualisation extreme de la responsabilite laquelle se retrouve dans la doctrine de la vocation, mais Locke cherche a joindre cette responsabilite a la notion de l'utilite du travail et aux exigences de l'efficacite economique. Il recherchait a la fois des « espoirs reconfortants » de bonheur dans un monde futur et une traversee dece monde calme et prospere. Locke voulait servir deux maitres et on ne pent comprendre sa theorie politique si l'on ne tient compte que de l'un d'eux.

The Reality versus the Ideal: J. S. Mill's Treatment of Women, Workers, and Private Property

Abstract: In some respects, John Stuart Mill appeared ready to participate in, at times even to inaugurate, a new vision of society, to respond positively and creatively to the emerging social forces of his time. In other respects, however, he was clearly trapped by the traditional influences of his society, held back in the grasp of a political thought which soon would be out of step with much of the world's experience. The dual nature of Mill's theory is reflected in the two strands which mark his political and social thought: the radical and the reformist. Mill has with just cause been called a socialist and a feminist, and in his work there is the root of a theory which could have laid the basis for a transformation of society; yet in the final analysis, the reformist strand triumphs and Mill's theory becomes one of justification. This is not a sudden switch; the two strands travel together throughout Mill's lifetime of writing: side by side there is the passionate call for freedom with the fear of anarchy, the defence of equality and the disdain of mediocrity. Between these two strands lies the buffer of his economic theory, holding the ideal society in abeyance. Private property and the family together represent stability and continuity, but adhering to them compels Mill to reject-unconsciously, perhaps-the radical strand of his theory. There is a clear conflict between Mill's abstract vision of the good society and the kind of society which would likely derive from his proposals concerning the actual treatment of women and workers. This contrast can be traced at least in part to Mill's commitment to private property. He failed to see that that system of property, as he himself defined it, was inconsistent with, even antithetical to, his own version of the good society. Conforming to traditional political economy in his stress on what he considered to be the positive nature of private property, he was unable to develop a more radically-directed theory which would have been more in harmony with his views on equality and self-development.

The Least Advantaged Class in Rawls's Theory

Abstract: In A Theory of Justice, John Rawls posits an original position as an Archimedean point for devising the principles ofjustice (260ff.).2 On his argument the principles consistent with the strictures of the original position are those of justice because no effort has been spared in conceiving of the original position as impartial to all concerned interests. In other words, principles it would be reasonable to choose were we placed in such an original position-these are the principles of justice. Because it is impartial, the original position is fair, and fairness is the litmus test of justice. Together with its necessary adjuncts, the original position is the fulcrum for much of the purchase of Rawls's theory. Not surprisingly then, it has been the centre of a very great deal of attention in the aporetic cacophony which has greeted the theory of Rawls. Prominent among the features comprising the original position is the requirement that each participant in it would be unaware of "his fortune in the distribution of natural assets and abilities, his intelligence and strength, and the like" (137). Required to settle on principles of justice to resolve their disputes and to govern their conduct, persons in the original position would not be able to advocate principles advantaging their peculiar constitution of assets and abilities (139-40).

Overwhelming Majorities in the Legislature of Alberta

Abstract: Alberta is a fascinating case study for anyone interested in voting behaviour. Since its inception as a province in 1905, it has had only four different party governments-the Liberals to 1921, the United Farmers of Alberta from 1921 to 1935, the Social Credit from 1935 to 1971 and the Conservatives since then. Even more interesting is the fact that in over half of the elections the winning party received more than 50 per cent of the popular vote, as seen in Table 1. The exceptions are the Liberals towards the end of their tenure and the UFA who never received more than 41 per cent of the vote. The Social Credit won an absolute majority in six of the nine elections between 1935 and 1967. The Conservatives won with 46 per cent of the vote in 1971 but raised this to 62 per cent in 1975. In terms of seats, the dominance is even clearer, due of course to maldistribution and the winner-take-all rule for constituency contests. There has never been a minority government in Alberta. The lowest percentage of seats held by the government was 62 per cent by the UFA in 1930, while the typical figures are in the 70,80 and even 90 percentiles. Little wonder then that in a survey book on provincial politics in Canada the essay on Alberta is entitled "Alberta: One Party Dominance."' The Alberta case is of special interest in that it is in apparent conflict with the predictions of the size principle from the theory of the minimum winning coalition. This literature originates in that sphere of political science called by its adherents positive political theory, and is distinguished by its attempts to deduce political behaviour from a prior set of axioms. One hypothesis originating with this approach is that of the minimum winning coalition. In social situations capable of being modelled along game theoretic lines, participants will create coalitions,

L'administration québécoise de 1867 à 1900: un Etat en formation*

Abstract: The growth of the activities of the state of Quebec from 1867 to 1900 is examined in light of expectations drawn from theoretical and empirical studies pertaining to other states. Contrary to these expectations, the state in Quebec during these years gave a low priority to the police function and was very slow to organize revenue collection on a sound basis. Instead, high priority went to railway construction, to the administration of justice (other than the police) and to education. This pattern of intervention is said to be due to the difficult economic situation which prevailed from 1873 to 1896, to the uncertainties of the new federal system and to the constraints issuing from the laisser-faire ideology and the power of the Church. Given the major objective of economic development and these constraints, the choice of strategies open to governments was limited.Also examined in this article is the administrative system created to carry out these activities. The governments of these years did little to change the system which they inherited from the United Canadas. Although it was not complex, this system did call on a wide variety of professional talent in the civil service. The civil servants were relatively well off in terms of salary and hours of work but, in political terms, they had little power. Here, as in the case of expanding state activities, progress was far from being continuous.